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DIARY OF

GIDEON WELLES

IN THBEB VOLUMES

VOLUME in

^wi

DIARY OF

GIDEON WELLES

BBCBETTABT OV THB NATT UNDBB
LINCOLN AND JOHNSON

WnS AN INTBODUCTION BY JOHN T. MOBSE, JB.
WITH nXUSIBATIONS

vounsK in

JANUABY 1, 1867— JUNE 6, 1860

B09ION AlTD MIW TOBK
HODOHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY

-773.7

V.5

■ i .

COmUORT, 1909, AND .V^O, . BY BDGAR T. WKLLBS

COPYKXOBT, 191 1, BT BDOAR T. WKLLBS AND HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMFANT

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ALL RIGHTS BBSBRVBD

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CONTENTS

XLV

JANUARY, 1867

C|d>inet IMscussion of t)ie Message vetoing tlie Distiict of ColumbU
Reorganisation Bill — The Bay of Saman^ Purchase Scheme meets
with Difficulties — Congress overrides the Veto — Representative
Ashley of Ohio introduces a Resolution to impeach the President —
Seward submits to the Cabinet the Articles of a Proposed Treaty
^th Prussia — An Anmesty Proclamation agreed upon — The
President asks the Opinions of the Cabinet Members in regard to
Territorialising the States — Senator Grimes as Chairman of the
Naval Committee — General Grant's Position on the Dbtrict of Co-
lumbia Suffrage Bill — His Lack of Political Principles — The Sen-
atorial Fight in Pennsylvania results in the Nomination of Cam-
eron — Rosooe Conkling nominated in New York — Cabinet Dis-
cussion of the Right of a Territory to organise itself as a State —
The Senatorial Elections — Conkling, Cameron, and Trumbull —
The Italian and Chilian Missions — Motley resigns as Minister to
Austria — Seward's Calls at the Capitol — The Cabinet decides
not to sell out the Dunderberg to the Contractor — The Swatara re-
turning from Nice with Surratt — Action of the House in regard to
the Ship Idaho — The President vetoes the Colorado and Nebraska
Bills — The Army moving to get Possession of the Indian Bureau —
A Committee from North Carolina submits a Reconstruction Pro-
posal to the President. 3

XLVI
FEBRUARY, 1867

The Circumstances attending Motley's Rerignation discussed in Cab-
inet — The North Carolina Plan published in the Richmond Papers
— The Matter of the R R Cuyler, bought by the Colombian Gov-
ernment and seized by the United States — Failure of the Saman^
Negotiations — Thaddeus Stevens's Proposal to establish Military
Governments in the Southern States opposed in the House — Banks
leads the Opposition — Stanton's Sensational Report on the En-
forcement of the Civil Rights Act — Plain Talk with the President
about Stanton — Stevens's Bill passes the House — Sherman's Sub-
stitute adopted in the Senate — The House makes Further Amend-
ments — Impeachment discussed in the Cabinet — The Tenure-of-
Office Bill condemned in the Cabinet 34

vi C50NTENTS

XLVII

MARCH, 1867

Seward and Stanton prepare the Veto Message on the Tenure-of-Offioe
Bill — Vetoes of this and the Military Government Bill sent in —
Reverdy Johnson's Extraordinaiy Course — Butler's Animosity
towards Grant — The Chances of Impeachment — The Close of
One Congress and the Beg^ning of Another — The Powers of the
Military Governors — The President's Exclamation in regard to
Impeachment — Ex-Congressman Law of Indiana on Andrew
Johnson — The President's Reticence — Randall's Conciliatory At-
titude towards the Radicals — Stanton apparently to select the
Military Governors — Sickles among the Generals chosen as Gov-
ernors — Wall Street's Influence in Congress — The Alaska Pur-
chase Treaty — Death of Charles Eames — His Career — Senator
Foster and the Austrian Mission — No Opposition to the Russian
Treaty in the Cabinet — The ex-Confederate Admiral of the Peru-
vian Navy to be saluted by American Officers — Indian A£fairs —
The President wishes to offer the Austrian Mission to General
Blair — Judge Blair's Story of the Action of General Grant and
General Dick Taylor against Seward and Stanton — Private Secre-
tary Moore's Relations with Stanton — Congress refuses to adjourn
— The Alaskan Treaty rigned — Seward tells ex-Minister Bigelow
how he shaped Lincoln's Cabinet 54

XLVIII

APRIL AND MAY, 1867

Union Success in the Connecticut Election — Seward seeks to reward a
Political Trimmer with the Cuban Consul-^eneralship — The Pre-
sident receives Word that an Injunction against him is to be asked
from the Supreme Court — Conversation with General Butler on
Public Affairs — The Senate confirms the Alaska Purchase Treaty

— Attempts to fill the Cuban Consul-Generalship — Admiral
Goldsborough seeks through his Wife to be retained on the Active
List -^ Senator Wilson electioneering in the South — Thaddeus
Stevens denies Wilson's Authority to make Promises — Governor
English of Connecticut — Most of his Message to the Legislature
written by Secretary Welles — A Delegation of Japanese visits the
President — The House Judiciary Committee seeking Evidence on
which to impeach — McCulloch talks plainly to the IVesident about
Stanton — The French buying War Vessels in the United States

— Seward considers acquiring Snake Island in the West Indies —
Wilkes Booth's Diary — The Price of the Danish West Indies —
Attorney-General Stanbery examining the Military Government ^
Act — The Indian Troubles — The Japanese conclude to buy the '*
Ship Stonewall — The President to visit North Carolina . . • • 77

CONTENTS vii

JUNE, 1867

Tlie President goes to North Carolina, accompanied by Seward and
' Randall — Chief Justice Chase to hold Court in North Carolina —
The Judiciary Committee decides against Impeachment but reports
a Resolution of Censure against the President — A Visit to the Naval
Academy with Admiral Farragut — Parting with Farragut — Far-
ragut the Great Hero of the War — Sheridan's Removal of Gov-
ernor Wells oi Louisiana — Stanbery's Liberal Interpretation of the
Biilitary Government Act — Talk with Governor Pease of Texas —
A Faction in Colombia proposes to tax Foreign Residents — Sew-
ard's Presidential Ambitions and Crase for the Acquisition of Ter-
nUay — Tlie Attorney-General's Opinion on the Reconstruction
Bills an Able Document — Mrs. Goldsborough presses the Admir-
al's Claims to Retention on the Active List — The President invites
Secretary Welles to accompany him on a Journey to Boston —
Cabinet Discussion of the Attorney-General's Opinion on the Mili-
tary Government Law — Commander Roe's Action in seising
Santa Anna — The President starts for Boston — The Publication
of Cabinet Proceedings — Sheridan's Insubordination — The
President's Faltering Conduct — His Administration a Failure —
General Sickles's Letter against the Secretary of the Navy — The
President courteously received in New Englaxid — Grant's Probable
Candidacy — Montgomery Blair's Opinion of Grant as a General
— Admiral Farragut sails for Europe with two of the Secretary's
Sons accompanying him — Conversation with the President on his
Return from the South 101

JULY, 1807

Seward proposes to purchase Two Islands from Denmark for S7,400,000
— Cabinet Discussion of Sheridan's Letter to Grant — Maximilian
shot in Mexico — Congress meets in Extra Session — General Hal-
leck proiKwed as Commissioner to go to Alaska — Seward justifies
Commander Roe in the Capture of Santa Anna — Stanton ignores
the President in addressing a Conmnmication directly to the
Speaker of the House — Reconstruction Bill passed — The Influ-
ence of Seward and Stanton on the Administration — Conversation
with a Memb^ of the British Parliament on Constitutions and Re-
construction — The President vetoes the Reconstruction Bill with-
out consulting the Cabinet — Congress passes a Resolution of Sym-
{Mithy with Cretan Insurrectionists — General Banks calls to urge a
Removal and an Appointment — The President's Leniency in Mat-
ters of Pardon — iVoops sent to Tennessee — Grant's Change of
Views — General Rousseau proposed for Sheridan's Place — Prcn

viii CONTENTS

poeal to appoint Frederick Douglass to the Head of the Freedmen's
Bureau — The President receives Papers revealing a CJonspiracy
to manufacture Evidence against him — Sheridan removes Gov-
ernor Throckmorton of Texas and appoints E. M. Pease in his Place

— McCulloch discouraged at the Political Outlook 124

AUGUST, 1867

The President consults with his Cabinet as to the Advisability of
removing Sheridan — The Conover Allegations — McCulloch'a
Compromises — His Great Ability as a Financier — Grant depre-
cates the Removal of Sheridan — Grant going over to the Radicals
— Conversation with the President as to the Possibility of Stanton's
Retirement — Postmaster-General Randall asks for Leave of Ab-
sence — The President requests Stanton to resign — Stanton re-
fuses — The Tenure-of-Office Act in Relation to the Question of
Stanton's Removal — Randall's Shakiness — Thurlow Weed's At-
tack on Chase — Secretary Wdles advises the President to remove
Judge-Advocate-Greneral Holt with Stanton and to appoint one of
the Blairs Secretary of War — The President discusses the Matter
with Montgomery Blair — The Jury in the John H. Surratt Case
disagrees — The President suspends Stanton and appoints General
Grant ad interim — General Sickles prohibits Civil Process in his
Military Department — Alleged Conspiracy against Judge-Advo-
cate-General Holt — Stanton's Dismissal makes Little Commotion

— Correspondence between the President and General Grant re-
lative to the Removal of Sheridan — Conversation with Grant on
the Subject of Reconstruction — A Political Ignoramus — General
Sickles announces his Intention of obstructing the United States
Court — Passage between Grant and Assistant Attorney-General
Binckley in Cabinet — Suspicions in regard to Randall — A Reor-
ganization of the Cabinet talked of in the Papers — Conversation
with Montgomery Blair about Grant — Grant, insubordinate in
Cabinet, is rebuked by the President — The President's Strength
and Weaknesses 149

LII

SEPTEMBER, 1867

Grant's Insubordination — Form of a Proclamation of General Pardon
— Newspaper Rumors of DifiFerences between the President and
Grant — Amnesty proclaimed — Newspaper Reports of an In-
tended Prorogation of Congress in case of an Attempt at Impeach-
ment — Exercises at the Antietam Battle-Field — Governor Geary's
Followers try to turn the Affair into a Radical Demonstration —
Death of Sir Frederick Bruce — The President consults with Lewis

^CONTENTS iz

V. Bogy of St Louig^teemlAh Q. ^ads as «d Adviser of tfaa
Ptaident -- Thfr Case of Pa^FiMMter adtspa^
elada diacoflMd in Gabinel — Creneral Sickles asks for a Court oi
Inquiry — Tbe Quertion of the Po¥rar of State and Municipal
Courts to diBciiaif^ Men enlisted ip! the United States Service —
The Attorney-General consulted on the Subject — The Matter d]»«
eoBsed in Cabinet — Stanbeiy's Views pa to the Habeas Corpus
Writ «^ Admiral Gkxioa on the Naval Battb at Fort Royal • • • 193

LHI

OCTOBER, 1867

Attorney-General Stanbery reads his Opinion on the Habeas Corpus
Case — The President calls General' Sherman to Washington —
Colonel Cooper on the Pofitical Situation in New York State — A
Sketch of Party Politics in New Yorlc -^ James A. Beddon's Api^-
cation for Pardon — Governor Cox of Ohio mentioned for the War
Portfolio — General Blair's Qualificationis for the Position — Sher-
man's Relations with Grant -^ £lecti6n Returns from Pennsylvania
and Ohio indicate an Overthrow of the Radicals — The President
has a Fnxik Talk with Grant, who assures him that he should ex-
pect to obey Orders — Boutwdl disavows any Intention of attempt-
ii^ to arrest the Preddent 218

NOVEMBER AND DECEMBER, 1867

Cabinet Discussion of the Question of Arrest — The President's Mes-
sage — The Judiciary Committee of the House reports in favor of
Impeachment — The Preddent's Message to the Senate giving Rea-
sons for suspending Stanton — The Alabama Clums discussed in
Cabinet — A Complaint from Alabama against General Pope's Op-
pression — Grant's Presidential Aspirations — Senator Nye intro-
duces a Bin to establish a Board of Survey to supervise the Naval
Bureaus — Admiral Porter thought to be behind it — Porter's
Services and Ambition — Thurlow Weed moving for Grant — The
Retirement of Captain R. W. Meade, U.S.N., called up for Re-
vision — Raymond and the Philadelphia Convention . • • • . 237

JANUARY, 1868

Senator Grimes wishes to reorganize the Engineer Corps of the Navy —
Jealousy between the Line Officers and the Engineers — The Indian
"War" — Stanton's Case in Congress — Charles Francis Adams
lesigDs the Ministry to England -r The President considers appoint-

X CONTENTS

log General l^cGKOan to tiie PlAoe — John Shertnan'B Instability

— Grant leaves the War Department «-* Hla Explanation of lidbi
Coorae, made in Cabinet — Will Stanton resign? — The Naral
Estimates and the House Committee on Appropriations — Grant
keeps away from the White House — Mrs. WdJes's Reception «—
Grant's Interriew with Stanton — The Political Situation in Ooo-
necticut — Grant writes the President denying the Reports of his
Action in abandoning his Position as Secretary of War ad itUerim . 252

LVI

FEBRUARY, 1868

Grant's treachery -— Conversation with the President on the Subject
of Preparation for an Emergency — Proposal to make Washington
a Militaiy Dqwrtment and order Sherman to it — Excitement over
the CorTeq;)ondence between the President and Grant — Grant's
Account ci his Interview with Stanton — Grant's DisUke for and
Subjecticm to Stanton — His Indifference to Human life — Stan->
ton goading the Radicals to Impeachment — He dreads bdng out
of Place — The President sends to the House the Account of his In*
terview with Grant, with the Statements of the Cabinet Members

— Hancock remonstrates against an Order of Grant's — General
liorenzo Thpmas ordered to resume his Duties as Adjutant-General
at Washington — A New Military Department created at Wadi-
ington and Sherman placed in Command — Sherman asks to be ex-
cused from coming to Washington — The President removes Stan-
ton — McCleUan nominated as Minister to England — Excitement
in Congress over Stanton's Removal — Adjutant-General Thomas
arrested — The President nominates Thomas Ewing Secretary of
War — Stanbery an Honest Lawyer and Faithful to the Preddent,
but too Dependent on Precedents in an Emergency — Jeffries, Reg-
ister of the Treasury, advises the President to use Strong Measures
— ' GfiBcers sunmioned from an Evening Party — Genend Thomas's
Unfitness for the Place of Secretary of War ad irUerim — The Ques-
tion of the Tenure of the Four Hold-over Members of the Cabinet
—•The House votes to impeach the President — Conversation
with John Bigelow on the Situation — Repugnance of the Conserv-
ative Senators to the Possibility of Wade's becoming President —
G^ieral Lorenso Thomas arrested and then discharged — Sugges-
tions as to the Democratic Candidate for the Presidency — A Nitro-
Glycerine Scare in Congress — Stanbery considers resigning to de-
vote himself to the President's Cause 200

LVII

MARCH, 1868

Fteparations for the Impeachment Trial — The Notice of Impeaeh-
^ ment served on the Preddent — Selecting the President's Counad

CONTENTS

-- Steidiery detMoifiiea taferign hb Cal^et P
takmg the Prandent'B Caae -- Stanton fortified in the War I>c^^
ment — Radical Vietory in the New Hampahire Election — A
Sketch of New Hampdiire PoUtlca — Stanbery hands in his Reaig-
natioii— The PreakkDt's Ill-oonaldered Talks with Newspaper Men
--> Senator Shennan wishes a Nayal lieutenant court-martialed for
using Disrespectful Language of Con0«ss — The President's Un»
eommunioativeness. — Judge Black on Seward's Handling of the
Alta Vela Affair — Hie Impeachment ProceedingB open with Little
Excitement — Judge Black withdraws from the President's Case — •
Ph)bable Reasons (or his Course — A Spirit of Mischief in the Ha-
waiian Islands — Black's Letter to the President withdrawing from
the Case and denouncing Seward's Conduct in the Alta Vela Matter

— I^^lson and Sumner and the Naval Appropriation Bill — Gen-
efal Butler's Opening in the Impeachment Trial 800

LVIII

APRII4 1868

Glocnny Political Outlook in Connecticut — English reSlected, how-
ever, by an Increased Majority — Curtis opens for the President
hi the Impeachment Trial — Consultation as to the Introduotioa
of General Sherman's Testimony — The Need of a Lawyer who
can meet Butler and Bingham on their own Ground — Sherman's
Testimony admitted — Secretary Welles on the Stand — Manager
Wilson's Elaborate Speech interjected into the Proceedings — The
President nominates General Sdiofidd as Secretary of War —
Senator Grimes on the Impeachment Trial — Surmises as to the
Preadent's Reasons for nominating Schofield — Vice-Admiral
Porter said to be fishing for the Secretarsrship of the ^avy — The
Speeches of Thaddeus Stevens and Thomas Williams — Stanbery,
though ill, is confident of Success — Evarts's Speech 828

LIX

MAT, 1808

A VUt to Mount Vernon — The President's Disappointment at Black's
Desertion — The Outcome of the Impeachment hanging in the Bal-
' ance — The Doubtful Senators — The Carpet-Bag Constitutions of
ArlEansas and South Carolina transmitted to Congress — Bing-
ham's Qosing Speech for the Prosecution — Congressional Inquiry
Into the Sale of the Ironclads Oneota and Catawba — The Case of
the Hannah Grant — An Exciting Afternoon and Evening in the
Senate — Speeches of Sherman, Grimes, Trumbull, and Fessenden

— Hopeful Outiook — The Vote on Impeachment postponed —
ninesB of Senator Grimes — Public Opinion manufactured in Wash-
ington by the Radicals •— The Vote on the Eleventh Article fails to

rii CX)NTENTS

convict the Preddent — A Call on Senator Grimes — Attack on-
Roes of Kansas for his Vote in f avcv of the President — The Candi-
dates before the Republican Convention at Ctiicago — Grant and
the Radicals — Rumors of Cabinet Changes — Japanese Affairs —
Grant and Colfax nominated at Chicago — The Acquittal of the
President — The News comes to the Cabinet in Session — Charges
of Corruption — Stanton leaves the War Department — His Char-
acter and Abilities and his Administration of the Department —
Sohofidd's Appointment as Secretary of War sticks in the Senate —
A Seminole Chief on the Written Constitution 343

JUNE, 1868

Whites and Blacks in the Washington Election — Death of ex-Pre-
sident Buchanan — His Character — Oregon goes Democratic —
Stanbery, renominated as Attorney-General, is rejected by the Sen-
ate — The Senate compliments Stanton — The Powers of the
Comptrollers and Auditors in the Treasury Department — Chase
talked of for the Presidency — Burlingame and the Chinese Am-
bassadors— City Election in Washington — Chase's Candidacy
for the Democratic Nomination to the Presidency — Hopelessness of
President Johnson's Desire for the Nomination — Admiral Porter
and the Controversy between the line and Staff Officers of the
Navy — The IfdeUigencer attacks McCulloch — Congressional In-
quiry into the Sale of the Ironclads Oneota and Catawba — The
House accepts the Arkansas Constitution over the President's Veto
— The Attack on McCulloch instigated by Seward — Evarts nonw
inated Attorney-General — Intimations of Another Impeachment
Movement 374

LXI

JULY, 1868

A Proclamation of General Amnesty read In Cabinet — Jefferson Da-
vis the only Person excepted — The President draws, up another
making no Exception — The New York Convention nominates
Horatio Seymour and Francis P. Blair — An Unfortunate Nomina-
tion— The Result brought about by the Tammany Managers
^- Disappointment of the President — Seward Close-mouthed on
the Nominations — Conversation with the President in regard to
Seward, Stanton, and McCulloch — Doolittle invited to become
an Independent Candidate — The President prepares a Message
recommending Certain Changes in the Constitution — Cabinet Dis-
cussion of it — A Talk with Montgomery Blair — The Blain and
the Ftesldent — Evarts takes his Seat in the Cabmet — The Two
New Cabinet Membcfs, Sdiofield and Evarts— John A. Gxiswold

C30NTENTS im

daiming Credit for the Monitor to the Ezdiuion of the Navy Db-
partmeot — Omgrees, insteed of adjoamiDg, takee a Reoeas till
September 21 — Seward reada in Cabinet a Prodamation relating
to the Fourteenth Amendment — General Banks and the Navy
Yard Appointments — Conditions in Georgia 303

Lxn

AUGUST AND SEPTEMBER, 1868

A Tour of Inspection of the Navy Yards — Talk of an Extra Sesrfon of
Congress — The Railroads and Congress — Sanford E. Church and
Dean Richmond (the younger) on a Political Mission from New
York — The Power of State Sheriffs to call on Army Officers for
Assistance — Death of Thomas H. Seymour — His Career and the
Part played in it by Mr. Welles — Radical Gains in the Maine
Election — The ''Alexandrine Chain" — Senator Morgan and
Representative Schenck issue a Call for Congress to reassemble —
Congress meets and adjourns ?— General John A. Dix's anti*
Seymour Letter — His Character and Political Views — Marriage
of Robert T. Lincoln — The Pacific Railroad 422

LXIII

OCTOBER AND NOVEMBER, 1868

Dahlgren's Management of the Ordnance Bureau — The Political Out-
look — Getting the Election Returns — Proposal to withdraw Sey-
mour and substitute another Democratic Candidate for the Pre-
sidency — The Democratic Mistake and how it came about — The
Governor of Arkansas asks for Arms — Troops to be sent to Mem-
phis — Seward's Table of Treaties — Dinner of the New York Bar
to Attorney-General Evarts — Grant's Spite against Members of
the Cabinet — Minister Washburn in Paraguay — Minister Rev-
erdy Johnson submits a Protocol on the Alabama Claims — Discus-
sion of the Subject 445

LXIV
DECEMBER, 1868

Report on the Pacific Railroad — The New York Evening Poet on Van-
derbilt and the Merrimac — The Alabama Claims — Congress as-
'sembles — Senator Trumbull makes an Unreasonable Request —
The President's Annual Message and its Reception in Congress —
Proposal to annex San Domingo — Attorney-General Evarts and
the Law relating to Courts Martial — Grant's Probable Course as
Preeddent — Discussion of the Finances of the Country — Fox's
Conversation with Admiral P6rter — Fonnal Acquisition of League

xiv CONTENTS

Idand for the New Na^ Yard — Bowles of the Sprinafkid Rgpub-
Uean aneBted at the Suit of .Fiak — Relationa of Grant with Pre*
aident Johnaon and Members of the Cabinet — Cabinet DiscussioQ
of the Currency Question — The End of an Eventful Year . • • 472

• • •

LXV

JANUARY, 1869

The P^emdent's New Year's Reception — Grant's Failure to call on the
President — The President decides not to attend Grant's Inaugura-
tion — The Naval Surgeons seeking to be made Commodores —
Death of General Rousseau — The Tenure-of-Office Repeal Bill
passes the House — Seward concludes his Fifty-sixth Treaty —
Evarts favors abandoning Confiscation Proceedings — Senatorial
Elections — The Alabama Claims Treaty discussed in Cabinet —
Fenton defeats Morgan for the Republican Senatorial Nomination
— Seward's Subserviency to Grant — Senator Grimes introduces
a Bill to reorganise the Navy • • 496

LXVI

FEBRUARY, 1869

Students of Georgetown College visit the President — John P. Hale as
Minister to Spain — General Schofield advocates consolidating the
War and Navy Departments — President Lincoln's Clemency to-
wards the Defeated South — Did Grant and Sherman act under In-
structions from him in making the Terms of the Surrender? — Sensp
tor Morrill of Vermont compliments the Administration of the Navy
Department — Insurrection in Cuba — The Butler and Bingham
Factions among the Radicals — General Dix resigns as Minister to
France — Hawley urged for Grant's Cabinet — The Panama Canal
Treaty — Grant's Nepotism — Simeon Johnson and Coombs's
Claim — Johnson's Ignorance of the Duties of the Departments —
Grant's Cabinet stiU in . Doubt — The Question of governing
Alaska — The Course to be followed by President Johnson and his
Cabinet on Inauguration Day 518

LXVII
MARCH, 1869

Diseusrion of the Inauguration Ceremonies — The President's Last
Reception — Good-byes at the Department — How President
Johnson and his Cabinet spent the Last Moments of the Adminis-
tration— The Inaugural Ceremonies and Procession — Grant's
Cabinet — A.T. Stewart illegally nominated Secretary of the 'Dreas-
ury — Somner's Wrath at Grant's Course in regard to his Cabinet

CONTENTS XV

— Stewart, after offering to trustee his Buanees, finally declines the
Secaretaryship — Prasure for Boutwell as Secretary of the Treasury

— Mr. Faxon and Mr. £. T. Welles leave the Navy Department ~-
Hamilton Fish succeeds Waahbume as Secretary of State and the
Latter is appointed Minister to France — General Rawlins made
Secretary of War — Admiral Porter, in charge of the Navy De-
partment, appoints Chief Engineer King in Isherwood's Place -^
Porter's Management of the Department — Debate on the Repeal
of the Tenure-of-Office Act — Grant's Scheme of reorganising
the Navy — Moses H. Grinnell made Collector at New York —
Porter's Intrusion in the Navy Department — The Story of hia
Appointment as Vice-Admiral — Butler expresses Contempt for
Grant — Ex-President Johnson in Tennessee — Montgomery Blair
on Colonel Moore and other Associates of Johnson in Washington

— Butler outgeneraled and the Tenure-of-Office Repeal Bill com-
promised 5S6

Lxvin

APRIL, MAY, AND JUNE, 18^9

The Compromise on the Tenure-of-Office Bill passes Both Houses ~-
Porter as "Lord of the Admiralty" — Connecticut goes Radical in
the State Election — Possibility of War with Spain — Congress
adjourns after placing the Matter of Reconstruction in the Pre-
sident's Hands — Morton's Amendment requiring the Adoption of
the Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution before a State is ^ven
Representation — Corruption not confined to one Party — A Gen-
eral Sweep of Official Incumbents — Diplomatic Appointments — *
Motley goes to England, Washbume to France — The Senate re-
jects the Alabama Treaty after a Speech against it by Sumner —
Regrets at leaving Washington — A Courtesy from Vice-Admiral
Porter — Reflections on relinquishing Office — The Return to Hart-
ford — Call on Admiral Farragut in New York — The Admiral
suffering from Official Neglect — Changes in Hartford in Eight
Years — Getting settled — Grant's Unfitness for the Presidency —
Secretary Borie a Nonentity — Admiral Porter's Order to change
the Names of Men-of-War — The Alabama Question and the Brit-
ish PubUo 568

INDEX 001

} :.

• •

ILLUSTRATIONS

▲VDBSW JoH2f80K Photogrovun frontitpuoi

Jamms W. Gbdoes 14

GiDBON Wkllbs 86

Edwih M. Stamtok 158

Ultbsks S. Grakt 200

William M. Eyarts 808

WujJAM Pitt EE88Bin>E]i 860

WiLLLUf Faxon 886

Jamxs R. Doolittlb 402

Datid D. Fobtke 660

DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES

VOLUME m

JANUARY 1, 1867— JUNE 6, 1869

DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES

JANUABY 1, 1867— JUNE 6. 1869

XLV

Cabinet Diseasrion of the MeMage vetoing the Distriet of Colombia ReoN
ganUation Bill — The Bay of SamanA Purehase Scheme meets with
Diflficultiee — Ck>ngre8B overrides the Veto — Representative Ashley of
Ohio introduces a Resolution to impeach the President — Seward sub-
mits to the Cabinet the Articles of a Proposed Treaty with Prussia —
An Amnesty Proclamation agreed upon — The Preeddent asks the
Opinions of the Cabinet Members in regard to Territorialising the
States — Senator Grimes as Chairman of the Naval Committee —
General Grant's Position on the District of Columbia Suffrage Bill — His
Lack of Political Principles — The Senatorial Fight in Pennsylvania
results in the Nomination of Cameron — Roscoe Conkling nominated Im
New York — Cabinet Discussion of the Right of a Territory to organise
itself as a State — The Senatorial Elections — Conkling, Cameron, and
Trumbull — The Italian and Chilian Missions — Motley resigns as
Minister to Austria — Seward's Calls at the Capitol — The Cabinet
decides not to sell out the Dunderberg to the Contractor — The Swa-
tara returning from Nice with Surratt — Action of the House in regard
to the Ship Idaho — The President vetoes the Colorado and Nebraska
Bills — The Army moving to get Possession of the Indian Bureau — A
Committee from N(«th Carolina submits a Reconstruction Proposal to
the President.

January 1, 1867, Tuesday. I neither called on the Pre*
sident nor did I receive this New Year's Day. My nephew,
Robert G. Welles, was buried this tm. Funeral at his
father's in Glastonbury.

January 4, Friday. At the Cabinet to-day the President
read his veto message on the bill reorganizing the District
of Columbia, which excluded those who had given comfort
to the Rebels but allowed negroes to vote. I was not aware
until to-day that the bill had been sent him. When I last

4 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan.4

conversed with him, about a week since, he said he had not
received it. He had, moreover, requested the Cabinet to
consider the subject, for he should wish their written opin-
ions. I was therefore surprised, when, without official Cab-
inet consultation or opinion, he to-day brought forward his
proposed message. The docimient is one of length, too
much on the defensive of himself and the Supreme Court,
and does not, I think, take hold of some of the strongest
points for a veto.

Seward gave it his approval and made quite a random
general speech without much point. Said he had always
advocated negro suffrage and voted for it in New York.
Here and in the States where there was a large preponder-
ating negro population it was different, — if they were not
in a majority they were a large minority. That eventually
universal suffrage was to prevail, he had no doubt. All gov-
ernments were coming to it. There are to-day represent-
atives in service in Egypt elected, etc., — but he approved
the message.

McCuUoch approved the message because he was op-
posed to giving this privilege to the negro. That was the
sentiment of his State, as well as of himself, and he had
alwajrs voted in conformity to it.

Stanbery occupied much the same position. Had as a
member of the Ohio Legislature voted against negro suf-
frage. Should do the same to-day if there, and believed
that on the naked question there were at least one himdred
thousand majority against it in that State.

Stanton took from his portfolio a brief and carefully
prepared written statement, to the effect that he had
examined the bill and could perceive no constitutional
objections to any of its provisions; he therefore hoped the
President would give it his approval.

I read from some rough notes that the bill proposed to
do something more for the blacks than to raise them to an
equality with the whites, — it proposed to elevate them
above a certain class of whites of admitted intelligence and

lOTl THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBU BILL 5

eharacter who, heretofore, were entitled to and had exer-
cised suffrage. If suffrage is claimed for the blacks on the
ground that they are rightfully entitled to it as citizens of
the United States, then to deprive the white citizens of
that right which they now enjoyed is to inflict a punish-
ment upon them and subject them to a forfeiture, and it is
proposed to do this without due form of law, — that is,
without trial and conviction, they, by an ex post facto law,
are to be condenmed. The Constitution would thus be
violated in two of its most important provisions, deemed
essential to the preservation of liberty, and the act, if sanc-
tioned, will stand as a precedent for any similar violation
hereafter, etc. On the other points I agreed with the
gentlemen that Congress ought to pass no such law until
the States had at least gone as far, — that the people of the
District (the white people) ought to be heard. I expected
that Stanton would have met me defiantly, but he said not
a word.

Browning was opposed to the bill for the reasons stated
in the veto, and so was Randall.

After all had expressed themselves, Attorney-General
Stanbery inquired how long the veto could be delayed.
The President said until Monday. Stanbery remarked
that would not be sufficient for his purpose. He had rea-
son to believe the Supreme Court would give its opinion
on the test oath question on Monday, which he thought
would embrace the point which I had raised. He had not
turned his mind to the constitutional question, but be-
lieved the objection well taken. Stanton still said nothing.
I thought, however, that he was of Stanbery's opinion,
m General Grant, who was present by invitation, was very
emphatic against the bill, not because it disfranchised
Rebels, for he said he rather liked that, but he thought it
very contemptible business for Members of Congress whose
States excluded the negroes, to give them suffrage in this
District.
1 I agreed with him, but remarked there were other and

6 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan.4

stronger reasons also, which, in a difference between the
President and Congress, should not be overlooked.

McCidloch said he doubted if it would be politic to
bring forward the constitutional objection at this time,
for the Radicals would seize hold of it and insist that we
were in sympathy with the Rebels.

Randall was also decisive against it. The message was
just right; he would add nothing nor take anything away.

I stated I had no controversy in regard to the message,
but that if there was a constitutional point against a bill
which was to be vetoed, that point ought, in my opinion,
never to be omitted.

Ten members of the Arkansas Legislature were in waiting
when the Cabinet met, and the President proposed to intro-
duce them. They had been appointed a committee to visit
Washington and ascertain the views of the Government.
The interview was brief. Seward requested them to dine
with him to-morrow evening and invited the Cabinet to
oome also. I promised to call in the course of the evening,
but asked to be excused from the dinner. McCulloch and
Btanbery concurred.

Not being satisfied that the President should omit the
oonstitutional point in his veto message, I called on him
this evening for further conversation. Stanbery was with
him. The President produced a file of letters of Fom^,
Clerk of the Senate, written while he was paying court to
the President, strongly urging him to take the position he
has pursued, praising and complimenting him. Yet this
fellow is now attacking, abusing, and misrepresenting the
President summarily in his "two papers, both daily.*'

The President heard my suggestions in regard to the
constitutional objection; agreed with me;! admitted, as I
urged, the importance of it and of his concurrence with the
Court; but did not say, nor did I ask or expect him to say,
whether he would make that point in his message. I am
inclined to think he will not. The question of expediency
raised by McCulloch and Randall, and the point not hav-

18671 SAMANA SCHEME IN DIFFICULTIES 7

mg been ori^iDAl with himself, as all are aware, have their
influence. Yet he hesitates. This is his great infirmity^
The President has firmness, but is greatly wanting in
prompt decision. He is unwilling to ttJce a step, but when
it is once taken he does not recede.

We discussed the whole subject of sujffrage and civil
ri^ts after Stanbery left, — the views of Jefferson and
others. I quoted from Jefferson and he wished to know
where he could find the passage. I could not tell him and
promised I would give it to him in the morning.

January 5, Saturday. Seward's scheme to purchase the
Bay of Samani, St. Domingo, meets with imtoward dif<^
Acuities. His son, who is to be the negotiator, started in
the Gettysburg, which got hard aground before she had
proceeded three miles from Annapolis. The Don was then
ordered round from New York, which took on board pass-
engers, etc., from the G. and proceeded to sea. The Gettys-
burg got off directly after and was ordered to Hampton
Boads, Norfolk. To-day Admiral Porter telegraphed me
that the Don encountered a gale, lost h^ mainmast, and
had returned to Norfolk for repairs. He now wants the
Gettysburg. Directed him to take her. I am not in favor
of this purchase. It is a scheme, personal and political, on
the part of Seward. A tub thrown to assure Thad Stevens
and Fessenden.

Gave the President the passage quoted from Jeff^Bon.
It is in the first volume of Jefferson's works, — his Autobi-
c^raphy, page 20. It is quoted by De Tocqueville. I again
advised that the constitutional objection should be pre-
sented in his message.

Went with McCuUoch to Seward's and spent an hour or
two with the Arkansas gentlemen. Told them I knew of
nothing they had to reconstruct. If Congress admitted
them to their rightful re^Hresentation, in accordance with
the Constitution, all was well with them. In regard to the
Constitutional Amendment^ assured them I was opposed

8 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan.6

to it as a Northern man as well as Southern. As an Ameri-
can citizen I wanted no such interpolation in the Consti-
tution.

' McCulloch tells me that General Grant urged upon them
to adopt the Amendment; said the North was in favor;
that they had decided for it in the late election; that if not
adopted the Government would impose harder terms. What
nonsense! What business has Congress to impose terms
upon States? General Grant, not very enlightened, has
been led astray, I trust unwittingly on his part, by Stanton
and Washbume.

January 7, Monday. The veto went in to-day. But a
party vote overrode it, as was expected. The message was
courteous in terms, and the argument and reason very well,
though not as strong and exhaustive as could have been
wished; sufficiently so, however, to have satisfied all who
ure not partisans or fanatics. No calm, considerate, and
true statesman or legislator can believe it correct to im-
pose this bill upon the District against the imanimous
voice of the people. The ignorant, vicious, stupid negroes
who have flocked hither cannot vote intelligently; are unfit
to be jurymen. The States and constituencies from which
these came would oppose it within their own jurisdictions.

In the House of Representatives fanaticism, prompted
by partisanship, ran wild. The reckless leaders were jubi-
lant ; the timid followers were abject and obedient. Ashley ^
introduced a resolution to impeach the President, or to
authorize inquiry, and by an almost strict party vote it was
fulopted and referred to the Judiciary Committee under
the previous question. It will never result, even imder
party drill, in an impeachment and conviction, but it is
disreputable and demoralizing that a packed party major-
ity should so belittle the government and free institutions
as to entertain such a resolution from such a source. But
he has not done it without consulting others.

^ James M. Aihley of Ohio.

lOTi PROPOSED TREATY WITH PRUSSIA 9

January 8, Tuesday. Seward submitted the articles of a
proposed treaty between the United States and Prussiai
proposing an arbitrament of claims of citizens of the two
governments, which had been prepared and agreed upon
by himself and Baron Gerolt, the Prussian Minister. It
was asked, first I believe by Stanton, whether it embraced
or excluded those Prussians who were domiciled in the
Rebel region and who had sustained losses by the War.
Seward made a long talk, claiming it did not, because such
persons could not come under the law of nations. Brown*
ing undertook also to say the commissioners who would be
appointed would be sensible men, and would not give such
cases consideration. I asked why not, then, insert an arti-
cle excluding such. Stanton said that if a man were to
claim his house and was willing to submit to arbitration to
decide if the title was in him, it did not follow that he (S.)
would consent to arbitrate. After a long, full, and free dis-
cussion the opinion was unanimous against the treaty as
presented. Browning, perhaps, finally expressed no opinion
dtherway. Randall was absent. It was one of the frequent
mistaken schemes of our Secretary of State, who is not a
diplomatist, not a wise statesman, and is iJways imsafoy
notwithstanding he has plausible talent.

The President brought forward the question of issuing a
proclamation for more extended amnesty; referred to Mr.
lincoln's successive proclamations, beginning with that of
September, 1862, and showing consistency and uniformity
of proceedings and views.

Stanton stated that he had this morning received a copy
of the act which had just passed the legislature of North
Carolina, granting amnesty and oblivion ; said that all our
officers and soldiers were liable to be harassed and arrested
through the Southern States for trespass and injury;
thought it would be well there should be reciprocal am-
nesty. The suggestions struck all favorably and will, I
think, receive consideration and action.

Another matter the President remarked he wished to

10 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES ijan. 8

bring forward, and that was, in view of what was taking
place around us, especially on the subject of dismantling
States, throwing them into a Territorial condition and an-
nulling their present organization and government, he con-
sidered it important he should know the opinions and views
of each member of the Cabinet. If we are united, that fact
would carry weight with it, here and before the country; if
we were not united there was weakness.

I had observed through the whole sitting that the Pre-
sident was absorbed and prepared for an energetic move-
ment, and from what he had said to me on Saturday, I an-
ticipated what his purpose was. But he had been slow, and
procrastinated, and until he broached the subject I had not,
after previous experience, much faith that we should reach
it to-day. When he commenced, however, his coimtenance
indicated firm and fixed resolution. He was pale and cahui
but no one could mistake that he was determined in his
purpose.

I doubt if any one but myself was aware of what was
passing in his mind. Perhaps McCulloch may have thought
of it, for I told him on Saturday evening of my interview*
He said he had repeatedly spoken to the President, and had
similar intimations, but he had little confidence.

Seward was evidently taken by surprise. Said he had
avoided expressing hiioself on these questions; did not
think it judicious to anticipate them; that storms were
never so furious as they threatened; but as the subject had
been brought up he would say that never, imder any circum-
tBtances, could he be brou^^t to admit that a sovereign
State had been destrojred, or could be reduced to a Terri-
torial condition.

McCulloch was equally decided that the States could not
be converted into Territories.

Browning, who sat next to him, began to express his
views, —a discourtesy which he not unfrequently conmiits
but I think will not again, —when Stanton interrupted him
and requested him to wait his tunu

turn TERRTTORIALIZINQ THE STATES 11

Stanton said he had o(Mximunioated his views to no i^^
Here, in the Cabinet, he had assented to and cordially ai>-
proved of eveacy Bb&p whidi had been taken to reorganise
the governments of the States which had rebelled, and saw
no cause to change or depart [from it. Stevens' propoeitioa
he had not seen, and did not care to, for it was one of those
schemes which would end in noise and smoke, Hehadcoor
versed with but one Member, Mr. Sumner, and that was
one year ago, when Sumner said he disapproved of the polioy
of the Administration and intended to upset it. He had
never since conversed with Sumner nor any one else. He did
not concur in Mr. Sumner's views, nor did he think a State
would or could be remanded to a Territorial condition.

I stated my concurrence in the opinions which had been
expressed by the Secretary of War and that I held Con-
gress had no power to take from a State its reserved rights
and sovereignty, or to impose terms on one State which
were not imposed on all States.

The President interrupted. He said the power to i»e-
scribe terms was one thing; the expediency was another. I
said I was opposed to the whole subject or theory of pre-
scribing or imposing terms external to the Constitution on
sovereign States on the score of expediency as well as of
want of power. If there was no power it certainly could
not be expedient. I confessed I had not been as reserved
as the Secretary of State and Secretary of War in express-
ing my opinions. When friends had approached me and
conversed on these or indisputable fundamental questions,
I had not refrained from stating my views, especially to
those who had consulted me. It seemed to me proper that
we should do so. I had conversed with Mr. Simmer in the
early part of last session, about the period that the Secre-
tary of War had his interview, and then Sumner had
taken exception to the omission to give negro suffrage,
and for that reason, and that only, he had opposed the
Ptmdent's policy of Reconstruction.

Stanbery said he was clearly and unqualifiedly against

12 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan.s

the whole talk and theory of territorializing the States.
Congress could not dismantle them. It had not the
power, and on that point he would say that it was never
expedient to do or attempt to do that which we had not
the power to do.

Browning declared that no State could be cut down or
extinguished. Congress could make and admit States, but
could not destroy or extinguish them after they were
made.

The resolution to impeach the President, Seward and
others treat lightly. My impressions are that it will not
result in a conviction, although infamous charges,inf amous
testimony, and infamous proceedings will be produced as
easily, honestly, and legally as Butler could get spoons in
New Orleans; but, the preliminary step having been taken,
backed by strong party vote, the Radicals are committed.
Ashley, who introduced the resolution, is a calculating fan*
atic, weak, designing, fond of notoriety, not of very high-
toned moral calibre. I do not think, however, that he is,
as some suppose, a tool of others entirely, — certainly not
an imwilling tool. He seeks the notoriety and notice, and
hounds like Boutwell and Williams of Pittsburg edge him
on. Colfax, though feeble-minded, is Speaker, seeks to be
foremost, and has been an adviser with Ashley and pion-
eered the way for him to introduce the resolution. Stevens,
much shrewder and abler than either, keeps in the back-
groimd, though the chief conspirator.

It is a necessity for the Radicals to get rid of the Pre-
sident. Unless they do, they cannot carry out their plans
of dwarfing the States imder the torture of Reconstruction
with the judiciary opposed to their revolutionary schemes.
At present the Senate is not prepared to convict, even if
the conspiracy to impeach should pass the House. But
there is not much reliance on the present Senate. The hon-
est instincts of a majority are against the whole scheme,
but a considerable portion of them are without moral cour-
age or high integrity. Perhaps they may herd together and

1867] AN INTRIGUE OF SENATOR GRIMES 18

hold out; but} individuallyy very few of them can stand up
against tiie dictates of party.

January 9, Wednesday. Mr. Eames was yesterday
touched with a slight fit of apoplexy when arguing the case
of the Grey Jacket in the Supreme Court. Called upon
him this evening and found him better than I apprehended.

Sent in replies, one to the Senate and one to the House,
through the President. The first called for detailed orders
issued to officers, mechanics, laborers, etc., in all the navy
yards and all correspondence at the Norfolk Yard. The
response to this call embraced probably two thousand
pages. Most of it mere routine orders, and the whole call is
an abuse and valueless. The object was to get at a certain
communication from the Radicals at Norfolk, who, while
CTtiployed at the navy yard, had been active partisans, —
had attended, whilst receiving pay from the Government,
the sectional Southern delegation at Philadelphia, been
displaced or suspended by Admiral Rowan, and his action
had been confirmed by the Department. Clements, one of
the dismissed men, had been employed here on the Capitol
for two or three years, had formed partisan acquaintance
with Radical Members of Congress, and believed he could
compel the Department to reinstate him. Senator Grimes,
to whom he appealed and from whom I have reason to be*
lieve he had assurances of support, did not like to appear
in the matter, and he therefore induced Senator Hender-
son of Missouri to offer the resolution. Admiral Smith,
who was a good deal disgusted with the imnecessary parti-
san call, knowing some of the facts, charged Grimes with
having instigated the movement. Grimes, who is jealous,
suspicious, and intensely sectional in party matters, but
proud and ambitious, was enraged to learn that his intrigue
was known to and imderstood by the Department. Under
high impulse, immediately on getting to the Senate, he
introduced a resolution for discontinuing the Norfolk Yard
and putting it in charge of the Commandant of Marines.

14 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [jan.q

This was to get rid of Rowan, whoee course I approved. It
was a pitiful exhibition of spite, malice, and evil passion^
of which I have no doubt he will in due time be ashamed;
but it shows the course of action, personal and party
motives, and narrow and vindictive malevolence of one of
the ablest of the Radical leaders. Strange that a man and
Senator of his good sense should so give way to party !

Senator Grimes is ambitious, dissatisfied, always sus-
picious, and at times ungenerous. He is intelligent, haa
moral courage, but is not always bold to act. Beyond any
other one man he is responsible for the present calamitous
condition of affairs. Siunner and Stevens are open and un->
disguised in their hostility and without aid from Grimes
they could accomplish little. Yet Grimes does not respect
them or their motives and to me invariably condenma
them. He knows his own ability and is vexed that Johnson,
an old associate Senator but not a Radical, is in a higher
position than himself. Fessenden and he act in concert,
and Wilson of Iowa is stimulated, counseled, and controlled
by him.

The course of the Radicals has received its direction more
from Grimes than almost any other man, and yet others,
for whom he has not high regard, instead of himself have
the odium and the honor also of friends or opponents of the
measiu^. This irritates and vexes him, but he would get
angry with any one who should openly tell him the truth
and give him his right position.

I regret that Admiral Smith should have informed him
of what we know of his movements. I have hitherto got
along very well with Grimes, for he has flattered himself
that I was not aware of his operations and intrigues, be-
cause I have not put myself in his way. As chairman of the
Naval Conmiittee, with such a Congress as we now have,
with such a chairman as J. P. Hale through the War, there
has been no alternative but to submit in a degree to the
disposition of measures which he might propose. By yield-
ing to his suggestions I was sometimes able to modify hia

JAM1£ W. GRIMES

18671 GRANT ON THE DISTRICT BILL lit

opinions when we counseled together, if he was not publidy
committed.

JanwxrylOfThvrsday. The New York Times correspond*
ent states, tolerably correctly, the position of General
Grant on the suffrage bill of the District of Columbia. He
condenmed the Members of Congress for imposing negro
suffrage on this District imtil their States had adopted the
principle. The worst thing in the bill, he said, was that
which violated the Constitution. Punishing Rebels by an
ex poet facto law was right; condemning them without trial
he did not object to. Yet General Grant will very likely
be the next President of the United States. I do not think
he intends to disregard the Constitution, but he has no raver*
ence for it, — he has no poUtical principles, no intelligent
ideas of constitutional government, and it is a day when
the organic law seems to be treated as of less binding
authority than a mere resolution of Congress.

Dined this evening with the President, the Cabinet, and
their families. General Grant and the Tennessee delegation
and their wives being present. Mrs. Taylor, wife of the
Member from the Eastern District of Tennessee, says she
buried her dresses to keep them from the Rebels, and the
one she wore this evening she owned before the War and
had buried it for over four years. Occasionally she un-
earthed her clothing, evenings, to air and preserve it. Col-
onel Hawkins said all his wife's dresses, save what she wore
at the time, had been stolen from her, and what the Rebels
could not carryawaytheyhad torn up and destroyed. Mrs.
Taylor said she carried arms and was at all times ''ready
with her shooter." The people of Tennessee, particularly
those of East Tennessee, were great sufferers during the
Civil War.

Jatmary 11, Friday. Senatorial nominations were made
last evening in several of the States. That in Pennsylvania,
in place of Cowan, excites most interest. The competing

16 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan.u

Radical candidates were Thad Stevens, Cameron, Govern-
or Curtin, Forney, and Judge Kelley. The two latter with-
drew some weeks since, and their combined strength was
concentrated on Stevens. The Radical press in that State
and throughout the country generally also favored him.
Governor Curtin, however, had a distinctive and active
newspaper and party support. Stevens, with some parade
and an announcement of the fact on the floor of Congress,
left his seat in the House and repaired to Harrisburg to
superintend his own election. Forney left the Clerk's desk
to aid him. Both Stevens and Curtin addressed a caucus
of the Members.

A single ballot was taken, at which Cameron was nomin-
ated, getting 46 votes, Curtin 23, and the combined forces
of Stevens, Forney, and Kelley but 7, — a few scattering.
Forney last week made a violent attack on Cameron in his
paper, the Philadelphia Press. The result surprises all,
more in the fact that Stevens was so feebly supported than
that Cameron succeeded. While I have not a high estimate
of Cameron in many respects, I think him greatly prefer-
able to either of his competitors. No worse man than
Stevens could be elected. Curtin is limber, deceptive, and
unreliable. Cameron is not great but adroit; his instincts
are usually right, but he will sacrifice the right for selfish
purposes. He is, however, equal to an average of the
Senate. Is a politician of the second class.

In New York, Conkling is nominated to succeed Judge
Harris, who has been sly and manoeuvring and has de-
feated himself. Conkling is vain, has ability with touches
of spread-eagle eloquence, and a good deal of impetuous
ardor. He may improve and he may not. At present he is
an intense Radical. If he has real sense he will get the bet-
ter of it with experience. Conkling and Horatio Seymour
are brothers-in-law, and either is a fair offset to the other.
Both are ambitious and intense partisan poUticians, but
of opposing parties.

Little of interest at the Cabinet to-day. In a conversa-

1867] A SELF-PERPETUATING CONGBESS 17

tion with McCulloch he did not conceal that he was dis«
couraged. The condition of the country is^indeed deplor-
able, — that, I said, should make us the more resolute*
But the great majority of the Radicals who are making war
on his financial ix)licy and striving to embarrass him, he
says correctly, makes it a hard struggle. That the Presi-
dent is BO slow in coming to a decision he feels to be a weak-
ness in administration. The South is becoming rapidly de-
moralized. I expressed myself gratified that the President
had, the other day, got Stanton unequivocally committed
for the policy of the Administration and against the theory
of territorializing the States. McCulloch says that Stanton,
whenever it becomes an object, will deny this, or modify
and change his views to suit his purposes; that S. is false
and treacherous, and, he believes, a steady spy upon all of
us. I apprehend there is much in McCulloch's suspicions.

Although the President has committed no act that can
subject him to impeachment, and is in many respects one
of the best and most single-minded Executives we have ever
had, I have little doubt that the Radical leaders intend to
try to get rid of him. This they feel to be essential to con-
summate their usurping schemes. There is a conspiracy
maturing. How can they reduce the States to the condi-
tion of corporations, territorialize them, deprive them of
their original, reserved, and guaranteed constitutional
rights, without the aid of the Judiciary? How can they get
control of the Coiuii except by enlarging its numbers? If
the niunber is to be increased, how can they get Radicals,
except by displacing Johnson and getting Wade or one like
him in his place?

January 12, Saturday. A law has passed the two houses
convening the next Congress on the 4th of March. We
have passed through the pressure and difl5culties of the War
without any such necessity, but Radicalism, which is striv-
ing to exclude certain States from participating in the gov-
ernment and to consolidate all power in Congress, like the

18 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 12

Rump Parliament, desires a peipetual session to override
the Executive. We are living in a revolutionary period, and
the character of the government is undergoing a strain
which may transform it into a different character.

Erastus Coming writes me, earnestly, pressing that Cap-
tain De Camp may be made a commodore, and sends me
the copy of a letter from Vice- Admiral Porter, stating that
he ought to have that rank, that he (Porter) voted for him
in the Board of Admirals and was disappointed he had not
received it. This statement, if genuine, is a breach of con-
fidence and of regulations; is unjust and unfair towards his
associates; for the Board did not recommend De Camp; is,
moreover, grossly wrong to the Department, and in every
way unworthy of Vice-Admiral Porter.

De Camp is one of Porter's pets, — a trifling, disap-
pointed, lazy officer, but popular good fellow with his
cronies ; ought to have been long since on the retired list
and would have been but for some underhand intrigue.

January 14, Monday. It is given out that Senator
Grimes intends making an assault on the Navy Depart-
ment, or, in other words, an attack on the Secretary for
dismissing Radicals from the Norfolk Navy Yard. His viru-
lent and sectional hate, which has warped his better sense
and led him to secretly push on others, compels him to now
come forward, he being chairman of the Naval Committee,
and show himself when one of his troop is removed. The
man for whom he is interested went to Philadelphia to
attend a sectional party convention; the money to pay
his expenses was raised, or a part of it, in the Navy Yard,
against regulations. Admiral Rowan suspended him, and
I confirmed it, but being an intense Radical, Grimies would
shield and sustain him.

January 15, Tuesday. The President submitted three
bills, — one relating to suffrage in the Territories, one to the
qieeting of Congress on the 4th of March, and one covqt-

18671 THE RIGHTS OF TERRITORIES 19

ing the repeal of a clause in the amnesty law. This last was
considered as of no moment, — it neither enlarged nor dim-
inished the authority of the President. The second, al-
though a mere party scheme, unwise and uncalled-for and
of mischievous intent, was not such a bill as the President,
under the circumstances, could very well veto. I suggested
that no necessity for such an early session had existed dur-
ing the War and there was certainly none at this time.

On the first proposition, or bill, there was considerable
debate. Browning insisted it was operative no longer than
the people of a Territory formed their constitution. I asked,
if, in framing this constitution, they changed the principle
and excluded the negroes, whether the appUcation for
admission into the Union would not be confronted with this
law, and admission denied them because they disregard it.
He thought not, because the people of the Territory would
decide this matter for themselves. Stanton came to Brown-
ing's assistance and said the constitution of a Territory or
State was no law until Congress had sanctioned it. I dis-
sented from this doctrine. The people in their sovereign
capacity framed their local organic law, and if they had the
sovereign abiUty as well as the sovereign power, they
might maintain their position. The Federal Government
would refuse to admit such State into the Union, but if
their constitution did not conflict with the Federal Consti-
tution, they might, if suflBciently powerful, remain a State
without the Union. Such a conflict was not probable, but
should not be invited. The President did not commit him-
self, but was evidently not in accord with Browning.

The tone and language of the press and of considerate
men are against the impeachment project; but the Radical
leaders have a purpose to accomplish and intend to press
the subject. Not to do so, after what they have said and
done, would check the conspiracy and be a defeat that
would in all probability injure them as a party. Whether
it will not injure them more to proceed and fail, they do
not pause to consider. They are vindictive and restless.

20 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan.15

regardless of rights and constitutional restraint and ob-
ligations. Thus far they have been successful in exercising
arbitrary and unauthorized power, and they will not hesi-
tate in the future, as in the past, to usurp authority, — to
try without cause and to condemn without proof. Nor
will they scruple to manufacture evidence if wanted.

There is nothing judicial or fair in this proceeding. It is
sheer partisanism with most of them, a deliberate conspir-
acy with the few. The subject was taken up in caucus. A
farce was then gone through with. A committee is sitting
in secret, — a foul conspiracy, — trying to hunt up charges
and evidence against as pure, as honest, as patriotic a chief
magistrate as we have ever had. It is for his integrity they
conspire against him.

I see by the papers this evening that the Radical legis-
latures of one or two States are taking the matter in hand,
and urging impeachment without any facts, or fault, or
specified crime, as a mere party measure, but it is all in
character, — a conspiracy against the Constitution and
the President for adhering to it.

January 16, Wednesday. An election of Senators took
place in several States yesterday. Conkling was chosen in
place of Judge Harris in New York. The Judge has been a
cimning manager, as he thought; has, against his own con-
victions, gone with the Radicals and received his just re-
ward. Conkling is vigorous and vain, full of spread-eagle
eloquence and Radical violence. Time may temper his zeal
and conduct, but this can hardly be expected under this
recent success.

In Pennsylvania, Simon Cameron was elected in place
of Cowan. The latter is a good lawyer and fair and well-
meaning legislator. A man of talent and right instincts, a
safe Senator, but not a politician or statesman of the first
class. Until his election as Senator he had confined his
studies to the law.
* Cameron is an adroit and bold party operator. He does

18671 THE SENATORIAL ELECTIONS 21

not attempt to deny that he uses money, party influencei
legislative abuses, and legislative grants to secure an elec-
tion. In carrying his points, he is unscrupulous and cun-
ningly audacious. His party tools he never forgets, so long
as they are faithful in his cause and interest, and he freely
gives his time, labor, and money to assist them. He is ac-
curate and sharp, but has no enlarged view or grasp of
mind; is supple as well as subtle and resorts to means which
good men would shun. Against him were combined Thad
Stevens, a man of as little principle as, but vastly more
genius than, Cameron, and Forney, and Kelley, who sup-
I>ort Stevens. The entire strength of this formidable com-
bination commanded seven votes in the legislative Repub-
lican caucus. I have not thought Kelley corrupt, though a
flaming and intense politician, but Stevens and Forney are
infinitely worse than Cameron. Stevens has higher culture,
more genius, learning, and education than Cameron, but
less party tact and sagacity. He would sacrifice a prin-
ciple, a constitutional question, for a joke, yet by his sar-
castic power and the necessity of using him he is extolled
in Forney's Chronicle and Press as the **Great Commoner"
and controls the legislation of the country.

Trumbull was reelected in Illinois after something of a
struggle in the Radical Party. Trumbull has ability and
culture, but is querulous, captious, and freaky. He has
changed his principles withm a year.

I had a long conversation with the President to-day and
warned him that the leaders intended, if possible, to press
impeachment, and inquired whether he had marked out the
line of policy he should pursue; told him I thought it
should be understood by the friends he could trust and that
it should be bold and decided.

Jamuiry 17, Thursday. In the Senate, Henderson of Mis-
souri made his attack on me. It was based on a letter of
mine to Rear-Admiral Rowan in command of the Norfolk
Navy Yard, in which I informed him that the Department

22 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan.i?

gave no encouragement to disunionists, whether secession-
ists or exclusionists. Henderson had neither the manliness
nor the fairness to give the whole letter, but he may make
the most of the extract which he tears from the body of the
letter. The sentiments expressed I have always avowed,
and the doctrine I shall maintain so long as I live and there
is a Union. As to the employment of workmen, I have left
that to the officers of the yards. Before the suppression of
the Rebellion none who were Secessionists were employed
if their views were known. Many poor men who lived in
Norfolk and Portsmouth had worked to support their fam-
ilies and been pressed into the Rebel service, though neu-
tral Unionists. Appeals in behalf of these poor men were
made to me by the best Union men in Virginia, and it was
on their appeal that the letter was written.

There was a pleasant reception this evening at the Pre-
sident's, which was very generally attended, except by the
more vindictive partisans in Congress who are conspiring
against him. I was glad to witness it, for the President is
vilely slandered and greatly misunderstood by many.

January 18, Friday. A fire early this morning consumed
the greater part of the conservatory building and destroyed
most of the plants at the Executive Mansion.

At the Cabinet-meeting the President submitted bills
which had passed Congress for admitting Colorado and
Nebraska with certain fundamental conditions as to the
qualification of voters. All the Cabinet, except Stanton,
were opposed to them, not only because they had not suf-
ficient population, but because of the constitutional ob-
jection against the fimdamental proposition. The want of
statesmanship and of intelligence with the demagogism
exhibited in these bills is lamentable. The population of
the Territories is not sufficient for one Congressional Dis-
trict, yet it is proposed to give them two Representatives
and four Senators in Congress. While they are doing this
for the sparsely peopled Territories on the frontier, the

18671 A FRAUDULENT CONTRACTOR 23

same Members of Congress refuse to permit Georgia, with
a million population, to have her constitutional right of
representation; and so of other States.

: A long discussion took place on the case of C , a f raudr-

ulent contractor now in the penitentiary, having been con-
fined nearly three years. The Attorney-General and the
Secretary of War argued the case, the former for his release
and the latter opposed. I think from the representation C. is
a great rascal and so stated, but if he would pay the judg-
ment I would leave the matter of clemency to the Pre-
sident,— merely as an act of clemency to an old man who
had already been severely punished. The example had done
its work, — the War is over. I would not be vindictive.
Seward and McCuUoch were for clemency; Browning and
Randall, with Stanton, opposed. Stanton was ferociously
vindictive; was for holding the prisoner the whole period,
etc.

A letter to General Dix on Mexican matters, with docu-
ments, was submitted by Seward, and one on Indian dif-
ficulties by Browning.

I rode with Stanton back to Department. He said he
wished this matter of vetoes might be over. I said it was
unavoidable whilst Congress passed imconstitutional laws.
Told him that in my opinion there must be equality of
rights among the States, or we should have an imequal
tmion or no union. He said he had no doubt on that sub-
ject as regarded the ten States, but he was not so clear
on the question with Territories. I remarked that while
Territories they might be governed, but that when they
became States they were endowed with the same political
rights as the other States. He replied that he had not given
that question so much consideration as he desired, and for
that reason had waived any expression of opinion on that
point imtil he had examined the subject.

Sumner has been making a violent denimciatory speech
against the President, which he will be ashamed of if he
lives many years. It would hardly be excusable in a party

24 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. is

gathering if made by a demagogue filled with whiskey, and
is wholly unworthy of one of the pretensions of Sumner.
Loon of Missoiui has delivered himself of a counterpart in
the House. Coif ax, the Speaker^ with his heartless, ever-
lasting smile and dender abilities, decided Loon to be in
order, and the House, of course, sustained the little dema-
gogue. A more selfish and aspiring fellow is not to be
found in either house, or one more unscrupulous, though
always skulking from frank and open responsibility.

^January 19, Saturday. The mails from the North are
detained by a great snow-fall, which the high wind has
drifted in places to the height of twenty feet.

I saw it stated a few days since that Senator Foster was
to have the Italian Mission, and asked the President if such
was the fact. He said it was the first time the subject had
been mentioned to him and proceeded to say that some
hasty and inconsiderate appointments had been made.
The Chilian Mission he particularized as one of that char-
acter. I remarked that I was glad he had spoken of that,
for it always appeared to me to be one of those imf ortunate
New York movements which were harmful. General Kil-
patrick had that place given him by Seward at the instiga-
tion of Thurlow Weed, more to spite General Slocum, a
fcrue friend of the Administration, than to reward K.

Motley has tendered his resignation in a pet. One of
Seward's spies had reported, it seems, that some of our
foreign ministers and consuls were free in their censures of
the President. Without going to the parties implicated,
Seward appears to have forwarded extracts to all. Motley
has evidently spoken freely and improperly and felt him-
self cornered, and, after a petulant letter, tendered his re-
signation, llie President, instanteTf as Seward closed read-
ing the document, ordered the acceptance, without remark
or word from any one.

Perry, consul at Timis, sends his resignation imder
mmilar drcumstanoes.

1887] DEURinM AMONG. THE^ RADICALS 26

* Seward stated yesterday that E. Jay Morris, our Min^
ister at Constantinoplei was at variance with Brown,
Secretary of Legation, and called the attention of Attorney-
General Stanbery to the subject, who, it seems, is an old
friend of Brown. He (Stanbery) thought there should be
no hasty action against B., who is a competent man, long a
resident at Constantinople, had been the efficient man with
all our ministers for years. Seward, with a manner not
very unusual, but which is very offensive, said he had but
one course to pursue in cases of this kind, and that was
they must settle their difficulties or both quit. This was
about what he had done with Hale and Perry at Madrid
and had brought them to their senses very soon.

I remarked that I did not approve of the policy of put-
ting the good and the bad on the same level ; that one or
the other of the parties in each of them, and in most other
controversies, was chiefly in fault, and from my knowledge
of the principals I should believe they were culpable; that
Hale was notoriously imfit for his position.

The occurrences of the week have not improved the
prospect of a£fairs. There is a wild delirium among the
Radical Members of Congress which is no more to be com-
mended and approved than the Secession mania of 1860.
In fact it exhibits less wisdom and judgment, or regard for
the Constitution, whilst it has all the recklessness of the
Secession faction. By the exclusion of ten States a partisan
majority in Congress, under the machinery of secret cau-
cuses controlled by an irresponsible directory, has posses-
sion of the Government and is hurrying it to destruction,
breaking down State barriers and other departments be-
sides the legislature. Whether some of the better-disposed
but less conspicuous men among the Radicals will make a
stand is imcertain. As yet they have exhibited no independ-
ence, or political or moral firmness.

Li the mean time the President, conscious of his right
intentions and from habit, holds still and firm. Seward,
relying on expedients, is dancing round Stevens, Sumner,

26 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 19

Boutwell, Banks, and others. Runs to the Capitol and seats
himself by Stevens in the House and by Sumner in the Sen-
ate. This makes comment in the galleries, and paragraphs
in the newspapers, and, Seward thinks, will, through their
leaders, conciliate the Senators and Representatives to-
wards himself, if not towards the President.

Simmer is easily and always flattered by attentions and
notice, though he will not relinquish what he esteems his
great mission of taking care of the negroes and subordin-
ating and putting down the Southern whites. Seward is
willing the negroes should have all Sumner would give
them, for he sets no high estimate on suffrage and citizen-
ship.

• Stevens has none of the sincere, fanatical fervor of Stun-
ner, nor much regard for the popular element, or for public
opinion, but, having got power, he would exercise it arbi-
trarily and despotically towards all who differ with him.
He has no professed respect for Seward, but feels compli-
mented that the Secretary of State should come into the
House of Representatives and sit down by and court the
'' Great Commoner.'' It is an observance that gratifies his
self-esteem, a homage that soothes his arrogance.
. Stanton continues to occupy an intermediate position on
some important questions, differing with the President but
almost obsequiously deferring to him. McCuUoch says he
is treacherous and a spy. He does not, however, I think,
make regular report to any one. The Radicals receive his
subtle advice and promptings and give him their support.
The President understands him, but still consults him as
fully as any member of the Cabinet. Seward and Stanton
continue to cooperate together. Seward, I think, has
doubts of Stanton's "divinity," yet, in view of his Radical
associates, considers him more than ever a power and im-
presses the President with that fact.

Gradually the Radical Members are pressing on impeach-
ment. Under the lead of the New York Herald and Forney's
Chronicle f the Radical presses are getting into the move-

18871 THE CASE OF THE DUNDERBERG 27

ment. Yet the exclusionists, or centralists, have doubts if
they can succeed, though earnestly striving to that end.
Violent partisanship but no statesmanship, no enlarged or
comprehensive views, are developed in either house.

The States which were in rebellion are each organized
and in full operation as before the Rebellion, but Congress
did not do this nor have any part in it. The people them-
selves in the respective States did it, and the lesser lights
in Congress are told that they must assist in imdoing the
work which has been well and rightly done by the people
interested, and compel the States to go through the process
of disorganizing in order to organize.

The President remains passive and firm, but with no de-
clared policy if the Radicals pursue their design to impeach
and suspend him during trial. He said to me one day what
he would do in a certain contingency, but it was rather
thinking aloud what he might do th£m declaring a policy.

What General Grant and certain others might do, were
Congress to proceed to extremities, neither the President
nor any of his true friends are aware. I doubt if Grant him-
self knows. The Radicals, who distrust him, are neverthe-
less courting him assiduously.

January 23, Wednesday. The question of relinquishing
the contract for the Dunderberg was to-day before the
Cabinet. Seward brought it forward by request of Webb,
the builder, who finds he has a losing bargain with the
Navy Department and wishes to sell the vessel, he says,
to Colombia. To this Seward states there is no objection,
or violation of neutrality. If this is the case, the Secretary
of State has nothing to do with the matter, though Seward
introduced it with pomp and reference to the Attorney-
General and myself.

I stated that I had on two or three occasions presented
this subject to the President and Cabinet by request of
Mr. Webb, who has proposed in various ways to repay the
Government for all advances and take the vessel into his

28 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan.23

possession, with a view of reimbursing himself by dispos-
ing of her to some other government. No arrangement has
ever been agreed upon, for he has wanted credit imtil he
disposed of the vessel. But after advisement with our
naval constructors, I would not object to receiving back
our money and permitting Webb to take her. It is repre-
sented to me by oiur constructors and experts that there is
much green timber and that there are other defects. I doubt
if he can effect a sale, but would release him on return of
the money which had been advanced.

Stanton objected to giving up the vessel. Was apprehen-
sive that England or France would get her. One million
and a quarter dollars was nothing, in his estimation, even
if she had green timber and rotted down in half a dozen
years. McCulloch thought best to keep the vessel, and
Browning concurred. The President thought best to post-
pone the subject to Friday.

^*^ January 26, Friday. The subject of the sale of the Dun-
derberg, or the relinquishing of liie vessel to the contractor,
was considered. Mr. Webb had proposed to me to take her
and refund to the Government the amount which had been
paid, or, if that was not done, he desired that there should
be a conunittee appointed to say what should be paid him
on his losing contract. He called on me yesterday to con-
verse on the subject. I advised him to put his views or
propositions in writing, which led to the letter as above.
As the contract with the Government stipulated the price,
neither I nor the Administration could vary the contract,
or authorize a conunittee to do so.

Stanton and McCulloch were very earnest and decided
against selling, though each declared himself ready to defer
to my opinion, which I had freely stated; but I requested
that the subject should be disposed of by the Government
in Cabinet. We could build a better vessel than this, but
it would require time. Over three years have been given to
the Dimderberg.

l«7l SUEJEIATT ON HIS WAY, TO AMERICA 2»

It was concluded not to sell, and I so infonned Webb.

Letters from Admiral Goldsborough inform the Depart*
ment that the Swatara left Nice on the 8th of January with
Surratt on board. She may arrive at any time, but cannot
reach Washington at present, the Potomac being closed by
ice for forty miles below. Baltimore and Annapolis Harbors
are also closed. It is lurged by Seward and Stanton that the
Swatara remain at Hampton Roads with Siuratt on board
imtil further orders or till the ice disappears from the river.

The House of Representatives has passed an act direct*
ing the Secretary of the Navy to receive the Idaho at
$550,000. We have offered her to Forbes, the contractor,
for $275,000. We could not get for her $150,000. Forbes
sought this contract ; said he could make a better and faster
vessel than any in the Navy and in less time; guaranteed
fifteen-knot speed ; was to have delivered the vessel in about
a year; was to have but $300,000 imtil completed. The
vessel was not completed to time, cannot make over eight
or ten knots; Congress long ago ordered $250,000 to be
paid in addition to the $300,000 which had been paid. The
whole is a failure, and Congress now steps in to relieve
the contractor from the liabihties of his folly, error, and
imprudence.

January 26, Saturday. Congress does not make mudi
progress in the schemes of Reconstruction and impeach*
ment. The Radical portion of the Republicans are as keen
as ever and will continue to be so, especially on impeach-
ment, but the considerate hesitate. It is a party scheme
for party purposes, not for any criminal or wrong act of the
President.

On Reconstruction, as it is called, there are differences
and doubts and darkness. None of the Radicals have any
clear conception or perception of what they want, except
power and place. Nowell-defined policy has been indicated
by any of them. Stevens wants a stronger government
than the old Union.

80 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [jan.26

' Violence of language has broken out two or three tunes
during the week. The Speaker, whilst ready to check the
Democrats, pennits the Radicals to go to extreme length.
The President is denoimced and vilified in the worst and
most vulgar terms without any restraint or intimation of
impropriety from the presiding oflScer, yet Mr. Colfax
wishes to be popular. His personal aspirations warp his
judgment, which is infirm, and, like most persons, in striv-
ing to reach a position for which he is unfitted he fails.
Those who may be pleased for the moment with his parti-
san leanings will not confide in him beyond the moment, j

January 28, Monday. The President sent in his veto on
the Colorado Bill to-day, giving cogent and suflScient rea-
sons why that Territory should not with the present popu-
lation be admitted as a State. A veto on the admission of
Nebraska will go in to-morrow. Both these vetoes have
been looked for.

January 29, Tuesday. The Army desires to get posses-
sion of the Indian Bureau, and the Interior Department is
not disposed to relinquish it. Stanton professes to care
nothing about it, and thrusts forward Grant and other
military men as the movers. I can perceive that they
have in him a prompter and willing coadjutor. As the Rad-
icals are in sympathy with Stanton and not with Brown-
ing, the question will be likely to go with the War rather
than the Interior Department, whatever may be the
merits involved.

It is a great mistake to change good Indian agents, if
any there are. Political party adventurers and speculators,
without conscience or principles, seek these positions to
enrich and elevate themselves at the expense of the poor
Indians. The old, single-hearted agents studied the char-
acter of the Indian, studied his habits, and interested
themselves in his welfare. Military men are to a great ex-
tent natiural enemies of the Indian, and if intimacy brings

18671 THE ARMY AND THE INDIANS 31

them into friendly relations, it can last only for a brief
period, when they and their commands are ordered away
to other duty. They are sojourners, not residents, and do
not, like old and faithful agents, become identified with
any Indian policy.

January 31, Thursday. The President sent for me this
P.H. to call if convenient and when I could spare the time.
When I met him, he inquired as to the arrival of the
Swatara and Surratt and when they might be expected.
I replied at any time, yet they might not reach Hampton
Roads for ten days. At present the boat could not ap-
proach Washington on account of the ice, and she would
necessarily be detained till it disappeared.

The President remarked that no good could result from
any communication with Surratt, and that the more reck-
less Radicals, if they could have access to him, would be
ready to tamper with and suborn him. The man's life was
at stake, he was desperate and resentful. Such a person
and in such a condition might, if approached, make almost
any statement. He, therefore, thought he should not be
allowed to communicate with others, nor should unauthor-
ized persons be permitted to see him. In these views
and suggestions I coincided, and told the President what
Admiral Goldsborough had communicated and that the
orders were stringent.

Passing from this subject, the President alluded to the
condition of the country and the importance of bring-
ing about an early reestablishment of the Union. The
Constitutional Amendment, which had been the policy of
Congress, so far as they had a policy, was a failure, and
something was now requisite to be done. He asked
what I thought of a proposition from one or more of the
occluded States for a compromise, — how would it be
received?

I replied that would depend, of course, on the character
of the proposition; but that I knew of nothing which was

82 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 8i

required of those States but submission to tlie Constitu-
tion, and ihat they had made. Individuals were amenable
to the laws which they had violated, but I knew of nothing
which the States were to do as States, beyond acquiescence,
which they had already done.

The President assented, but asked whether, in the ex-
cited condition of the country and the party feeling which
prevailed, it would not be well to take some steps which
might be considered a compromise. Let the Rebel States
themselves make a tender. Some Constitutional Amend-
ment might be proposed which might be satisfactory and
could, perhaps, imite all. In order to more clearly indicate
his object, he wished to submit to me a paper which he
had. This he brought from the library, and, sitting down
together, he requested me to read it aloud.

It was a series of resolutions which the State of North
Carolina proposed to adopt, and a committee, he said, was
waiting to get from him an expression in regard to them.
It was for this purpose he had sent for and desired to con-
sult with me. The docimient had been prepared with some
care, and there were interlineations in red ink which had
been made. I do not mention the details of this paper be-
cause the President said, after having my brief criticisms,
"To-morrow is Cabinet day, and likely the subject had
then better be discussed. Moreover, if adopted, they will
hereafter be published, altered and changed, perhaps, in
some features or details.''

In one or two suggestions made by me, one seemed to
strike the President with force. A proposed Constitutional
Amendment declared in effect that no State should retire
from the Union and that the Union should be perpetuated.
I proposed to amend by saying that no State should volun-
tarily withdraw or be excluded from the Union, or deprived
of its constitutional right of representation, but that the
Union should be perpetual. This was the idea; as regards
the phraseology I was indifferent; but it seems to me, after
past and present experience, and with the centraliziqg

1W71 PROPOSAL FROM NORTH CAROLINA 33

schemes and intrigues now upon us, that the organic law
should not only be against the voluntary withdrawal of a
State, but against its exclusion by the arbitrary desire of
any accidental party majority in Congress. As the Radicals
act from no fixed principles, but from party impulse and
greed of power, they will object.

XLVI

The Circumstanoes attending Motley's Resignation discussed in Cabinet —
The North Carolina Plan published in the Richmond Papers — The
Matter of the R. R. Cuyler, bought by the Colombian Government and
seized by the United States — Failure of the Samani Negotiations —
, Thaddeus Stevens's Proposal to establish Military Governments in the
Southern States opposed in the House — Banks leads the Opposition —
Stanton's Sensational Report on the Enforcement of the Civil Rights
Act — Plain Talk with the President about Stanton — Stevens's Bill
passes the House — Sherman's Substitute adopted in the Senate —
The House makes Further Amendments — Impeachment discussed in
the Cabinet — The Tenure-of-Office Bill condemned in the Cabinet.

February 1, Friday. The President did not bring forward
the document which he submitted to me yesterday, nor
make any allusion to it. A number of gentlemen from the
South, committeemen from their respective States, are
here, or have been recently, many of whom have called on
me, and each has had something to say on the imhappy
condition of affairs. The Radical leaders look upon them
and all the Southern people not as fellow coimtrymen, but
treat them as though they had no rights and as if they did
not intend they should be considered as equals, or as citi-
zens who have, or are entitled to, a voice in the Govern-
ment.

Seward spoke of the call which had been made or was
being made on him for the letters and author of the accusa-
tions against Mr. Motley and others. He was, as usual
when in difficulty and especially conscious that he may
have made a mistake, very talkative, almost garrulous.
The letters which passed between Seward and Motley, end-
ing with the resignation of the latter, have been published,
and very generally the Secretary of State has been cen-
sured and severely condemned. Men and papers of all
parties are against him. Although his method and manner

1S571 MOTLEY'S RESIGNATION 35

mi^t have been di£ferent, I do not think this the most
objectionable act which he has committed. His informant,
who, he says, is an American gentleman traveling in Eu-
rope, told him that some of our representatives abroad are
denouncing the Administration, particularly the President,
and expressing views that are un-American and offensive.
To have taken no notice of such a communication, coming
from a person of position and character, would have been
reprehensible, yet such it is generally claimed by his
opponents would have been his proper course.

Senator Sumner, who has been conspicuous in this mat-
ter, is indignant that an obscure person, as he assimies this
informant to be, should have received a moment's atten-
tion when making statements affecting Minister Motley,
the historian. But if less notorious than Motley, he may be
as intelligent, patriotic, and worthy, and entitled to as
much consideration as the official who, in a foreign land,
slanders the Grovemment. ''A cat may look upon a king,"
and a patriotic American citizen can hear and disapprove
and make known the objectionable and offensive utter-
ances of one of his coimtrymen who is officially clothed and
recognized as a representative.

Mr. Motley denies a portion of the letters, and that part
of it, if Mr. M. is one of the offenders alluded to, consti-
tutes a question of veracity between the informant and the
Minister. As Mr. M. disavows the opinions, he should
have the privilege and right of relieving himself. If, how-
ever, he has been censorious or offensive, or careless in his
language and utterances, why should not the fact be com-
mimicated? He speaks of his right to express his opinions
within his own walls. Such would be the case undoubtedly
were he a private citizen ; but a public man with stranger
guests, the representative of his Government at a foreign
Court, is not to be justified in defaming before a miscel-
laneous company the public authorities at home.

This subject has not been, perhaps, managed discreetly
and courteously, such as becomes the Secretary of State,

36 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. i

but he could not have passed the matter without notice.
Supposing the whole statement were true and admitted to
be true by M. himself, would he be justified or excused
because he is a writer and historian, and the informant an
obscure man, as Senator Sumner declares? How was the
Secretary to know without inquiry, and in what way so
well as by direct application to Motley himself ?

Seward says he shall answer the call of the Senate by giv-
ing the whole letter and the name of his informant. I said
that was not, in my opinion, right unless his informant con-
sented; that I did not like this tamely responding to calls
which neither house had a right to make, if the conmum-
ication was given in confidence. Seward, without stating
whether his informant was or was not willing, replied that
it was best to throw the whole matter before Congress;
that, if we declined, it would only make them the more
noisy and peremptory. I replied that I would act on no
such principle. Some one interrupted by asking the name
of the informant, and he said it was, I think, McCracken,
a gentleman of character and large wealth, the former
proprietor of Fort Washington, New York.

There may be circumstances and facts desirable to be
made public, and the informant may consent to the sur-
render of his name, but I apprehend not, and if not, the
disclosure is impolitic and wrong. I have so Uttle confid-
ence m the judgment, discretion, and courage of Seward
that I shall feel imcomfortable imtil I know more. He
is timid when cornered, and does many things that are
strange. He stated to-day, among other things, that when
he a few weeks ago brou^t forward Mr. Motley's letter of
resignation, he had in his portfolio a soothing letter in reply,
to the effect that his tender of resignation was perhaps
made without due consideration, he would please recon-
sider, etc. This letter, he says, by some inadvertence had
been sent ofif to Mr. M., the President, in the mean time,
having accepted the resignation and nominated another
person.

18m NORTH CAROLINA PLAN PUBLISHED 37

All this may be so, yet there is something in the man-
agement and way of doing things that is suspicious and
strange, to say the least. Mr. Motley may, on reading this
unauthorized letter expressing softly the sentiments of Mr.
Seward, become reconciled to him personally and doubly
vindictive towards the President.

Febmary 5, Tuesday. Seward handed me in Cabinet a
dispatch from Mr. Hovey, our Minister to Peru, inclosing
correspondence with Admiral Dahlgren relative to Tucker,
a Rebel deserter, formerly Commander in oiur Navy and
now Admiral in the Peruvian Navy, and wished I would
try to get the matter adjusted. It is a troublesome dif-
ficulty and not easy to dispose of, though not of great
moment.

Seward also read McCracken's letter concerning Motley
and other ministers and consuls abroad who are out-
spoken Radicals and, he says, objectionable and officious
in other respects. I again asked if McCracken was willing
to have his name given to the public. Without answering
my question direct, he said if men wrote letters concerning
public men and public business, they must take the risk of
their being published. McCracken,'Seward says, is a New-
Yorker of wealth, a relative of Charles O'Conor, has influ-
ence, and if Simmer and his men want to fight the down-
town bugs, damn them, let them. This is, I suppose, sec-
ond-hand from Thurlow Weed.

The Richmond papers have the Southern proposed plan
which the President showed me a few days since. It was
not my suggestion to set off ezclvsum and secession. This,
I think, shows want of judgment and tact on the part of
those who have the subject in hand, nor do I think it wise
to publish the plan before it has even been submitted to
the lepslatiu^ of any one State. There is an undercurrent
in this, as in the Philadelphia Convention, that I dislike.
As regards the project itself, I do not admire it as a whole,
or as a compromise. In fact, I am not disposed to tamper

Lt .

38 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [peb.6

with the Constitution at any time, but if changes are to
be made, let the whole country participate, and let there be
deliberation and consultation and comparison of opinions.
I am apprehensive that we may be on the eve of great and
serious movements which are to affect our government
and institutions most deeply,

February 8, Friday. The Secretary' of the Treasury
brought forward the question of the seizure of the R, R.
Cuyler, a steamer once owned by the Government, but
which had been sold to private parties after the close of the
War. Recently she has been contracted for by the Repub-
lic of Colombia, and was seized by our Government on the
eve of sailing. It seems by the contract she was to leave
imder the American flag and that the transfer was to take
place at a Colombian port. The Colombian Minister,
Salgar, protests against the seizure and claims the transac-
tion to be legal and in good faith. Seward says the sale is
fictitious or a cover; that the vessel is to be converted into
a privateer, or passed over to the Peruvians; and that no
attention should be paid to Salgar, who is a weak man
and can be easily imposed upon. He, therefore, justifies the
seizure and proposes to turn the whole matter over to
the Attorney-General and the courts.

I remarked that I had given the question no study, but
from the statement of the Secretary of State I doubted the
propriety of these proceedings. If the Colombian Govern-
ment is not at war with any other power, she has an un-
doubted right to purchase; the acts of her representative,
or minister, are her acts. These interpositions to check
and embarrass the sale of vessels, on mere suspicion, would
injure an important branch of industry, and our mechan-
ical and business interests were already greatly depressed.
Under the circumstances, I thought the Colombian Min-
ister was to be respected and his Government must be
responsible for his acts.

Stanton desired me to repeat what I said in regard to

18671 THE MATTER OF THE R. R. CUTLER 89

shipbuilding and mechanics, which I did. He said he took
an altogether different view. We had complained of Laird
and the builders of Rebel vessels at Glasgow. But the Eng-
lish Government claimed their mechanics had a right to
build and sell Alabamas. This was the very matter now in
issue with that Government, and we must not embarrass
the State Department, which had those negotiations, by
committing a similar wrong.

I denied that the cases were parallel. The Rebels were
belligerents, wagmg war against a Government in friendly
relations with Great Britain; but Colombia was not a bel-
ligerent, and had as good a right to buy of us, and we as
good a right to sell to her, as England or France.

The Attorney-General and Browning fully concurred
with me, and in answer to a remark of Seward's that these
South American states were poor and their ministers, some
of them, indifferent men, Mr. Stanbery said we were not
the conservators of those stetes. They are entitled to the
comity of nations.

Stanton and Seward reiterated their claims, the former
repeating that it was a question for the Secretary of State
and that he would defer to him. Seward said it was a legal
question and should be left to the Court ; he therefore pro-
posed to turn the matter over to the Attorney-General.

If there were l^al points and nothing else, I said, that
might be well, but I insisted this is a political question
between us and a foreign government; that it devolved
properly on the Secretary of State and should not be treated
as a legal question.

Like many others, most men perhaps, Seward is dis-
posed to evade responsibility when there is uncertainty
and an impending storm. Li this matter of the R. R. Cuy-
ler, there is, in my opinion, no justifiable reason for her de-
tention. Om- shipbuilders and shipowners ought to be able
to sell to a neutral government at peace ; otherwise we shall
drive all oiur customers away and into other markets.
There is want of energetic national feeling in the State

40 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 8

Department which is emasculating the oomitry of all
vigor.

The subject of the R. R. Cuyler being disposed of, I
brought up the case of the Dunderberg. Mr. Webb, the
contractor, claims he can sell her at a great advance to
a foreign government and wishes to refund advances and
take her. To this, individually and officially, I would not
object, but others of the Administration do. My own im-
pression is that Webb will find difficulty in disposing of her,
and if we refuse him the opportunity he will come back for
a gratuity or advance award above the naval contract.

Mr. Seward brought his son Fred, Assistant Secretary,
to state the result of his mission, which is a failure. The
Dominicans are not disposed to sell. I am glad of it. We
can, if at war with them, capture when there is necessity
easier than we can purchase, or cheaper at all events. Dur-
ing the Civil War it would have been convenient to have
had a station in the West Indies. But in case of a foreign
war with England, France, or Spain, we can captiu'e with-
out difficulty one or more of these islands.

Seward and Stanton had made arrangements to send
General Meigs to Denmark to purchase or negotiate for
St. Thomas. I doubted the necessity; but the President
ended the matter by saying he was opposed to the prac-
tice, which was being introduced, of sending officers on
traveling excursions for their personal benefit 'at the
Government's expense. General Meigs is a worthy man
and a good officer, but a pet of Seward's and too much
disposed to pander to him. I was, therefore, gratified at
the prompt and emphatic decision of the President.

February 9, Saturday. The House has been excited for
a day or two. A proposition submitted by Stevens from
the Reconstruction Committee, proposing to establish mil-
itary governments over the Southern States, meets with
opposition from many Republicans who are not yet Radi-
cals. There has been but little legislation this session in the

ism THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT BILL 41

[proper] sense of the word. A Radical party caucus decides
in relation to the course to be pursued on all important
questions. Two thirds of the Republicans and all of the
Radical partisans attend. A majority of them follow
Stevens and company. Those who hesitate or are opposed
have neither the courage nor the ability to resist. The
measure, however offensive or even unconstitutional, hav-
ing the caucus sanction, is brought into the House, the
previous question is moved and carried, and, without de-
bate, adopted. But on the matter of these vice-royalties,
a stand was made against Stevens, and the previous ques-
tion was not sustained. Grovemor Banks appears to have
been the leading man in opposition, but he had no plan or
policy to propose. To-day, I am told, he introduced some
rude scheme for a commission to take charge of each of the
ten States which are imder the Radical ban of exclusion.
These commissions are to disorganize the States and then
reorganize them.

There is neither wisdom nor sense in the House, but
wild, vicious partisanship continues and is increasing.

Febrtuiry 11 f Monday. Eliot of Massachusetts, chairman
of a committee sent out by Congress to New Orleans,
made a report for upsetting'the State Government of Lou-
isiana and converting the State into a province or Territory,
over which there is to be a governor and council of nine, to
be appointed by the President and Senate. These Rad-
icals have no proper conception of constitutional govern-
ment or of our republican federal system. On this absurd
scheme of Eliot and Shellabarger, both centralists, the
House has ordered, without debate, the previous question,
— prostrating a State, tearing down our governmental
fabric, treating States as mere corporations.

February 12, Tuesday. The subject of the R. R. Cuyler
was reported upon by the Attorney-General, who thought
the vessel should be surrendered to the parties, they giving

42 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb.12

bonds as required by statute. The conclusion was right,
and Seward and Stanton acquiesced.

Webb, builder of the Dunderberg, called on me yester^
day in relation to his vessel or contract. He wants more
money. Senator Morgan was with him, and will, I suppose,
introduce a resolution for a committee. Webb has thought
I might exercise equity power, but this I shall not do, al-
though the Attorney-General has given an opinion to that
effect, for the power, I conceive, is not given me, but the
law and contract must govern me. Equity power is with
Congress.

February 15, Friday. A call was made, on the 8th of Jan-
uary, on the President for any facts which had come to his
knowledge in regard to failure to enforce the Civil Rights
Bill. When the resolution reached the President, he
brought it before the Cabinet for answer, and it was re-
ferred to the Attorney-General on the suggestion of Stan--
ton, that he should forward copies to the heads of Depart-
ments for answer. On receiving the resolution I answered
immediately, without an hour's delay, and so, I think, did
the other members, except Stanton. The subject had
passed from my mind and I supposed had been reported
until to-day, when Stanton brought in his answer to the
President. It was a strange and equivocal document, ac-
companied by a report which he had called out from Gen-
eral Grant, and also one from General Howard. Grant's
report was brief, but was accompanied by a singular paper
transmitted to him by Howard, being an omnimn-gatherum
of newspaper gossip, rumors of negro murders, neighbor-
hood strifes and troubles, amoimting to 440 in niunber, —
vague, indefinite party scandal which General Howard and
his agents had picked up in newspapers and all other ways
during four weeks, under and with the assistance of the
War Department, who had aided in the search. There was
but one sentiment, I think, among all present, and that
was of astonishment and disgust at this presentation of

1867] STANTON'S SENSATIONAL. REPORT 43

the labors of the War Department. The Attorney-General
asked what all this had to do with the inquiry made of the
President. The resolution called for what information had
come to the knowledge of the^President respecting failures
to execute the law imder the Civil Rights Bill, and here
was a mass of uncertain material, mostly relating to negro
quarrels, wholly unreliable, and of which the President had
no knowledge, collected and sent in through General
Grant as a response to the resolution.

Two or three expressed surprise at these documents.
Stanton, who is not easily dashed when he feels he has
power and will be sustained, betrayed guilt, which, how-
ever, he would not acknowledge, but claimed that the in-
formation was pertinent, was furnished by General Grant.
If, however, the President did not choose to use it, he could
decline doing so. Subsequently he thought the Attorney-
General should, perhaps, decide.

Seward imdertook to modify and suggest changes. I
claimed that the whole was wrong and that no such reply
could be made acceptable under any form of words.

Randall thought the letter of Stanton and the whole
budget had better be received, and that the President
should send in that he knew nothing about them when this
Senate resolution was passed, but that, having since re-
ceived this information, he would have it looked into and
thoroughly investigated.

Stanton, who showed more in countenance and manner
than I ever saw him, caught at Randall's proposition. Said
he would alter his report to that effect and went to work
with his pencil.

Seward indorsed Randall. Said he thought all might be
got along with if that course was pursued.

I dissented entirely and deprecated conmumicating this
compilation of scandal and inflammable material, gath-
ered by partisans since the action of Congress, and repre-
sented to be a matter of which the President had knowledge
when the resolution was passed. It would be said at once

44 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb.15

by mischievous persons that here was information of which
Grant complained, but of which the President took no
notice; that Congress had called out the information and
Grant commimicated it, and that there is maladministra-
tion. [I said] that this was the purpose of the call; the
design probably of the Members who got it up.

Stanton looked at me earnestly. Said he was as desirous
to act in unison with the President as any one, no matter
who ; that this information seemed to him proper, and so,
he said, it seemed to General Grant, who sent it to him;
but if others wished to suppress it they could make the
attempt, but there was little doubt that Members of Con-
gress had seen this, — likely had copies.
. Finally, and with great reluctance on his part, it was
arranged that he should, as the rest of us had done, give all
the information called for which had come to his know-
ledge in answer to the resolution, and that the reports of
Grant and Howard should, with the rumors, scandal, and
gossip, be referred to the Attorney-General for investiga-
tion and prosecution if proper.

It was evident throughout this whole discussion of an
hour and a half that all were alike impressed in regard
to this matter. McCulloch and Stanbery each remarked to
me before we left that here was design and intrigue in con-
cert with the Radical conspirators at the Capitol. Stanton
betrayed his knowledge and participation in it, for, though
he endeavored to bear himself through it, he could not
conceal his part in the intrigue. He had delayed his answer
imtil Howard and his subordinates scattered over the
South could hunt up all the rumors of negro quarrels and
party scandal and malignity, and pass them, through Gen-
eral Grant, on to the President. It would help generate
difference between the President and the General, and, if
sent out to the country under the call for information by
Congress, would be used by the demagogues to injure the
President and, perhaps. Grant also.
, Seward obviously saw the intent and scope of the thing

isffn PLAIN TALK WITH THE PRESIDENT 4S

and soon took up a book and withdrew from the discussion.
His friend Stanton was in a position where he could do
little to relieve him. Randall played the part of trimmer
to extricate Stanton, who availed himself of the plank
thrown out.

Seward made allusion to the difficulty between our naval
officers and Tucker, the unpardoned Rebel whom the Peru-
vians have made rear-admiral, and wished the members
of the Cabinet, exclusive of him and myself, to consider
and be prepared to act upon the subject at the Cabinet-
meeting on Tuesday.

February 16, Saturday. Had a brief conversation with
Browning, who was at my house at reception last evening,
concerning the proceedings yesterday. He expressed his
amazement at the course of Stanton. Said he listened and
observed without remark till the close, and was compelled
to believe that there was design and villainy, if not ab-
solute treachery, at the bottom. It was with reluctance he
came to this conclusion, but it was impossible to do other-
wise.

I have been so disturbed by it and by the condition of
affairs that I made it a point to call on the President and
communicate my feelings. I told him that it was with re-
luctance I was compelled to express an imf avorable opin-
ion of a colleague and that I would not do so except from
a sense of duty. I adverted to the occurrences of yesterday
and told him I had carefully and painfully pondered them,
and my first impression was fully confirmed by reflection,
that the details of Stanton's report, the introduction of
Grant and Howard, with their catalogue of alleged mur-
ders and crimes unpunished, which had been industriously
gathered up, was part of a conspiracy which was on foot to
destroy him and overthrow his Administration ; that it was
intended the statement of reported murders should go
abroad under his name, drawn out by Congress, and spread
before the country on the passage of the bill establishing

'46 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb. 16

miKtary govemments over the Southern States as a justi-
fication for legislative usurpation. That report was to be
the justification for the act. There had been evident pre-
concert in the matter, and Radical Congressmen were act-
ing in concert with the Secretary of War. I alluded to the
manipulation of oflScers by the War Department, and men-
tioned how improper men had been placed at important
pomts, bemg first unpressed with the views of the Secre-
tary, which we all knew to be Radical and hostile to the
President's policy. I said that I could perceive Grant had
been strongly but unmistakably prejudiced, — perhaps
seduced, worked over, and enlisted, — and that gradually
the Administration was coming under the War Depart-
ment.

The President listened and assented to my observations;
spoke of the painful exhibition which Stanton made of
himself; said he should, but for the rain, have sent for
Grant to know how far he really was involved in the mat-
ter, etc. ; that as regards the military govemments, they
were not yet determined upon, perhaps would not be.
He still hesitates, fails to act, retains bad advisers and
traitors.

February 18, Monday. The session of the Senate on Sat-
lurday continued through the night and until 6.30 yester-
day morning. The subject under consideration was the
establishment of military govemments over the South-
em States. A bill to this effect was introduced by Thad
Stevens from the Reconstruction CoDMnittee, and was
carried imder his management and dictation through the
House. Very few attempt to indorse or justify the meas-
ure, yet all the Radicals and most of the Republicans voted
for it. There is very little firmness or moral courage in the
House. The Members dare not speak nor act according to
their convictions. Indeed, their convictions are feeble and
there is little sincerity in them.
\ In the Senate, Wade, Sunmer, and company undertook

18871 THE MILITARY GOVERNMENT BILL 47

to force through the bill at the Saturday's session. A stand
was made by the minority against such precipitate and un-
reasonable l^islation on so important a measure. Various
amendments were offered and voted down, but at length,
on Sunday morning, Mr. Sherman offered a substitute
which was adopted. It is in one or two respects less offens-
ive than the House bill, but is still an outrage upon the
Constitution, the rights of the people, and the rights of
the States. Simmer was violent, and Grimes tells me swore
savagely when Sherman's substitute was adopted. He left
the Senate in a rage. Grimes and Sunmer, though both
Radicals, are not friends or on speaking terms. Of course
Grimes is enjoying Sumner's disappointment.

Stevens, Boutwell, and the extreme Radicals are as
indignant as Simmer, and will make fight against the bill
in its present shape and likely secure amendments. The
Republicans, though disliking and mistrusting each other
more and more each day, are not yet prepared to break.
There is no shrewd man among the Democrats to take
advantage of or to manage their rising differences or to
lead his own party wisely.

Seward and Stanton confuse and bewilder the mind of
the President, prevent him from pursuing a straightfor-
ward and correct course and from taking and maintaining
a bold, decisive policy. They are weakening the executive
power daily and undermining the constitutional fabric.
Seward acts, as usual, from no fixed principles, but from
mere expediency, his own self -wisdom, not with a design
to injure the President or to help the Radicals. He tries to
resuscitate, vitalize, and perpetuate the old Whig Party
and to imdo and destroy the Democratic Party, each for
the glory of Seward. Stanton is deep in the Radical in-
trigues, but contrives to get along with and to use Seward
and his superficial wisdom, and is so far successful as to
keep his place, although the President knows his mischiev-
ous designs and purposes.
- The country is in poor legislative hands and the prospect

48 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES ifeb. 18

is sadly foreboding. The Constitution and the great prin*
ciples of union and free government on a federal basis are
disregarded.

February 22, Friday. The politicians in and out of Con-
gress have been busy for several days on the subject of gov-
erning the Southern States. Sherman's amendment went
down to the House, was disagreed to, and some abomin-
able additions were made. Partisans, and factions, and
fanatics, and demagogues were each and aU at work. Fin-
ally a bill was adopted establishing military governments
and martial law in and over those States. Where Congress
gets the power to do these things no one attempts to point
out. The Members of Congress evidently confound mar-
tial law with military law, and know no distinction. Con-
gress has the undoubted right to enact military laws for
the government of the land and naval forces; but martial
law exists and is in operation where there is no law. The
will of the military officer in command is supreme. He can
order courts martial or military commissions to try citizens
as well as soldiers, but citizens cannot be tried by military
law. Martial law abolishes jury trials; Congress cannot
abolish them. Martial law may abridge freedom of speech
and of the press, but Congress cannot.

When there is a congress or legislature to enact laws,
there can be no martial law. It would be a solecism. Yet
this Radical Congress has undertaken to enact martial law.
In other respects the bill is subversive of government, de-
stroys titles, and introduces chaos.

Tlie President, as commander-in-chief of the Army and
Navy, exercised the power, which devolved upon him
when the Rebellion was suppressed, and the military
forces occupied the Rebel States, and there was no law,
and chaos reigned, of appointing provisional governors and
ordering other measures to establish order and system
and reintroduce law. Congress could not do this. It had
no authority or power. All its powers are derived from the

1887] TWO BUXS BEFOBE THE CABINET 49

Gonstitutkm, the organic law; but when martial law pre^
vails, municipal law is suspended.

To-day the President laid this bill, and also the one re-
q)ecting the tenure of office, before ibe Cabinet. The bill
for the military government of the States was the (mly one
considered. On this there was the usual uncertainty. No
one of the Cabinet advised the President to approve the
bill but Stanton. He said that, though he would have
framed the bill differently and altered it in some respects,
he should give it his sanction, and advised the President to
give it his approvaL

Following him, I wholly dissented, and plainly and
directly advised the President to put his veto upon it.

Reverdy Johnson, the Senatorial trinuner, gave his
vote in the Senate for this infamous bill. Stanton quoted
him as an example and an authority. How long will the
President be able to go on with such an opponent at his
council board?

February 25, Monday. I read some suggestions on the
Tenure-of-Office Bill to the President. They were prepared
in response to an opinion of the Attorney-General some
months since, but are applicable to^the bill. The Pre«
sident was pleased with them. I also left with him some
views on the bill for the military government of the South-
em States. These views, which relate to the strange plan
of enacting martial law by Congress, chimed in with his
opinions.

On taking the paper, the President alluded to the Cab-
inet coimcil on Friday and the pitiful exhibition which
Stanton made of himself, and wondered if he (S.) supposed
he was not understood. The sparkle of the President's eyes
and his whole manner betokened intense though sup-
pressed feeling. Few men have stronger feeling; still fewer
have the power of restraining themselves when evidently
excited.
1 1 remarked that it was but part of the drama which had

so DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb.26

long been enacting and asked what was to be the condition
of things, if impeachment were pressed and an att^npt to
arrest him was made. This subject the President himself
had brought forward at the Friday meeting. Seward and
Stanton wished to give it the go-by, though each had his
own theory. Seward said it was not wise to anticipate such
a thing, — to discuss it even among ourselves, — had an
anecdote to tell, and his experience on the McCracken
correspondence. I differed with him, and thought it both
wise and prudent to be prepared for an emergency which
was threatened and had been undoubtedly discussed.
Others agreed with me and the President earnestly. Thus
pressed, Seward said it might be considered a law question,
coming particularly within the province of the Attorney-
General whenever it came up, but if the Attorney-General
should advise the President to submit to an arrest before
conviction, he would demand the immediate dismissal of
the Attorney-General. I asked if the demand would be
made on legal or political grounds. Stanton tried to evade
jthe matter; did not believe that impeachment would be
pursued; the session is near its close, etc.
r The President was evidently not satisfied with this
treatment of the subject when we had our conversation on
Saturday, and was now a good deal indignant. But whether
he will make any demonstration in that direction remains
to be seen. I have little expectation that he will, althou^,
had I not previously had similar strong intimations with-
out any result, I should from his expressive manner have
l^xpected a change.

February 26, Tuesday. At the Cabinet the subject of
the Tenure-of-OflSce Bill came up. It had been postponed
at the request of the Attorney-General on Friday. He said
he had not read it until to-day, but he required no time to
express his imqualified condemnation of it. In this the
,whole Cabinet were united. Stanton was very emphatic
and seemed glad of an opportunity to be in abcdid with his

18671 VETO OP TENXJRE-OF-OFFICE BILL 51

colleagues. The President said he was overwhehned with
many pressing matters which must be disposed of, and he
would be glad if Stanton would prepare a veto or make
suggestions. Stanton asked to be excused, for he had not
time. The Attorney-General said it was impossible for
him to do the work. The President turned to Seward,
who said he had not recently given these subjects attention,
but he would take hold if Stanton would help him. The
President suggested that both the War and Navy must
help in this matter, and McCulloch expressed a special de-
sire that I should participate. I saw tlxat Seward was not
taken with that proposition.

Some general discussion followed, and, before we left,
Seward spoke across the room to Stanton and requested
him to call and enter upon their duties; but no invitation
was extended to me. The President turned to me and
in an undertone remarked that I had given this subject
a good deal of thou^t and he reckoned I had better pre-
pare a paper. I told him I would have no objection to
contribute to the document, but it had gone into hands
that seemed willing to grapple with it, and I apprehended
after what had been said that they would do it justice.
If, however, anything was wanted of me, I would be
r»stdy to contribute at any time.

February 27, Wednesday. I called on the President to-
day with a brief communication to the House of Represent-
atives, declining to furnish certain information which had
be^i called for at the instigation of a claim agent, which
response I thought had better pass through the President.
The anterooms were very much crowded. In the coimcil-
room, at the President's table, was a gentleman busily
writing, who did not lift his head while I was in the room,
but who, I am confident, was Judge Jeremiah Black. My
interview with the President was necessarily brief, for I
saw he was engaged and none were admitted. I have no
doubt that Black is assisting in preparing the veto message

62 DIARY OF GmEON WELLES [fbb.27

on the Military Govemment Bill, stating some of the legal
objections.

Thisevening, just before I left the Department, Seward's
clerk Smith, his legal clerk, called and said Mr. Stanton
was with Mr. Seward and they wished to know where they
could get a copy of Mr. Webster's speech on removals from
office, to which I had made reference in some of our discus-
sions. I told him I could not get the volume at that time,
nor did I know whether it was published in Webster's
Works, but that it was in the great debate on Calhoun's
resolution in 1834. He said that could not be, that the
speech must have been in 1830; they had searched for it
through 1830, 1831, and 1832. I told them they had not
looked late enough, that Calhoun was then Vice-President
and not a Senator.

No invitation came for me to participate. This is best.
Our views are so different in many respects that it is well
I should be absent. The principles of Seward and Stanton
and their party education were different, and all may work
out well, — better than if I were with tibem.

February 28, Thursday. Young Ruger, of Janesville, "Wis-
oonsin, who was nominated postmaster at that place, was
rejected by the Senate and has come on here. In an inter-
view with Senator Howe, that gentleman said to Ruger the
Senate would confirm no man for any office who did not
vote for Lincoln and Johnson. Mr. Randall, Postmaster-
General, thinks it best to nominate only such Republicans
as will be confirmed, and so told Ruger. Under such course
and practice the President will have very little opportimity
to strengthen himself or maintain his rightful authority.
Randall was confirmed by the Senate under suspicious cir-
cumstances. There are many indications that he is imder
bad influences. Some of his associations are bad.

Simmer and Chandler made a gross and indecent attack
on McCuUoch in the Senate, and were rebuked by Sher-
man and Fessenden. The condition of the country is de-

18671 ATTACK ON McCULLOCH 63

plorable when such men, m such positions, thus exhibit
themselves. Chandler's instincts are low and debasing,
always. Sumner is domineering, arrogant, insolent, and
presuming. He is angry because a brother-in-law was
removed for malconduct. Chandler is mad because he
cannot dictate all the Michigan appointments. High Sena-
torial duties are discharged by men who in their official
acts are governed by narrow personal considerations.
Little regard is felt for the country, while private resent-
ments are all-controlling. I am not certain that judicious
selections are always made, but I do know that good and
judicious men are rejected for no cause.

XLVII

Seward and Stanton prepare the Veto Message on the Tenure-of-Offioe Bill
— Vetoes of this and the Military Government Bill sent in — Reverdy
Johnson's Extraordinary Course — Butler's Animosity towards Grant
! — The Chances of Impeachment — The Close of One Congress and the
Beginning of Another — The Powers of the Military Governors — The
President's Exclamation in regard to Impeachment — Ex-Congressman
Law of Indiana on Andrew Johnson — The President's Reticence —
Randall's Conciliatory Attitude towards the Radicals — Stanton ap-
parently to select the Military Governors — Sickles among the Genends
chosen as Governors — Wall Street's Influence in Congress — The
Alaskan Purchase Treaty — Death of Charles Eames — His Career —
Senator Foster and the Austrian Mission — No Opposition to the Rus-
sian Treaty in the Cabinet — The ex-Confederate Admiral of the Peru-
vian Navy to be saluted by American Officers — Indian Affairs — The
President wishes to offer the Austrian Mission to General Blair — Judge
Blair's Story of the Action of General Grant and General Dick Taylor
against Seward and Stanton — Private Secretary Moore's Relations
with Stanton — Congress refuses to adjoium — The Alaskan Treaty
signed — Seward tells ex-Minister Bigelow how he shaped Lincoln's
Cabinet.

March 1, Friday. Seward and Stanton have prepared
and handed to the President the veto message on the bill
for the tenure of office. They did not see fit to submit it to
me, and I hesitated whether to inform the President of the
fact. Amidst other multitudinous duties he supposes, I
have no doubt, that I have participated in and revised the
message. On the whole, concluded to say nothing unasked.

But little was done in Cabinet. Some little discrepancies
between Stanbery and Black, who has been consulted,
have delayed the veto on the Military Government Bill,
which is the absorbing measure in this exciting time of
extraordinary measxires.

Business of importance has been as usual delayed to the
close of the session. Office and place have been the en-
grossing subjects of the Members. Legislation by which
the appointments may be transferred from the Executive

l»7i TWO/ VETOES SENT IN 55

to Ck>ngres8| by which Radkals in office may be retained
in place, or that will secure Radical appointmentB, has
been a primary object. To break down State independence
and State rights, to midennine and destroy the character
of the executive and judicial departments of the Govern-
ment, are great purposes with the Radical leaders. There
is no doubt that the Government is to be subverted and
constitutional limitations are to be swept away, provided
the Radicals can succeed. Hate at the Rebels and of all
whites, whether Rebds or not, if they lived in the Rebd
States, with intense love for the negro, the "wards of the
nation,'^ for whom the ri^ts and feelings of white men are
freely sacrificed, Gharacteri2se& Congress. >

March 2, Saturday. The President is greatly pressed
with business. Sent in t<Mlay his two vetoes. That on the
establishment of military governments over the ten Stated
was received with deep interesti The bpinions of a majors
ity of the Republicans are imdoubtedly against the prin-
ciples of the bill, but they have not the independence and
moral courage to act in conformity to their convictions and
confront the Radicals. Party subjection overpowers them.
Thad Stevens and the discipline of the caucus are potent.

In the Senate, as in the House, party dominates over
country. Fear comes over the feeble-minded, who com-
prise nearly one half of the Senate. If two or three hesi-
tated, the recent extraordinary course of Reverdy Johnson
decided than to submit to the demands of party. Johnson
knows and says the bill is unconstitutional and wrong, yet
he violates his oath and votes for it. His justification is
that the Radicals, in their fury, will impose harder terms if
these are not accepted, and he wants the country should
have repose. It is known, however, that his son-in-law is
an earnest candidate for the office of District Attorney of
Maryland, and he could not, under existing circimistancesi
expect to be confirmed by this Senate, were the President
to nominate him. ^This aposta^ of Johnson will insure the

56 DIAKY OF GIDEON, WELLES (biabch 2

son-in-law's confinnation, provided he gets the nomination,
and Reverdy, to say nothing of other malign influences,
fancies that his position as Senator and one of the judges
of the President in case of impeachment will secure the
selection. I have no doubt this old political prostitute has
been governed by these mercenary personal considera-
tions. He has a good deal of l^al ability, but is not over*
burdened with political principles. This conduct occasions
less surprise on that account. Sad is the condition of the
country when such men influence its destiny.

March 3, Sunday. Spent two or three hours at the Pre-
sident's this morning. McCulloch and Browning called for
me. Seward and Randall were there. The President was
calm, but I thought more dejected than I had almost ever
seen him. Not that he expressed himself despondingly , but
fais air and manner were of that appearance. Perhaps it
was because he had' had but little sleep, for he spoke of
transactions past midni^t.

> While the President was absent for a short time in the
library, Browning remarked that he felt disturbed by
the state of things. ^'How," said he, ''is Grant? Does any
one know his opinions, and what stand he takes? "

Seward] said he would know to-morrow at 2 p.m., or
perhaps at 2 p.m. on Tuesday. Browning pricked up his
ears and opened his eyes. "How,** inquired he, ''shall I
know?" "Why," repUed Seward, "Benjamm F. Butler
will be sworn in by that time, and his animosity towards
Grant is so much greater than it is towards the President
that he will make his opinions known and understood upon
the floor of the House. When that is done, you will all
understand where Grant stands."

This was delivered very oracularly, and I have no doubt
Seward has turned this matter over in his mind and come
to the conclusion that the President will have a fast friend
in Grant in consequence of the disagreement between him
and Butler. Whether Stanton has helped to impress this

18871 THE CHANCES OF IMPEACHMENT ^7

on Seward is uncertain. I am inclined to think he has been
instrumental in practicing on the too ready credulity of
the Secretary of State in this matter. He is too ready to be^
lieve what he wishes, if he has even but sUght authority.

Bandall thought tiiere was not much probability that
the impeachment scheme would be pressed any further.
Encoiuraged by this, Seward said nothing would be done.
"But," remarked Browning, " provided they should go on,
what have we to depend upon?" Seward evaded a direct
answer; spoke of the discontent of the business men; said
the Members were also disturbed. Randall took the same
view; said Congress would not consent to this thing.

I said that was the common-sense view, and if there
were any reliable intelligence and firmness in Congress
there would be an end of the matter at once. But, unfor-
tunately, there was neither good sense, ability, nor inde-
pendence among the Radicals. There is no individuality
among the well-meaning Members. A few leaders and the
Radical cohorts had entire control of the whole mass of Re-
publicans. Stevens, Butler, Boutwell, Schenck, Kelley, and
a few other violent partisans led the positive element,
and in revolutionary times such as these the positive and
the violent always controlled. If the men I had named
and a few others willed it, the House would imquestion-
ably impeach, whether they foimd a reason therefor or
not. I, therefore, thought Browning's inquiry pertinent
and that the subject should receive attention.

Seward admitted that the positive element invariably
bore sway, and told of some who had dined with him the
past week and swore they would not vote to impeach, but
he told them they would despite their assertions, if Stevens
demanded it, — that they were drawn on step by step.

Randall made no further remark. I have a distrust of
him that I can't remove. I regret it and hope I am mis-
taken. He is not treacherous, that I am aware, to the Pre-
sident, but he is on terms with the President's enemies
and has bad associates. •

• •

58 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [uabch 8

" The President said he had last night, after one o'clock,
a letter from Reverdy Johnson requesting that his son-in-
law, Ridgely , might be nominated District Attorney. This,
the President remarked, was about as cool a piece of as-
surance as he had ever witnessed. It does not surprise me.
What will the President do?

March 4, Monday. Went at half-past nine to the Capi-
tol. The President directed the Cabinet to meet at that
time. I called at the Executive Mansion on my way and
found the President very busy. He had signed all the bills
sent him save three. One was the Army Appropriation
Bill, the second section of which, as well as some others,
was objectionable, — so much so that I could not advise
him to sanction it. Another was the Woolens Bill, which
I had not examined, but which McCulloch thought the
President had better sign with a protest.

The two houses were in session until after meridian.
Time was set back. The session was called as of the 2d of
March, Simday being dies non. The houses had each taken
frequent recesses without adjourning. It was the only
evidence of regard for the Constitution which I witnessed,
and this was a fiction.

I looked briefly into the Senate, where the new Senators
were being sworn in. It is the only time I have seen the
Senate in session since I was there at the adjournment last
July. I could not respect the body or many of its members.
They are, in their intense faction hate of Southern whites
and zeal for the negro, determined to pull down the pillars
of the Republic.

Foster and I met in the passage as I was going into the
Senate. He was looking disconsolate, but I wasted no
sympathy on him, and in the few words which passed I was
not hypocrite enough to express any regret that his term
had closed. I was sorry that Cowan, frank and bold, hon-'
est as regards measiues, though not always correct in his
estimate of men, should leave. The Senate in its meanness

18671 POWERS OP MILITARY GOVERNORS 59,

did not act on his nomination to Vienna. It neither rejected
nor confirmed him.

Reverdy Johnson^s son-in-law was nominated and con-
firmed to be District Attorney for Maryland. So much for
disregarding principle, conviction, and duty. Who influ-
enced the President in this matter I know not. Seward, I
am satisfied, assented to it, if he did not advise it. Johnson
was frequently in and out, and I saw Cowan with him. Not
unlikely the good-natured Senator was persuaded to ap-
peal to the forbearing President.

I went with McCulloch to the House of Representatives,
which was crowded. The Clerk was just commencing to
call the roll for Speaker, and I left. Some changes take
place in this body. Ten States are excluded and unrepre-
sented, but the Radical fragment will press forward all
all the more earnestly for mischief.

March 5, Tuesday. Some of the Radical revolutionary
measiu'es were discussed to-day in Cabinet. The legisla-
tion and action of Congress have thrown several hundred
(^oers out, and the public funds are in jeopardy. Intent
on oflBce, place, and power, the real interests of the coun-
try have been neglected or not considered by the Radicals.
Want of comprehension of consequences and a feeling of
irresponsibility have been manifest throughout.

A question came up as to the power and jurisdiction of
the miUtary governors who were to be placed in charge of
the Southern States. Stanton said they must be subordin-
ate and accoimtable to their superiors who were in charge
of the military departments. Stanbery doubted the cor-
rectness of this view. I put the distinct question whether,
if there were conflicts of opinion between the military gov-
ernor and his superior, — as for instance if the brigadier
governor of Georgia and Alabama should take a position,
or issue an order which was disapproved by Major-General
Thomas, in command of that military department, would
he override and annul the order of the military governor?

60 DIART OF GIDEON WELLES [1£abch5

Stanton said General Thomas' order would control. I
questioned it and claimed that the special authority con-
ferred by the act, if the act was of any validity, made the
brigadier independent of General Thomas in governing
the States to which he was assigned.

This seemed the prevailing opinion, but at Stanton's
request, decision was deferred until Friday, he promising
in the mean time to investigate the subject.

March 6, Wednesday. I was with the President on a
little business, and Stanbery was present at the early part
of our interview. The subject of yesterday's decision on
the powers of the brigadiers was introduced by S., who
said he had not a shadow of a doubt in regard to it; he
thinks Stanton and his friends have overshot the mark.

After Stanbery left, the President continued the conver-
sation on the same topic, and if he intended to enforce an
unconstitutional law in regard to the importance of select-
ing the right men for military governors, I urged him to
be certain in regard to his men for those positions and
to have an mterview with each bef oie giving them ordeiB.
He assented fully.

I then alluded again to the condition of things here in
Washington. In the event of the Radical leaders succeeding
in their intrigue to procure an impeachment, the first step
after impeachment should be voted would be to order his
arrest. If he was not prepared to submit to an arrest, was
he prepared to meet it? Whom could he confide in? Who of
the military men, or of the War Department, would stand
by him against an order issued by Congress, or the Senate
as a court, under the signature of the Chief Justice, com-
manding his arrest? I had on two or three occasions, I re-
marked, introduced this topic, not that it was pleasant or
interesting to me, but it was important to him and the
country. Once he had himself brought forward the sub-
ject, but a direct and positive answer by the Cabinet or
some of the Cabinet had been evaded by the Cabinet

18S7I THE PRESIDENT'S HESITATION 61

or some of the members. The President said yes, he was
aware of it, but he would bring the subject to a decision
next Friday. I told him it was in my opinion due to
himself, although Mr. Seward had said it was not best to
anticipate.

But it has been the misfortune, the weakness, the great
error of the Pi^esident to delay, — hesitate before acting.
It has weakened him in public estimation, and given the
impression that he is not strong in his own opinions. Yet
I know of no man who is more firm, when he has once taken
a stand. But promptness, as well as firmness, is necessary
to inspire public confidence.

March 7, Thursday. The Radicals are divided in opinion
on the subject of impeachment, and also as to the adjourn-
ment. Some wish a continuous session, some wish to
adjourn to May, others until October or November, The
Senate seem determined to adjourn over until the fall,
iiiule the extreme Radicals wish to continue in session, al-
though there is no business requiring their presence. J3ut
they desire to administer the government and impeach the
President. Not that he has committed any wrong or that
any o£fense can be stated; but they have had a committee
searching the coimtry to find, if possible, some mistake,
some error, some act which can be construed into a polit-
ical fault and thus justify his removal, because he is an
obstacle in the way of Radicalism.

March 8, Friday. Very little was done to-day in Cabinet.
It was expected, I think, by all that the President would
bring forward measiues in relation to the Military Govern-
ment Act, and, therefore, they had omitted pressing any
business except such as was absolutely necessary from the
Departments. But the President made no allusion to the
subject. He said he was very much engaged, as he must
be, not only on that of the military government but other
matters wUch should be immediately disposed of. v "^ *^ ^

62 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 8

After the meeting, or the regular session, was over, Mc-
Culloch reached over the table, at the end of which the
President was sitting, I being as usual on his left, and
Browning came and seated himself on the opposite side
and said something in a low tone which I did not hear, or
which passed out of my mind in consequence of what
subsequently occurred. He said it — his suggestion, what-
ever it was — would check the impeachment movement.
The President replied hastily: ''I will do nothing to check
impeachment, if there is any wish to press it. I am tired
of hearing allusions to impeachment. God Almighty
knows I will not turn aside from my public duties to attend
to these contemptible assaults which are got up to embar-
rass the Administration. Let the House go forward and
busy themselves in that matter if they wish."

There are rumors as to the persons to be selected as mili-
tary governors, and I think the President is, imfortimately
for himself, consulting with General Grant. How far Grant
confers with Stanton, I know not, nor does the President,
— if he confers at all. That Grant may be biased by Stan-
ton and Holt, with whom he has constant, intimate inter-
coiu'se is not improbable. However, my impression has
been that Grant is himself rightly disposed, though there
are some things which indicate subtlety and duplicity.

March 9, Saturday. Law of Indiana, who was a Mem-
ber of the Thirty-seventh and Thirty-eighth Congresses,
called on me, being on a visit to Washington. We have
been good friends since our first acquaintance. He said he
had just paid his respects to the President and reminded
hm of an incident. In the summer of 1861, he, L., was at
the Burnett House in Cincinnati on his way to Washing-
ton in pursuance of the call of President Lincoln for an
extra session. He had just finished his meal, — breakfast, I
think, — and came out on the piazza, when a troop of horse,
both riders and animals somewhat jaded, rode up, and
opening in line, a citizen, in citizen's dress much dusted,

iSftTi EX-CONGBESSMAN LAW ON JOHNSON 63

came forward and dismounted. That man, exhausted and
covered with dust, was Andrew Johnson, a Senator from
Tennessee on his way to Washington under the call of the
President, and the military authorities had dispatched a
troop of horse to escort and guard him across the State of
Kentucky. ^'I little thought/' said Law, 'Hhat I should
ever hear Andrew Johnson denoimced as a Rebel, or a sym-
pathizer with Rebels; that partisan malice would ever
accuse him of want of fidelity to the Union; but God only
knows what we are coming to in these Radical times. Such
a patriot as Johnson,'' said Law, with tears running down
his cheeks, ''a man who has suffered and done so much^
deserves better treatment from his countrymen."

March 11, Monday. Senator Morgan says Nye returns
from CJonnecticut, where he has been making political
speeches, very much alarmed at the prospect, and if extra
efforts are not put forth, Deming will lose his election to
Congress. Were the election to take place at this time, I
am inclined to think the Radicals would be beaten, but
much can be done in three weeks.

Stanbery and myself were with the President a short
time this morning. Business disposed of, some conversation
followed in regard to the selection of military governors.
We both dwelt on the importance of judicious, good, re-
liable men. The President assented and said he hoped to
finish up the matter to-day, but he made no intimation as
to the persons whom he should designate. I had no desire
to ask, and Stanbery seemed likewise disposed.

The President is without doubt too reticent with his
Cabinet advisers, and perhaps with all his friends, although
inclined to much public speaking and free utterance on
matters that are public. From his silence on the subject
of military governors I do not anticipate a judicious selec-
tion, and shall not be siuprised if Grant, in whom he still
•has confidence, and possibly Stanton, are the only persons
whom he consults. If so he will have trouble.

64 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 12

' March 12, Tv^sday. Current matters of no special inter-
est to-day in Cabinet. Appointments and rejections were
talked over. I do not learn that the President and some
of the Departments have any system in this matter of
appointments and removals. Randall equivocates, trims,
and gives in to the Radicals. It is said he was confirmed
with that understanding. He has no backbone or power.
If the Senate rejects a good man because he is friendly to
the President and adheres to the Constitution, Randall is
content to present another of an entirely different charac-
ter, a tool of the Senate, an enemy to the President, a wild
Radical. Of course no party can succeed under such man-
agement, and the Administration is consequently making
no headway. McCulloch is a different and much better
man than Randall in every respect; but, overwhelmed
with the financial difficulties of the coimtry, he is for
conciliating the Radicals, yields too much, and Randall
and others increase that infirmity. The tendency is all
wrong.

Nothing was said by the President in Cabinet on the
subject of military governors. [He took Stanton aside and
had a conversation of some fifteen minutes with him, while
the rest were waiting. At the close Stanton was unusually
jubilant, had a joke or two with McCulloch and could not
suppress his feelings. I shall not be disappointed if Stan-
ton selects or controls the military governors, and I think
Seward has advised that he should. These two men have
contrived to break down the Administration, — Seward
without intending it. Thurlow Weed has been in town for
a day or two, almost as much at the War as at the State
Department. His counsel is always pernicious.

March 13, Wednesday. Judge Field called on me to-day.
He is very soimd and correct on the great questions before
the coimtry. He concurred with me as to the peculiar char-
acteristics of the President and the misf ortimes which he
has brought on himself and the country by failing to ^fst

1867] SIC5KLES ONE OF THE GOVERNORS 65

promptly on his own convictions, and by listening to the
advice of those who are not his friends.

Judge Field has no confidence in Stanton and fears he
will influence bad appointments for military governors,
and expressed a strong hope that General Sickles would
not be selected.

The pai)er this morning announces the generals who
have been designated, and Sickles is one of them. Sickles
is a favorite of Stanton, who defended him for murdering
Key. I do not think the selections in several respects ju-
dicious. That of Sickles accounts for Stanton's exuberant
feelings yesterday and confirms my impression that he has
been instrumental in selections, some of which will be likely
to cause diflBiculty. It would not be easy, however, to go
among the military men and choose five in whom to repose
full confidence. In listening to Stanton the President has
made no friends. The War Department has made itself
felt in the appointments. ''The slime of the serpent is over
them all.'' General Grant has apparently borne himself
under all influences as well as could be expected, yet I
think he is to some extent affected and has been swayed
by Radical influence.

March 14, Thursday. McCulloch spent some time with
me this evening. He is a good deal desponding. Sa3n3
Congress is very corrupt. Certain Wall Street operators
know daily what is done in the Finance and Ways and
Means Committees. He gets information of the trans-
actions of that committee by way of Wall Street before
the committee reports to or advises with him, and his own
movements are also in that way betrayed. These Radical
patriots are swindling the country while imposing on its
credulity.

The want of prompt and decisive action on the part
of the President, who is deceived by Stanton, aided by
Seward, who supports Stanton, we both lamented. It has
made the Administration a failure and transferred power

66 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [makchw

from the Executive to CongresSi which is now omnipotent
and mirestrained. On every hand the Elxecutive has been
hedged in and crippled. It annoys McCulloch that Stan-
ton should have the ear and confidence of the Presidenti
while to him it is obvious that the President is betrayed;
the rest of the Cabinet, who are faithfully discharging
their duties, are assaUed, while Stanton, who is faithless
and treacherous, escapes, — has all the appropriations he
asks.

But McCulloch does not realize what is obvious to me,
— that Seward has the ear and the confidence of the
President, and is the man who by his efforts and repre-
sentations retains Stanton. These two men have sacri-
ficed the President. He has permitted it and thereby made
his Administration impotent.

March 16, Friday. Seward produced a treaty for ac-
quiring the Russian possessions in North America. All
assented to submitting it to the Senate.

The subject of naval courtesies with Tucker, the Rebel
deserter, whom Peru has made admiral of her navy, came
up. No one stood by me, of the Cabinet. The President
patiently listened. Stanton declared his heart and sym-
pathies were with me, but the question of international
courtesies he thought should be left with the Secretary of
State and Attorney-General. This lugging in the Attorney-
General on international law and political questions and
committing them to him I do not like. It is to enlist
Stanbery and relieve Seward of responsibility in a matter
which belongs to the State Department.

I could perceive that the Attorney-General had been
consulted, and was prepared to give an opinion as the
Secretary of State wished. As usual the Secretary of
State disregards not only the national pimctilio but the
national points [8ic]j — surrenders all when the easy work-
mg of his own Department is concerned.

Stanton, who has heretofore, and, as he declared, de-

1867] DEATH OF CHARLES EAM^S 67

liberately, agreed with me, fell away at the crisis. This
did not disi^point me. He always goes with Seward.
They are one.

March 16, Saturday. Charles Eames died this after-
noon. He was in many respects a very superior man, and,
though a private citizen, his death is a public loss. I con-
sider him to have been the best-read and most correct
admiralty lawyer in the coimtry, and the best authority
on questions of maritime law. I have seen but little of
him for a year past, — he has been so immersed in busi-
ness, — but I have made it a point to get his opinion on
important questions when I had doubts and when I dif-
fered with others whose opinions I thought of value.

Twenty years ago we became acquainted during Polk's
Administration. He was a clerk for a short time in the
Navy Department. Appleton was then Chief Clerk. Both,
though my juniors, are now dead. Eames became editor
of the Union,^ was commissioner to the Sandwich Islands,
Minister to Venezuela, etc. His attainments placed him,
though impretentious, high as a publicist and statesman.
As a politician he lacked force, but was an excellent
adviser. His politics were democratic Republican. As a
critic he was acute and accurate. Marcy, Everett, and
Guthrie submitted to him some of their most important
papers before giving them publicity. He was the young-
est and best scholar in the most renowned class which
ever graduated at Harvard.

Buchanan treated Eames shabbily, and when I came
here at the commencement of Lincoln's Administration,
he was low in finance and business and somewhat de-
jected. We soon renewed our acquaintance, became so-
cial, and I was enabled to assist him. He was a politician
in the best sense of the word and did not love the practice
of the law, but necessity impelled him, and, being thrown
out of public employment by the perverse action and

^ A Waahington newspaper.

68 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [maechw

opposition of Seward and the cold duplicity of Chase, he
applied himself to the profession. The prize cases brou^t
him forward, and the Treasury availed itself of his ability.
Not endowed with a strong constitution, he broke down
under the pressiu*e of certain great cases intrusted to
him. His phjrsical system was not equal to his mental
power and the demands upon him. Farewell, old friend!
There is no one to supply your place to me.

March 18, Monday. Senator Foster called on me to-
day to aid him in obtaining the mission to Vienna. S&yB
Seward advised him to consult me. Seward knew that,
though I had personal regard for Foster and appreciated
his qualities, I did not think this a judicious appointment
at this time and imder existing circumstances. He assured
me that nothing had, up to that time, been said to him
by Foster, nor would he entertain the matter without
consulting me. I have no doubt that he is turning his
thougihts to Foster for this mission and has advised this
call. I could give F. no assurance, nor yet was I prepared
to tell him flatly I would oppose him. For Seward has, not
imlikely, consulted and enlisted the President, and if the
point is already determined, to resist it would be foolish-
ness.

Foster, after recent occurrences, has certainly no claims
on the Administration. He has not, it is true, been vindic-
tive and acrimonious like some Senators, but he has been
steady in his opposition, the slave of factious party dis-
cipline, often, as I have reason to believe, against his
own conviction. He timidly threw away his own chance
for reelection and sacrificed those who stood by him.

March 19, Ttiesday. Had the Russian treaty on the
tapis. No division of opinion as to the measure.

The question of coiutesy to Tucker, the Rebel deserter,
whom the Peruvians have, discourteously to us, made
admiral and consequently outranking his seniors in our

1887] INDIAN AFFAIRS 69

service who were not Rebels, was brought forward by
SewanL I stated that my opinion had undergone no change,
but that I should, of course, although it might be humili-
ating to American officers, conform to the decision of the
Flmdent and Cabinet. If, however, we yielded to the
discourtesy, we should, besides doing an act tending to
demoraliase our Navy, be setting a bad precedent.

Stanton again repeated that his feelings and sympathies
were with me, but as it was an international question, he
should defer to the Secretary of State. Browning gave up
the question without understanding it and was very
earnest for Peru. Under the circumstances and with the
united opinion against me, the President thought Dahl-
gren had better give up the point. I am, therefore, to in-
form him that the President has directed that Paragraph
96 of Navy Regulations, which I had authorized him to
waive, would be hereafter observed by the South Pacific
Squadron.

A long discussion followed between Stanton and
Browning, growing out of the attempts of the military
to interfere in Indian afifairs. Browning claims that the
agents, if respected and not interfered with by the army
officers, will save us from an Indian war. Stanton thinks
army officers are better judges as to the treatment of the
Indians than the traders and agents. He protests against
thdr selling arms and ammunition to the Indians. Brown-
ing says it is necessary for their existence that they should
have firearms.

My views were and are with Browning. With firearms
I believe the Indians are less furious than with bow and
arrow and tomahawk. The attempt to prevent them from
having arms they would naturally consider imfriendly
and hostile.

Stanton attempts to fortify himself behind Grant.

March 20, Wednesday. In an interview with the Pre-
sident, after disposing of other matters, I read to him a

70 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES imabch26

letter from Connecticut on the approaching election, in
which a very strong wish was expressed that Foster should
not receive the appointment to Austria, as reported in the
papers he had, — at all events, that it should not take
place until after the election.

The President was much pleased with the tone and
spirit of the letter and remarked that the writer might
rest easy as regarded Mr. Foster. He said Seward had
proposed Foster's name this morning, shortly before I
called, and "I asked him," said the President, "what
in God's name F. had done that we should select him.
There are others, as good and as capable men as he who
have stood firm and done service that should be remem-
bered. Mr. Foster has no preeminent qualifications for
the place; he has been here all winter voting for these
abominable measiu'es which we pronotmce unconstitu-
tional, and believe and know to be so, and so does he;
and now, when thrown out of place by his own weakness,
we are expected to take him up. What can be thought of
our sincerity if we do this? If Mr. Foster is with us, why
don't he go home and take a manly part in the elections?
Why is he lingering here? "
^ "What," inquired I, "did Mr. Seward reply?"

"Not a word," said the President. "He took up his
budget and left. I am sick of such things."

I informed him that Mr. Foster had called on me also
and I could not otherwise than inform him of the object of
Mr. F.'s visit; but after his remarks it was unnecessary
to say more on the subject.

Some conversation as to the expediency of sending in
General Blair's name followed.

March 21, Thursday. Wrote letter to Admiral Dahlgren
on the subject of courtesies to Tucker in obeditece to in-
structions from the President. . Sent it to Seward for his
perusal. Also sent him the correspondence which had
passed between Admiral Goldsborough and E. J. Morris,

1867] THE AUSTRIAN MISSION 71

our Minister at Constantinople. The latter has been urg*
ing Admiral G. to send a ship to Candia to transport the
Cretans to Greece, — a direct infringement of neutrality*
Morris justified himself on the ground of assurance from
the Secretary of State.

March 22, Friday. There was no meeting of the Cabi-
net to-day. A severe snowstorm through the whole day.
The President on subject of veto of supplemental bill to
the military governments.

March 23, Saturday. Read to the President my letter
of instructions to Rear-Admiral Dahlgren relative to
interchange of courtesies with Tucker, the Rebel, late
Commander in our service, now Admiral in the Peruvian
Navy. Told him I had nothing to say after the discussion
which had been had. He remarked it was a matter which
he did not like, but the Secretary of State seemed to con-
sider it important, and others coincided with him. I re-
marked that, as a general thing, I paid little attention
to what I called Mr. Seward's qualities. That his opinions
on international law had never impressed me; that the
national honor seemed of little concern to him and never
stood in the way of his schemes of expediency; that this
might be a troublesome precedent in the future. So far as
Peru was concerned, she had bestowed her highest honors
on a man who had been false to his coimtry and flag.

We had a few words in regard to the Austrian Mission.
The President said he had sent in no nomination, that he
had sent to Judge Blair to advise with him in regard to
the nomination of General Blair, but the Judge had not
since called on him. I said if he was to communicate with
the General, it might be diflScult, for he was in Connecti-
cut.

March 25, Monday. I called this morning on Judge
pursuant to an understanding with the President

72 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES |Mahch25

on Saturday to ascertain if he had heard from his brother.
He said he had not. I then expressed an opinion that the
President had better nominate Frank and let the Senate
dispose ,of the measure. If they conj&rmed him and he
refused to accept, it were better that he knew nothing on
the subject, — iif the Senate rejected, or adjourned without
action, he would not be dishonored. The Judge agreed
with me and I subsequently saw the President, who
adopted the suggestion.

In my interview with Judge Blair he again expressed
dissatisfaction with the President for retaining Seward
and Stanton, and said some things were to him inex-
plicable. He informs me in confidence, that nearly a year
ago General Dick Taylor^ was in Washington and had
spent some time with General Grant. The two discussed
very fully the condition of affairs, and both concurred
in approving the President's policy, but [thought] that to
carry it out, he must rid himself of Seward and Stanton.
With these views they saw the President and had a full
and free interchange of opinion with him, and the Pre-
sident responded to them favorably, earnestly, and de-
cidedly.

On the day following, Stanton called on General Grant,
I think at his house, where he had never previously called,
for he was not on intimate terms with the General; but
on this occasion he opened his mind fully to Grant, and was
ready to imite with him and Taylor in sustaining the Pre-
sident and his policy, even to the sacrificing of Seward.
General Grant knew not what to make of this and com-
municated the conversation to General Taylor, who re-
fused to have any connection with Stanton whatever, and
immediately sought the President and told him that they
had been betrayed, that Stanton had become possessed
of their views and was ready to unite with them, provided
he could retain his place in the War Department. But this,

^ Richard Taylor, son of Preflident Zachary Taylor and a lieutenant-
general in the Confederate service.

18871 PRIVATE SECRETARY MOORE 78

Taylor declared, was out of the question, for he had no
confidence in Stanton and would not be connected with
him. The President, he said, seemed confused, but there
the matter dropped. Blair thinks the President commun-
icated the subject to Stanton, and it gives him distrust
and dissatisfaction.

Revolving the subject in my mind, I question whether the
President is in fault, yet there are some singular circum-
stances which seem to confirm it. Again my attention
turns to Colonel Moore, the President's confidential sec-
retary, who was turned over to him by Stanton, who is
an officer of the War Department, and whose grateful
feelings may influence him when Stanton is in danger. It
is mere vague surmise on my part. I am and have been
favorably impressed by Colonel Moore, who has appeared
to me to be an honorable man in all my intercourse with
him and who seems invaluable to the President. But
there have been some singular things in the President's
course which are wholly beyond my comprehension, and
which I cannot reconcile or account for satisfactorily in
any way except that he is betrayed.

March 29, Friday. Congress has been making itself a
reproach to the country and to free government by its
coiLrse in relation to adjournment, by its assaults on public
men, by its rejection of some of the best men nominated
for public position, and its efforts to invade and destroy
the executive department of the Government. The lowest
and most vituperative partisanship is exhibited, towards
the President especially, who is denounced as a traitor
and public enemy. One objection raised to an adjournment
until next December is that the Radical majority must see
the laws executed.

The Constitution makes it the duty of the President
to see the laws executed, but the Radical majority openly
usurp this power and propose a perpetual session in order
to cripple the Executive and concentrate all power in

74 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mabch29

Congress. Propositions to adjourn from month to month,
to adjourn and authorize the presiding officers to convene
the two houses, or to adjourn them without meeting, have
been made and supported by leading Radicals with a
shameless disregard of their duty and oaths. If the public
necessities require, the Constitution makes it the duty of
the President to convene Congress in special session.

It is stated freely and without contradiction that
Stanton and Grant both were on the floor of the two
houses, beseeching the Members not to adjourn over to
next winter and thus leave the administration of the
government with the President. I was imwilling to be-
lieve this, particularly of Grant, but fear it is true.
* The Senators show an unfriendly feeling towards army
officers whom the President nominates for civil position,
and Grant cannot have failed to see there is jealousy of
the military among aspiring politicians. I am not sorry
to see this, not that I approve of the proscription of men
because they have been officers, or because they are friends
of the President; but there is a disposition on the part of
the military to be clannish and to grasp political office and
power, which should not overshadow civil merit.

We had to-day a long discussion over Indian affairs.
The military officers have assimied the control of matters
which the law confides to the Indian agents, and have issued
orders which conflict with and subjugate the agents. To
this the Secretary of the Interior, who has charge of In-
dian affairs, objects and demands that the miUtary orders
be revoked. TTie Secretary of War thinks the officers are
to be justified and brings forward Generals Grant and
Sherman as his backers.

Seward is for compromising and after long discussion
opposes the revocation of the order. McCulloch concurs
with him because the army is there to protect the agents
and settlers. Stanton is very emphatic the same way, of
course. I dissented from the three who preceded me and
took a different view from McCulloch. The military are

ism THE ALASKAN TREATY SIGNED 75

there subordinate to the agents and the law, and should
not control. All who followed me concurred with me.
Stanbery made quite an argument.

March 30, Saturday. Dined with Seward to meet
Bigelow, our late Minister to France. None present but
Mrs. W., B. and wife, Senator Cattel of New Jersey, and
Seward and family.

Congress adjourned to-day, until next July, when if a
quorum is not present, presiding officers wiU adjourn then
over to December, — a silly attempt to evade and get round
the Constitution, which confides the subject to the Pre-
sident.

The President and Cabinet were at the Capitol at 10
A.M. and remained until twelve, when the adjournment
took place.

Seward and mjrself were first on the groimd. He told
me that he and Stoeckel signed the treaty for the cession
of Russian America at four this morning, having been up
an night for that purpose. The consideration is $7,200,000.
He had informed Sumner, and the treaty was to be sent
in as soon as the President arrived. I suggested that Stun-
ner might, as he was opposed to adjournment, avail him-
self of the occasion to delay adjournment. Seward was
a good deal startled for a moment; said he hoped there
was no need of prolonging the session. I asked what
provision had been made for payment. He said that
would not take place immediately, but could be made next
winter.

He then called in, one at a time, four or five Senators
and made special confidants of each, beginning with
Cole. I was somewhat amused and not a little disgusted
with the little acts and overpowering egotism he exhibited.
The last is a growing infirmity.

Dining with him this evening, the whole time was
spent in talking of himself and his doings, and his plans.
Bigelowy I perceive, is very much taken with him and

76 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [bcabchso

credulous in his belief of what he says, on all subjects.
Attendance at Court has had an influence on B., greater
than I should have believed.

Among other things Seward undertook to tell Bigelow
how he had shaped the Cabinet of Mr. Lincoln, after it
was formed. He commenced by saying that he had no-
thing to do with being brought into the Cabinet, of which,
however, I knew more than he was aware. But, viewing
the condiition of the country in March, 1861, he perceived,
he said, the necessity of entire unanimity and concert in
the Cabinet council and his great object was harmonious
action among all the members. This he succeeded in
bringing about. Blair had sometimes been a little cap-
tious and Chase ambitious. The latter wanted to compete
for the Presidency against Lincohi, which he (Seward)
knew would not answer.

The truth is, no member was so meddlesome and in-
triguing as Seward; he was making more difficulties and
committing more errors than all the others. They toler-
ated him because Mr. Lincohi did, and because it was
necessary, as he says, in the then condition of the country.

He complimented the Cabinet as the ablest and best
that the country had ever had; said that Jefferson and
Hamilton, who were in Washington's, could never have
carried the cotmtry through the War and the difficulties
and the embarrassments we have had. The diary of Jeffer-
son he condenmed as unworthy. Bigelow says Jefferson's
letters from France are infinitely inferior to Franklin's,
who preceded him. He was astonished at the contrast.

XLVIII

Union Suocefls in the Connectieut Election — Seward seeks to reward a
Political Trimmer with the Cuban Consul-Generalship — The President
receives Word that an Injunction against him is to be asked from the
Supreme Court — Conversation with General Butler on Public Aflfairs

— The Senate confirms the Alaska Purchase Treaty — Attempts to fill
the Cuban Consul-Generalship — Admiral Goldsborough seeks through
his Wife to be retained on the Active List — Senator Wilson electioneer-
ing in the South — Thaddeus Stevens denies Wilson's Authority to
make Promises — Governor English of Connecticut — Most of hie
Message to the Legislature written by Secretary Welles — A DelegatioQ
of Japanese visits the President — The House Judiciary Committee
seeking Evidence on which to impeach — McCulloch talks plainly to the
President about Stanton — The French buying War Vessels in the
United States — Seward considers acquiring Snake Island in the West
Indies — Wilkes Booth's Diary — The Price of the Danish West Indies

— Attorney-General Stanbery examining the Military Government Act

— The Indian Troubles — The Japanese conclude to buy the Ship
Stonewall — The President to visit North Carolina.

April If Monday. The annual election took place
to-day in Connecticut. It has been a severe struggle,
warmly contested on both sides. The issues were those
which the Radicals in Congress have forced on the coun-
try, and the importance of the result was generally felt.
In the selection of candidates the anti-Radicals showed
wisdom and shrewdness. There were old party organiza-
tions, and prejudices and impracticables to encounter,
but objectionable candidates were avoided and obnoxious
individuals were kept from the meetings. The few re-
turns sent forward this evening leave no doubt that the
Union men, who support the Admmistration and disap-
prove the Congressional usurpations and innovations on
the Constitution, have been successful, electing English
and three of the four Members of Congress. In the last
Congress all were Radicals.

I went to the President with the first dispatch received

78 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april i

and told him I was satisfied the Radicals were defeated
in the State and three Congressional districts. He was
much gratified and said it was the turn of the current.

April 2, Tuesday. The Connecticut election creates
quite a commotion among the politicians. It is the first
loud knock which admonishes the Radicals of their in-
evitable doom. Seward attempts to talk sound philosophy
and to account for the result, which he says could not have
been obtained a month ago. I think, and so told him,
that we should have done quite as well a month ago.
The speech and vote of Reverdy Johnson, who had be-
come a renegade, and the acquiescence of the South, or
their submission rather, had been discouraging and de-
pressing to the true Constitutional men in Connecticut.
Very little aid had reached them from without the State.

April 3, Wednesday. When at the Cabinet yesterday,
Seward informed me that the consulship at Panama is
vacant and asked if Earl Martin or some good Connecti-
cut man did not want it. He felt anxious, he said, to give
recognition to Connecticut for the good work she had
done.

. As I have no personal acquaintance with Martin, I could
not advise him, but said I did not feel anxious to send a
good man to a place where the yellow fever was raging
and which was always imhealthy.

This evening he called at my house with Senator Dixon
and said they had come to consult with me in relation to
the place of Consul-General to Cuba. Governor Minor
has sent in his resignation. Seward received it, he sajrs,
yesterday afternoon, after seeing me, and, accidentally
meeting Senator Dixon, that gentleman had proposed
Gideon Hollister for the position, but he thought proper
before coming to a final conclusion that he should see me»
and had, therefore, got Mr. Dixon to call with him. Dixon,
being quite deaf and engaged in reading the Hartford

MBT] THE CDBAN CONSUL-GENERALSHIP 79

•

papers, did not listen or understand Seward's conversa-
tion, further than he knew its general purport, until I
called him to listen. I told them I was not prepared to
advise the appointment, that it did not strike me as par-
ticularly favorable in a political point of view, or that it
would be received by the people who had elected English
as a special compliment to them.

Our conversation was not very extended, but was such
as led them both to suggest that the subject should be
further considered, and Dixon is to call on me to-morrow
morning in regard to it.

HoUister is a personal adherent and crony of Dixon, a
sly and slippery partisan who has run himself ashore by
little intrigues. Personally I have always been on terms
with him, but the election of mere office-seekers who have
no distinctive principle does not beget confidence.

The Democratic and conservative papers are jubilant
over the election, and the Radicals are extremely bitter.
Hawley vents his grief and disappointment in a rancorous
article in his paper, denunciatory of me and spiteful
towards Dixon.

April 4, Thursday. Dixon called this a.m., rather late,
in regard to the consulate at Havana. I think he has in the
mean time seen Seward.

I told him I had thought a good deal on the subject
ance last evening's interview and that my opposition to
it had increased; that Hollister was in no sense a repre-
sentative man of the party or people who had just achieved
a victory in the State; that I had not heard of him through
this hard-fought campaign; that I did not even know
that he voted for the Administration, though I presumed
he did for most of it, not from any deep conviction, but
because he (D.) was for it; that the appointment would
injure him (D.), for it would be at once said he had availed
himself of the labors of others to get an important posi-
tion for a personal friend; that the appointment would

80 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES tAPBiL4

not strengthen the Admmistration or do it any good at
home.

He was evidently impressed with my suggestions.
Said he feared he had been hasty; that he supposed I had
been consulted by Seward before he knew anything of the
case; that Seward had sent for him and he met him after
receiving the note, and at once and without much thought
named Hollister; that Seward had replied, "Very well/'
but subsequently proposed that I should be seen. In the
mean time, Dixon says, he wrote inconsiderately to Hol-
lister that he could have the place, relying on what Seward
said.

As it is, he thinks the appointment had better not go
to Hartford, he has become so unfortimately complicated,
but as Hollister may decline, the subject had better remain
quiet for a day or two.

I was with the President in the course of the afternoon
and introduced the subject of consul-general to Cuba,
informing him, as I had Dixon, that a different man,
like Judge James Phelps or Hovey of Norwich, would be
a stronger and better appointment, and that English and
others should be consulted. The President agreed with
me, and said when Mr. Seward called on him to make the
appointment he inquired what I thought of it, and said
it would be proper to get my views.

All of this Seward has concealed from me, and strove
to get Dixon committed with him without informing me.
When the President sent him to me, he came with his
story of accidentally meeting Dixon, but D. assured me,
and twice repeated, that Seward had sent for him, —
written him a note. Such is Seward. A great victory
achieved by the friends of the Administration is per-
verted to personally enrich and reward a trimmer.

April 5, Friday. President called the Cabinet to a
special session at 9 a.m., relative to notice given him of
a motion which was to be made to the Supreme Court for

1867] TALE WITH GENERAL BUTLER 81

an injunctioii on him and general order to stay proceed-
ings under the miUtary bill for constructing the Rebel
States. Attorney-General was directed to object to the mo-
tion, — the President, as the representative of the United
States, cannot be sued.

General Butler called on me yesterday, ostensibly on
some little matter of business. When it was disposed of,
he asked whether he was to congratulate or condole with
me on the result of the Connecticut election. I replied
that I was gratified at the result and, of course, had no
need of condolence; that I congratulate myself and others
on what had taken place. This opened the subject of our
pubUc affairs, on which we had a pretty free and apparently
unreserved conversation, though he is neither frank nor
reliable. He is not, I perceive, satisfied with his position,
nor with his treatment by a portion of the Radicals. I
spoke of the election as being favorable to the President,
Mr. Johnson, whose policy I approved; the policy had
commenced with Mr. Lincoln, and I believed it correct.
I asked wherein he could except to it. He said that per-
haps Congress should have been consulted, — he thought
so. I inquired by what authority Congress could inter-
vene. Congress was the legislative, not the executive, de-
partment of government, had none but granted powers,
and where was the power conferred on Congress to con-
struct or destroy a State? He answered there is no
grant, but it grew out of the War; the Rebel States were
conquered States; the President had no more power than
Congress.

'^ Therein,'' said I, ''we differ. I hold, as did Mr. Lin-
coln and as does Mr. Johnson, that when Lee and Johns-
ton surrendered, martial law prevailed from the Potomac
to the Rio Grande, and the President, as commander-in-
chief, had the tmdoubted right under the war power to
govern those States, temporarily, and to bring order out
of chaos. He could have turned ihe matter over to General
Grant and oth^ military subordinates, but he preferred

82 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [Aprils

to do it himself. He appointed a provisional governor,
first in North Carolina and subsequently in other States,
as you, General Butler, being in chief command in the
Gulf, appointed Deming a provisional mayor in New Or-
leans. Mr. Lincoln had no intention of calling on Congress
to assist in this matter. Every one knew this, who had
any knowledge of Mr. Lincoln. Mr. Colfax was here on
the day of his death to bid him good-bye, for he was in-
tending to cross the Plains and be absent until October.
As Speaker he would not have absented himself, had there
been any intention of convening Congress.

"Then,'* said I, '^ these military despotisms over the
States, — the assembling of the State Governments, —
I don't see, General, how you, if a democratic Republican^
can sanction such measures."

"I had nothing to do with them," said he. "They were
enacted before I took my seat."

"But," said I, "you are identified with that party and
those acts."

"Begging yoiur pardon, I do not indorse those acts
nor approve them. I am not identified with them, nor
responsible for them."

I remarked that I was glad to hear him say so.

"Why," he asked, "does not the President test them?
Why does he submit to such laws and attempt to carry
them out? He declares them unconstitutional. If so, they
are no laws. Why does he obey them?"

I called his attention to the constitutional require-
ment, that he should see all laws faithfully executed.

"But it is no law," said Butler; "the President sajrs
it is no law. He is one of the departments of the Govern-
ment and must decide for himself. If, however, he wants
to get a decision from the Court, there is no difficulty.
Let a suit be instituted in Virginia and brought at once
before the Supreme Court now in session."

He then went on to detail the modus operandL

On the whole, I am satisfied that Butler is dissatisfied.

lam THE SENATE REJECTS NOMINATIONS 83

April 17, Wednesday. My time has been so occupied
that I could make no record of daily occurrences in this
book. Important events have occurred; some of the details
should have been jotted down.

The Senate continues in session, rejecting the nomina-
tions which the President sends in, — not that the nom-
inees are not competent and faithful, but because they
are his friends and support his measures. Some of the
Senators declare they will vote to confirm no man who
is not a RadicaL Dixon tells me that Sunmer made his
boast, in extra session, that he had allowed none but
Radicals to be appointed to any office in Massachusetts,
where the Senate has a voice. I have little confidence in
Randall as Postmaster-General, under such circumstances.
He gives in, trims, lacks vim and strength, if nothing else.
I apprehend his course has some influence on McCul-
loch, who, loaded down with the financial difficulties,
wants to conciliate. It requires some courage to meet a
not overscrupulous body of men clothed with authority,
and who can, if they choose, embarrass the Government
without financial accountability. The President has held
his own very well, considering his surroundings. Seward
he probably consults most, and Seward has, as Mr. Clay
said of him, "no convictions," — is an egotist and selfish
aspirant. Randall, whose confirmation is imderstood to
have been secured by pledges to Radical Senators, is greatly
under Seward's influence, and the President cannot, with
his reticence, avoid committing errors with such advisers.
The result is the President is appointing more enemies
than friends, and his Administration is thereby weakened.
Seward seldom selects or makes a good appointment. He
thinks he is helping himself and cares little about helping
the President, except as it may ultimately benefit himself
and his former Whig friends.

The treaty for the acquisition of Russian America
was finally confirmed, only two Senators voting against
it, though quite a number spoke against it. Some de-

84 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aprili?

nounced it with violence, but voted for it at last, — mere
partisans wanting in legislative wisdom and moral cour-
age.

The New York Tribune, Mr. Greeley, made a ferocious
attack on the treaty, ridiculed and denounced the ac-
quisition, but found he had no influence where he thought
himself all-powerful.

Dixon has urged me to imite with him in behalf of
Gideon H. HoUister as Consul-General to Cuba. I have
declined. Told him I was not aware HoUister was a repre-
sentative of those who carried the late election; that I
considered him a party trinmier without much regard for
principle.

Dixon says he has become complicated. Repeats that
Seward wished him to call and see him, asked him to
nominate, and he supposed I had been consulted and was
aware of the steps Seward had taken. Seward called with
Dixon on me after all this had occurred, and opened the
subject to me in confidence, wanted us to imite, etc. My
views were fully expressed in his presence at that time,
and it was subsequently that Dixon told me how Seward
had first approached him. A day or two after the two had
paid me a visit, the President spoke of the appointment,
said Seward had brought him Hollister's name and he
asked if I had been consulted. Seward said he had consulted
the Senator from Connecticut, and the President desired
that I should be seen. It was this order which had brought
about the interview between S. and D. with me at my
house.

I stated finally, after repeated calls from Dixon, who
has behaved weU enough so far as I am concerned, that
I would give HoUister^s true character to the President
and there leave it, for he and I ought not to be in con-
flict.

The result is HoUister has been nominated. He is a
hanger-on to Dixon, writes sonnets to Mrs. D., has a bad
poUtical record and no force.

18671 THE SENATE ADJOURNS 86

April 20, Saturday. Hollister was promptly rejected.
I then proposed Judge James Phelps, whom I had first
named. Dixon assented, but afterwards suggested that
Phelps' appointment would create a vacancy which the
Radicals would fill. Ferry wrote Faxon a note that
Phelps would be confirmed, but that lippitt of New
London, whom I had suggested with Phelps, would prob-
ably be rejected. On this state of facts, with a disposition
to be kind to New London, where the people had been
made sore by Brandegee and others on the Navy Yard
question, I advised sending in Lippitt's name. He was
at once rejected. The President then proposed to go else-
where than Connecticut, and I could not object. Ellby
Smith was nominated, and his name laid on the table.

So the consulate is not filled, nor is the Austrian Mis-
sion, and several other places.

The Senate adjourned on Saturday, the 20th, at 9 p.m.
From day to day, and on Saturday from hour to hour,
the adjournment was postponed, in order to arrange for
the offices. The President yielded to some extent as he
has done before, which I regretted, for tampering with
enemies and surrendering his constitutional prerogative
weakens his position. In their usurpations, Senators claim
the right to dictate in regard to appointments for which
the President and not the Senators is responsible, and he,
without acknowledging their right, yields to their usurping
pretensions.

Rear-Admiral Goldsborough continues to press his
claims for four years' addition to his time on the active
list. He will in January have been an officer of the Navy
fifty-five years, but as he did not from sheer favoritism
receive orders for sea xmtil four years after his appoint-
ment he now claims that those four years should not count
against him. He has had the benefit of them for more
than fifty years, giving him priority over others. Were
he here to attend to his own case personally, I could get

86 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april20

along, but, being absent, he stimulates and pushes for-
ward his wife, the daughter of Attorney-General William
Wirt, a very worthy woman and very devoted to him,
and with her there is no reasoning. She is satisfied that
her husband is the best officer in the Navy, has done more
service than any other, and, being not only the wife of
a Rear-Admiral, but the dau^ter of an Attorney-General,
there is no convincing her. I do not controvert the facts
which she assumes in regard to her husband. No one
could. And her law is as good as his war statements.

She has consulted Chief Justice Chase, her former in-
structor and friend, Attorney-General Stanbery, and
Reverdy Johnson, successor of Wirt, and some others,
who all, without knowing the facts, assinre her that her
husband ought to be continued four years longer on the
active list. Mr. J. P. Kennedy, late Secretary of the Navy,
also favors Goldsborough, and has written a book, which
has been printed, to prove that G. should continue to
receive extraordinary favors.

April 29, Monday. The injunction cases in behalf of
Georgia and Mississippi have been before the Court and are
still pending. Attorney-General and Mr. O'Conor made
arguments on Friday. The latter is evidently more of a
lawyer than statesman, studies law more than constitu-
tions, cases more than governmental principles. Nothmg
will be got from the Court, I apprehend, and there are
embarrassments in the case. The Attorney-General's
positions cannot be subscribed to in all respects. Why
O'Conor and his associates make no use of the recent
decision of the Court in Milligan's case I don't understand.
Congress, under color of law, cannot invest brigadiers with
power to abolish jury trial or to suspend the privilege of
habeas corpus in time of peace.

Senator Wilson is electioneering through the Southern
States, stirring up the blacks, irritating and insulting the
whites, promising the people recognition and that they

GUtEON WKLLES

18C71 SENATOR WILSON IN THE SOUTH 87

may have their constitutional rights, provided they will
submit to the unconstitutional and unwarranted dictation
of the Radicals.

Thad Stevens has issued a card denying Wilson's au-
thority to make promises for the Radicals. He, Stevens,
intends to play the part of tyrant and dictator to the
South for years, will not permit them to be represented,
intends to exclude them and to confiscate the property of
the Rebels. These differences among the Radical leaders
may have the effect of brin^uig considerate men in the
North to their senses, lead them to examine the principles
on which the government is founded, and cause them to
look again to the Constitution which they have thrust
aside for some time past.

The North must retrieve itself from its errors growing
out of resentment and evil passions, and in retrieving it-
self will extricate the country from the slough in which
the Radicals have plunged it.

May 1, Wednesday. A delegation of Japanese have
arrived here for some purpose. Seward sent Chilton, one
of his clerks, to take them in charge, and they have been
brought to Washington. Their arrival hastened Seward's
return from Auburn, where he had gone to make his semi-
annual visit and, it was said, to make his semi-annual
speech. Happily the Japanese, or some other cause, saved
the infliction.

May 2, Thursday. The new Governor of Connecticut,
English, was inaugurated yesterday. His message is dif-
ferent in sentiment and principle from the views of his
predecessor. Governor Hawley. I do not think, however,
that H. has any well-defined opinions or convictions on
great governmental or political questions. If so he does
not consistently adhere to them. He began his career as
an Abolitionist and was earnest and enthusiastic with
probably more sentimentality than principle. As the

88 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may 2

cause expanded^ he became bewildered, but clung to his
humanitarianism as the Alpha and Omega of party.
Since the emancipation and suppression of the Bebellioni
he has floated with the current, impulsive by nature, yet
Republican rather than Radical. . . .
f The Radicals of Connecticut and of New England are
narrow-minded party men of Puritanic-Calvinistic notions
in politics and religion, intolerant and prejudiced in their
opinions. Hate, revenge, and persecution enter largely
into their composition. They think, — or believe, for they
do not give so much thought as they should to the sub-
ject,— they believe that force, oppression, compulsion
are necessary to govern the South and that the Radicals
of the North should govern them; that the people of the
South must be disciplined; that since the Rebellion they
are without the pale of the Constitution and should be
less tolerated than if they were aliens. These fanatics
want a God to pimish, not to love, those who do not agree
with them.

May 3, Friday. The President compliments the message
of Governor English, and the Radical editors, without
controverting it, call it names.

Governor English has been a successful merchant in
New Haven and represented his town and district in the
legislature, without any marked distinction, but with a
degree of fairness that led to his election to the Thirty-
seventh Congress and his reelection to the Thirty-eighth.
His course in the national legislature had, of coiu'se, no-
thing brilliant, but he acquitted himself during that try-
ing and turbulent period in a manner that was moro
acceptable to men of all parties than that of either of his
colleagues. Although a Democrat, he supported the Ad-
ministration in most of its War measiu-es, and voted with
the Republicans on some of the test questions of party
without forfeiting the confidence of his associates, or polit-
ical constituents. The good judgment he displayed rather

I8d7] A JAPANESE DELEGATION 80

than any shining qualities or marked genius led to his
nomination and election as Governor. Most of the message
which the President commends, and which the Radicals
condemn, was written by me, but of this the President
knows nothing, and I apprehend English himself is not
fully informed. It was written with a view of calling
public attention to the vital political questions before the
country.

Senator Wilson extends his jomney South, making of-
fensive speeches, which are permitted, because the man-
liness as well as the haughty arrogance which once char-
acterized the South is broken and completely subdued.
They seem to have no spirit in them. It can scarcely be
doubted, however, that the slumbering wrath will yet be
aroused. But Wilson's success has started out another
set of Radical orators, who are going South to enkindle
party animosity, arouse the ignorant blacks, and excite
them against the whites. This is the Radical process of
Reconstruction.

Seward had the Japanese to see the President to-day.
Spoke of them in Cabinet. Says they have not yet dis-
closed their object; supposes they wish to buy ships; likely
may want to make some inquiry about the two that were
built for them by Weed and Lansing, to whom they in-
trusted funds ; but that all is friendly.

I hope that everything may prove satisfactory to them
and that they have not been wronged; but have my appre-
hensions that they have been cheated and swindled badly.
Seward knows that I have not fallen in with the course
he has pursued towards them. We could have their friend-
ship and their commerce, — we may have it still, but it is
in jeopardy, for they have not been well and fairly treated
by us. I have already, and in former pages, made mention
of these circumstances, and my official letters to Seward
have expressed my opinions. He looks upon me, I think,
with some distrust in this matter. I know his friend Weed
does.

90 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [BiAT4

May 4, Saturday. I offered Commodore Lee to-day the
Naval Observatory. He declined it. Said he had a house
of his own and to take the observatory would lessen his
percentage in consequence of the house there which he
should have to take. I asked him if he would like the
Norfolk Navy Yard. He said no, he would not, but he
should be glad to have the Ordnance Bureau, which Wise
was about leaving. I told him that I was not aware that
Wise desired to relinquish that position. My impression
was that he did not. Lee said that Mrs. Wise had given
out that her husband was going to Europe and would give
up the Ordnance. That, I remarked, was woman's talk.
He said if Wise was not going to give up the bureau, he
wished a day or two to think of the other matter, to which
I assented. He is mercenary and avaricious to a wonder-
ful extent.

The Judiciary Committee of the House has reassembled
in Washington to pursue inquiries and see if they cannot
obtain something on which to impeach the iSresident.
No facts, no charges, no malconduct are known or pre-
ferred, for the slip-slop of Ashley was long since discarded,
but a standing comjnittee is advertised and has assem-
bled to ascertain whether something cannot be found which
may be tortured or twisted against the President, whom
they cannot induce to go with them in their revolution-
ary schemes, and who is, consequently, in their way. A
more scandalous villainy never disgraced the country.

McCulloch tells me he has had a talk with the President
and told him he had brought these troubles upon him-
self by the hesitating course he had pursued ; that he had
retained a man in his Cabinet who is notoriously op-
posed to his Administration, a man who, from the begin-
ning, has been an embarrassment ; that there was never any
free interchange of opinion when that member was pre-
sent, but there was reserve; yet in many of the important
measures and movements that false member had a con-
trolling voice and often was the only person consulted.

lam JAPAN WANTS TO BUY SHIPS 91

McC. instanced the appointment or selection of the mili-
tary governors, which had been made without consultation
with any member of the Cabinet, save the false and un-
faithful one. The President listened and assented to the
remarks, but having, under the influence of Seward, com-
menced in error, he will be likely under the same influence
to continue in weakness, as regards Stanton.

I have seen all these errors, have adverted to them when
opportimity presented, have had my opinions indorsed,
but there the subject has ended. Seward, and Randall,
whom he uses, are not elements of strength, but they are
different from Stanton, for whom they apologize and whom
they justify and sustain. They are weak; he is wicked.
By weak I mean their course and counsel, politically, are
worse than worthless. They have no sincere convictions,
— no treacherous intentions, but are full of tricks and
expedients, which accomplish nothing, while they beget
distrust.

May 6, Monday. Dined at Seward's on Satiu-day with
the Cabinet and the Japan Embassy. Senator Sunmer and
others were present, among them Madame Juarez, wife
of the President of Mexico, and daughters. Each of the
Cabinet and some others were introduced to them and to
each of the Japanese. One of their number talked English,
and others understood it.

To-day Seward called on me with some of the Japanese,
who want to purchase naval vessels. A serious rebellion
prevails in Japan. They profess to seek advice and assist-
ance. Say they wish to act in good faith in carrying out
the treaty.

Seward had informed them that we had various kinds
of vessels. They wanted monitors, but had learned it
was difficult handling and navigating them. I told them
we could well spare some monitors, but it would be scarcely
possible to get them to Japan. Any vessels which we could
spare I would be glad to have them possess.

92 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mays

Seward and myself called on the President on their be-
half, and I have detailed Commodore Jenkins to go with
the commission to Aimapolis, examine the school and ves-
sels, and have an interview with the superintendent.

May 7, Tuesday. Webb, builder of the Dunderberg,
informs me he has made sale of that vessel to an agent
of the French Government. And Quintard has also sold
that Government the Onondaga. Secor and Swift apply
to purchase five more monitors, doubtless for sale to foreign
governments. Their proposition is to resimie or retake the
vessels, refunding to the Government the amoimt we have
paid.

Seward and the Cabinet were taken aback when I in-
formed them that the French were purchasing our naval
vessels. Seward had stated that Berth6my, the French
Minister, had called upon him to remonstrate, or inquire
into the sale of war vessels to Prussia, and he had some-
thing of a querulous story to tell. When he had got through
and I told him what the French were doing, he stood in
amazement.

I submitted the proposition of Secor and Swift for the
five vessels. He seemed disposed to sell, but Stanton, who
objected, would sell none of these vessels. Others pro-
posed to c6mmit the whole subject to my discretion. I
informed them it was not a matter for me to decide, but
for the President, with the advice of the Cabinet, to dis-
pose of. I was, however, individually decidedly in favor
of selling so far as I had a voice.

May 11, Saturday. Thomas Ewing called on me at the
solicitation of Mrs. Dahlgren, who insists on going out
to her husband in the South Pacific. She wants a public
vessel to convey her, her two infant twins, their nurses,
etc., from Panama. A great pressure has been made upon
me from the time Admiral Dahlgren received his orders,
and Mr. Ewing has on one or two former occasions spoken

tun OFFICERS' WIVES ON SHIPBOARD 93

on the subject. It has been before the Cabinet. At this
time the matter comes up in a new form. The yellow fever
prevails at Panama, and Mr. Ewing says that Admiral
D. represents it is on board the packet ships. I asked if
that was not an intimation that he deemed it inexpedient
and ill-advised for Mrs. D. to leave the country with her
infants. It has been the policy not to send women out in
naval vessels, and I think it unfortunate that the ladies
go abroad to their husbands on foreign stations. In this
instance I remarked it appeared extremely injudicious,
for Dahlgren had but a year and a half to serve. If Mrs.
D. should be with her family at Lima it would, imavoid-
ably, influence the movements of the Admiral and the
squadron. Mr. Ewing assented to the correctness of my
views, but said Mrs. D. was resolved to go if she had to
take the sickly steamers.

Stanton y^terday made an exhibit of the requisitions
for expenditures by the military governors, or satraps, in
the territorialized States. They will draw largely on the
Treasury. Sheridan especially ''goes in with a rush'' as
they say. He is brave and patriotic, but not an adminis-
trative officer whom I should select for civil duties. But
the officers are less blamable for this military government,
whether well or poorly administered, than the Congress
which passed the laws creating it.

May 13, Monday. Have talked with several naval
officers on the subject of taking their wives on naval ves-
sels, and found them generally opposed to it. There are,
however, exceptions, and most of them admit there may
be occasions abroad when it would be pleasant and ex-
cusable, perhaps, to give them passage, but it nevertheless
disarranges and invariably causes discontent.

I have xmder the circumstances given a permit to Mrs.
D. to go on a public vessel from Panama.

May 14, Tuesday. Attorney-General Stanbery read a

94 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may u

number of pages of his opinion on the subject of registra-
tion and suffrage, under what is known as the military
bill for governing the Rebel States. It is very elaborate
and has been carefully prepared. He promises the re-
mainder at the next Cabinet-meeting on Friday. He will
give much more extended suffrage to the whites than was
intended by the Radical concocters of the law. Stanton
was somewhat annoyed by it, and I was satisfied from his
remarks that his intimacy with that bill has been early
and thorough. I have little doubt that he was consulted,
if he did not advise, perhaps originate, the measure.

May 15, Wednesday. Returning from the Department
this P.M., I met Seward, who was going with his sons to
call on me. I got into his carriage and rode with him, as
he had a matter to conmiimicate. Some New-Yorker has
informed him of an iminhabited island, called Snake
Island,^ near St. Thomas, which has a capacious and ex-
cellent harbor. His informant occupied the island prior
to the War and was engaged in making sugar-hogsheads.
The island, he says, is low and well timbered. I asked why,
if it had such excellent harbor, it had remained unoccupied.
Seward could not inform me, nor what nation claimed it,
but he supposed the Spaniards. I apprehend there must
be a want of water. Seward promises to send me the
papers.

I advised, if the facts were as stated, that his New York
friend should resume possession and that we would defend
him in his rights. If Spain should claim jurisdiction, we
must adjust the matter with her. I told him I much pre-
ferred this to buying St. Thomas.

May 16, Thursday. Was at the President's on a little
matter of business when the MetropoUtan police came
for review. Randall and myself supported the President.

^ The island of Culebra (Spanish for "snake") b between St. Thomas
and Puerto Rioo and belongs to the latter.

1M7] PRICE OF DANISH WEST INDIES 85

Afterward Randall read to us his testimony before the
Judiciary Committee.

The President submitted to us the letters of Judge
Holt and Stanton in regard to Booth's diary and a copy
of the contents, and inquired what we thought of its
publication. I asked what objections there could be. It
was a great mystery and was construed to mean whatever
any diseased imagination might conceive. Randall thought
as I did. The President said Stanton was violently op-
posed to its pubUcation.

May 17, Friday. Seward had a long tale to tell in regard
to his testimony before the Judiciary Committee. He
makes himself, I perceivei the hero with Stanton of Mr.
Lincoln's Administration. I shall be curious to see that
testimony when published. Many things in regard to
Reconstruction and organizing the provisional govern-
ments of the Rebel States occurred while he was sick and
unable to attend to his duties.

May 21, Tuesday. Seward presents a telegraphic cor-
respondence with Raasloff,^ now at Copenhagen, and a
memorandum given to Senator Doolittle relative to the
piu*chase of the Danish West India Islands. Denmark
wants $15,000,000 for the whole or $10,000,000 for St.
Thomas, with consent of the inhabitants to the transfer.
Seward sent a dispatch to Yeaman, our Minister, to offer
$5,000,000, ultimatum $10,000,000, Any expression of
inhabitant must be before treaty.

McCulloch and myself expressed surprise that more
than $5,000,000 had been or should be offered. McCul-
loch said he beUeved something had been said about
going up to $7,500,000 for the whole. I stated that I pre-
ferred not to purchase even at $5,000,000. At all events,
would not go beyond that. During the War I had felt

^ General Raasloff was Danish Minister to the United States. The nego-
tiations for the purchase of the islands had been conducted through hi^iu ^

06 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat ft

that a station in the West Indies was desirable, but we
should experience no such want again. We are now as well
accommodated as if we owned St. Thomas. In case of a
war with either of the great powers, — British, French,
or Spanish, — we could seize one of these islands. In the
condition of owe Treasury I did not care to buy. Attorney-
General Stanbery preferred to take Snake Island than to
buy an inhabited island.

Seward is anxious to make a purchase somewhere. Has
loose, indefinite, and selfish notions. It is more the glory
of Seward than the true interests of the country, I appre-
hend. He craves constant notoriety, and the purchase of
the Danish Islands for $15,000,000 or even $10,000,000
would, I think, give him more than he expects, or perhaps
would want.

The Attorney-General presented another installment of
his opinion on the Military Government Bill. Stanton
criticized it closely, controverted some of the points, k
friendly to the bill, and probably had much to do in its
preparation if he did not originate the measure. He
defended it with all the earnestness and tenacity of an
author, and took ground such as would suit the strongest
Radicals.

As the act and supplemental act are palpably and clearly
imconstitutional, I see nothing substantial or valuable in
the opinion which the Attorney-General has been, and
is, elaborating, unless in the fact that he is giving a more
liberal or enlarged scope to suffrage than the Radicals
intended. More whites will be allowed to exercise their
rights than was designed by the Radicals. All blacks, of
coiuw, are to vote, though they have no such right, nor
has the Central Government authority to confer it. Hear-
ing Stanton controvert positions, dissent from the opinion,
tell what is the proper construction and meaning of an
act which is no law, because unconstitutional, is highly
absurd. Almost as absurd is the learned attempt of Stan-
bery to expound their acts.

18571 THE MTTjJTAfiY GOVERNMENT ACT 97

I have asked what is the status of the people ux the
proscribed StatecL Are they foreigners? If so^ not one of
them can vote until naturalized. There noiust be a uni-;
form system of naturalization. Are the^ citizens? They
cannot be disfranchised nor^their States overthrown, nor
jury triab abdished, nor can they be tried and condemned
by military commissions. No one answered my questions*
The Attorney-General says the unconstitutionality of the
law is beyond question. That point he does not touch.
But that is the great essentiali the foundation of all argu^
ment. If there is no foundation, how can he build? Heha^
an insoluble problem and undertakes to e^ve a result, f >

Stanton never touches the question of constitutionality^
neither assenting nor dissenting, nor discussing it.

May 72 J Wednesday. Tbfd Japanese ^ve concluded to
buy the Stonewall.

Webb wants me to let him have the Dunderberg on his
depositing government securities, delaying jmyment foi;
a year. He has produced an opinion from Lowry, indorse^
by Evarts, that this is the intent of the law. When I de^
clined considering the proposition, Webb became quitj^
vexed and excited. He is selfish, jealous, and grasping^
His object is to get the interest on a million and a quarter
of dollars for a year.

May 23, Tkwrsday. A special Cabinet-meeting. Seward
submitted a modified proposition to Denmark for the
purchase of her West India Islands, making $7,500,000 an
ultimatum. McCuUoch, Stanbery, and myself thought it
best to guard the Treasury at this time; that we wanted
money more than West Indian people. Seward was very
earnest. It was necessary to get these islands, or a foot*
hold in the West Indies, as a preservative measure, — aif
a means of security. It would insure peace. He had talked
with the Senators. Grimes and Wade were earnest for it,
and of course others were.

98 DIARY OF GIDE(»f WELLES iiiAT28

Stanton, Randall, and Browning went with him. I
stated we had no need of a station in time of peace. We
could take any of the islands from any power with which
we might be at war.

A further installment from Mr. Stanbery was read on
the Reconstruction or Military Government Act. Seward
and the members generally expressed themselves as satis-
fied. Stanton dissented.

I thou^t Stanbery had done as well as one could who
iDvias compelled to try to make sense out of nonsense, law
Out of illegality. The act is admitted by everybody to
be imconstitutional; of course, that being the case, it has
no validity. It is a fraud perpetrated by a majority
of a fragmentary Congress. I, th^*eforey cared not to
comment on the opinion, and attempted practical work-
ings of the bill. Why strive to solve an insoluble pro-
blem?

'The Indian troubles were discussed at some length
without coming to a conclusion. General Grant was sent
for and was present. He and Stanton are in S3anpathy
tnth the military men on the Plains, and there seems a de-
termination to have an Indian war. Were there no troops
tiiere, or only a few at the posts to sustain the agents, we
should probably have no war, but the military claim to
supersede the agents and are sustained by the War De-
partment and General Grant.

' Letters were read from 6olonels Wynkoop and Leaven-
worth, stating the destruction of three hundred lodges
with all their contents, — tools, utensils, buffalo robes,
etc., — constituting not only all the wealth of some fifteen
hundred Indians, but the necessary means of shelter and
subsistence for themselves, their women and children.
the only excuse for this destruction which brings misery
to so many is that the woin^n and children fled from the
lodges as the troops approaciied and- could not be per-
suaded to return. Fear, it is admitted, influenced them
in running away. '

18671 THE INDIAN TROUBLES 99

May 2A^ Friday. Jere Black, Buchanan's Attorney-
General, called relative to the claim of Bear-Admiral
Goldsborough for four years' additional continuance on the
active list. After a pretty full and frank discussion, I think
he became satisfied there was little law and merit in Golds-
borough's claim.

We then had a long and interesting conversation on the
condition of our public affairs. Our views in the main coin-
cided. Some of my positions appeared to be new to him,
or were presented in a way that seemed to impress him,
I thought, with a stronger conviction. He said it would
be well for the President to prepare a calm and considerate
address to his countrymen, something in the character
and strain of Washington's and Jackson's. I was not pre-
pared to urge this or even adopt it. Had the President
been more calm, made no speeches or harangues, it would
be different. But his weak talk has weakened him, and his
silence for the last five months leaves little doubt that he
is aware of it.

May 25, Saturday. The Japanese conclude to buy the
Stonewall. There will be trouble in getting her to them.
The Navy Department will have to take the labor, care,
etc., of all this, and the State Department will take credit,
should there be any.

May 27, Monday. The opinion of the Attorney-Gen-
eral on Reconstruction is published and seems to stir up
the Radicals, who know not what to say of it.

May 28, Tuesday. The Indian matters occupied over
two hours. It is evident the military intend to control
Indian affairs to the annihilation of the whole race.
Hancock admits the destruction of the three hundred
Indian lodges and all the utensils and household gods and
goods. His excuse is that the women and children fled

100 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may 28

when the chief said they should not; that they would not
return, were afraid of the troops; all of which was in bad
faith.

I listened to the numerous dispatches of the Indian
agents to the Interior Department in behalf of the Indians,
and those of the military to the War Department, and the
discussion on both sides, with painful interest.

General Grant was present, and his sympathies and
feelings were naturally with the military, but he was more
reasonable than Stanton.

Seward was querulous and pointless and meaningless in
some sprawling remarks intended to conciliate Grant and
Stanton. Nothing patriotic, or humane, or just escaped
him.

May 31, Friday. The President concludes to go to
Raleigh, North Carolina, and will be accompanied by
Seward. At one time it was understood he would be ac-
companied by some of the members of his family and one
or two of his personal staff, but that none of the Cabinet
would go with him. To-day it is stated that Seward will
be his companion and that none of his family will be of the
party. It is unfortimate for the President that he permits
himself to be absorbed by Seward, who is, not without
some cause, so universally distrusted and disliked. He is
delighted with traveling, feasting, notoriety, and both he
and Stanton make the President a convenience and help
to themselves in all matters where they can.

XLIX

Hie Preodent gpes to North Carolina, accompanied by Seward and Randall

— Chief Justice Chase to hold Court in North Carolina — The Judiciary
Committee decides against Impeachment but reports a Resolution of
Censure against the President — A Visit to the Naval Academy with
Admiral Farragut — Parting with Farragut — Farragut the Great
Hero of the War — Sheridan's Removal of Governor Wells of Louisiana

— Stanbery's Liberal Literpretation of the Military Government Act-
Talk with Governor Pease of Texas — A Faction in Colombia pro-
poses to tax Foreign Residents — Seward's Presidential Ambitions and
Craze for the Acquisition of Territory — The Attorney-General's
Opinion on the Reoonstruction Bills an Able Document — Mrs. Golds-
borough presses the Admiral's Chums to Retention on the Active List —
The President invites Secretary Welles to accompany him on a Journey
to Boeton — Cabinet Discussion of the Attorney-General's Opinion on
the Military Government Law — Commander Roe's Action in seizing

i Santa Anna — The President starts for Boston — The Publication of
Cabinet Proceedings — Sheridan's Insubordination — The President's
Faltering Conduct — His Administration a Failure — General Sickles's
Letter against the Secretary of the Navy — The President courteously
received in New England — Grant's Probable Candidacy — Mont-
gomery Blair's Opinion of Grant as a General — Admiral Farragut sails
for Europe with two of the Secretary's Sons accompanying him —
Conversation with the President on his Return from the Sou&.

June 3, Monday. Admiral Farragut came on Friday and
is stopping with me for a few days. I called with him on
the President on Saturday and dined at Seward's that
evening with him.

The President got off on Saturday, Seward and Randall
went with him, McCulloch expressed his regret that any
of the Cabinet had gone, but, as Seward went, was rather
glad Randall had gone also, I take a different view, but it
confirms my impressions of Randall and his afi^ty with
Seward.

Chief Justice Chase told me Saturday evening that he
intended going to North Carolina on Monday to hold
court. Martial law being established by Congress and
miUtary governments in full sway, he can now, after

102 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [junbs

evading and avoiding his duties for two years, hold court
there. He is very aspiring and in some respects an un-
suitable man for his position.

The municipal election was held to-day in Washington.
It was an abuse and a farce. The negroes, imder Radical
training, have controlled the result, and negro votes will
be sought and managed in the future of the South. All
this strife, or usurpation, is in flagrant disregard of the
principles on which our government and institutions are
founded, as it is in disregard of and detrimental to in-
telligent citizenship and enlightened freodom. Under the
pretense of elevating the negro, the Radicals are degrading
the whites and debasing the elective franchise, bringing
elections into contempt.

June 4, Tuesday. The Judiciary Committee have, by
a vote of five to four, decided against impeachment, but
by a strict party vote passed a resolution of censure against
the President. A more shameless and disgraceful proceed-
ing than this whole impeachment conspiracy has never
been enacted. For many months a conmiittee, composed
mostly of extreme partisans, has been in session with
extraordinary powers to send for persons and papers, and
with the public treasury and an army of public scavengers
to assist them, to find, if possible, some act or transaction
or expression which would justify or excuse an arraignment
of the Chief Magistrate. His pubUc and his private acts
have been scanned, his household affairs, his domestic
life, his bank accounts, his social intercourse, as well as
all his speeches, conversations, and doings as a man and
President, have been scrutinized. Failing in their intrigue,
scandal and defamation have been set to work to palliate
these outrageous proceedings. Most of the members of the
Cabinet and, I believe, all but myself, have been sum-
moned before this conmiittee, as well as his private sec-
retaries and members of his family. Why I was spared,
I know not. I have an impression and intimations in fact

18671 A VISIT .TO THE NAV^^ ACADEMY 103

that Stanton ptopoeed and ordered I should not be called.
Both he and Seward, in a conversation which took place
as to disclosing proceedings in Cabinet, thought the matter
might be got along with by answeijing pretty fully all
questions that were put without any allusion to the £act
whether it was or was not a Cabinet subject. I doubted
whether it was right to disclose what had occurred in
Cabinet to such a committeOi — perhaps to any one at
present.

I went with Admiral' Farragut, Commodore Jenkins^
my wife and two eldest sons, and a few other friends to
Annapolis to visit the Academy. The board of visitors now
in session will probably close their labors to-morrow.
The visit was gratifying in all respects. Vice-Admiral
Porter, with some weaknessi, is in many respects a proper
man for the position. No one appreciates it more hi^Iy
tiian himself. In some respects he is a hard officer for th^
Secretary; his demands and requisitions are great and
such as Congress might decline to sanction.

The improvements are very considerable, and the
money si)ent to repair the waste and injury of the military
and improve the place has been in the main judiciously
expended.

The midshipmen are a credit to the coimtry, and will
do honor to it in the future, as they are a credit to it now.
Foreign wars are likely to be in the future almost ex-
clusively maritime, yet a large portion of the politicians
and people seem not aware of it* There is, on the part of
the more intense party men, a rigid parsimony and re-
luctance to make grants to the Navy, while appropriating
immense sums to the military branch of the service.

I shall always r^ret that the naval school should not
have been established at Newport News on the beautiful
sheet of water at Hampton Roads. There would have
been more ample accommodations and space, deeper water,
— an abundance of it, — with every facility for such an
institution. But Grimi^ and otheps, with a narrowness

i04 DIARV <»? QlDfiON WELLES [JUNistt

of feeling that surprised me, while admitting these ad-
viantagesi would not oonsent to transfer the school so far
South as Virginia. Port^ first favored the measiue, but
ms silenced l^ the Maryland authorities, deserted moi
and helped to influence Grimes.

JwM 7, Friday. Admiral Fartagut went home to-day.
He has been my guest for a week. Gave him yesterday
his orders to the European Squadron, and he expects to
sail within a fortnight. In biddbig him good-bye I was
more affected than he was aware, and I perceived that
he was to some extent similarly affected. We have both
[reached that period of life when a paarting of two yearo
'may be a parting forever on earth. Girciunstances have
brought us together, and we are under mutual obligations,
{selected him for important duties, and he proved him-
jself worthy of the trust and confidence. In addition to
^his great service to the country, unsurpassed, he has given
just fame to niy administration of the Navy, and I honor
'htm for his tmassiiming modesty as well as for possessing
^e heroic qualities which I expected. I trust we may
live to meet again on earth and enjoy memories of the
past. If not, God's will be done. I esteem the choice of
Farragut to command the Gulf Squadron the most judi-
cious and best selection which could have been made in
the entire service. I consider him the great hero of the
: War, and am happy in the thought that I was the means
of carrying him to the head of his profession, where he
had an opportunity to develop his power and ability.

June 8, Boiurday. The President and party retmned
. to-day from North Carolina. All appears to have passed

off well.

;^ There is much talk and feding in regard to Sheridan's
^ movements, wBich are arbitrary, tyrannical, and despotic.
' Hife removal of Wells, the poor Gov^nor of Louisiana, is
' justified by most of the ttlEtdicalSi althou^ it is an outrage

1887) TALK WITH GOVERNOB PEASE 106

cm our laws and institutioiis. The trimming course of
Wells and his want of honest character palliates Sheri*
dan's conduct, which, however, is wholly indefensible.

June 11, Tuesday. Attomey-<3eneral Stanbery tead
80 much of his opinion on the powers and duties of the
military governors as he has written. It follows out his
former opinion and softens the hard features of the bill
in some respects in its execution. He claims that the
military governor and force are there to support ordar
and the provisional governments, not to destroy them^
etc.

Stanton dissented; claimed the governors were omni-
potent, that martial law existed by authority of CongreaSi
which made the generals supreme

There is no doubt this was the intent of Congress, and
I have so construed the act, taking the same view as the
President in his vetoes. It is, however, a solecism for
the Congress or the legislature to enact martial law, but
tiie whole law is an absurdity, unconstitutional, abomin-
able. If the Attorney-General can modify it and so eon-
strue it as to make it less odious, very well.

June 12, Wednesday. Governor Pease of Texas called
CTi me. We had a very eamedt talk on the condition of Uie
country. He attempted to justify or excuse the Recon-
struction bills, but, finding he could not, threw himself
back upon the whole subject. He preferred despotism, if
it would give security to persons and proi)erty, rather than
a continuance of the condition of things which had ex-
isted in Texas for the last six- years. The Union people
have imdoubtedly suffered greatly. I asked if he could not
peaceably enjoy his property in Texas if he remained paes-
ive. He admitted he could, but said that was despotism^
He could not freely express his opinions and have open
-discussion. I asked him if he could have that imder %
deqwtism. The condition oftbeUniobists is undoubtedly

106 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [junew

unpleasant in Texas, but time and forbearance will bring
relief.

June 14, Friday. An extended Cabinet session. Seward
read a long dispatch which he had prepared to the Ameri-
can Minister to Colombia in relation to a tax which one
of the parties there propose to levy for belligerent pur-
poses on foreign residents, as well as their own citizens.
In his dispatch Seward says the citizens (American) must
protest and that the naval authorities will see that our
oountrymen are not ccmipelled to submit to exactions by
either faction.

The Attorney-General asked what he meant by dither
faction, and which and what is the legitimate government.
Seward said he recognized no legitimate government; that
the President had usiirjped ix)wer and dissolved CongresSi
and that the opposing faction was going to war with
him.

I inquired how naval officers could interfere. They could
not go on shore and imdertake to resist forcibly the civil
authorities. Seward said things would never reach tiiat
point. We had only to let them know what we would do
and that would end the difficulty. I expressed my dis-
sent to such proceedings, to mere threats, and gasconading
blasts to a weak government and people. The Attorney*
General was very emphatic on two or three points. Stanton
excepted to certain positions taken in regard to civil
war.

' No one seemed to second Seward, and he took back his
dispatch to modify it. There was mischief under it.
^ward has really the Presidential fever and flatters him-
self that he can swim on the current of acquisition of terri-
tory. The accession of Russian America, which is really
not his work, although he has been the instrument, or
agent, on our part in that transaction, has made him de-
finous. He is now crazy on the subject of obtaining terrir-
tinryi and his aim is to be a candidate on that specialty^

lOTi SEWARD'S, CRAZE FOR TERRITORY 107

— the enlarging of our territory. The Isthmus of Panamai
he thmks^ may be obtained. The revolutionists have pos*
seesion of the government in that State. He therefore
proposes we shall resist them and at the same time rer
fuse to recognize Mosquera, the President, whom he calls
a usurper. In this state of things he himself disclosed his
purpose inadvertently by saying there was a strong party
there desirous of annexation to the United States, which,
of course, will be likely to increase in numbers, if we make
forcible and successful resistance against excessive taxes.
If we relieve those who are under our flag, all will wish
to come under it. There is no mistaking the design of
Seward, who is not scrupulous where he has power and is
without convictions or principle in such matters.

The Attorney-General read the remainder of his opinion
on the Reconstruction bills. It is a docmnent of ability
and will cause the Radicals to resist. Not xmlikely it may
insure the assemblage of Congress, and an attempt to im-
peach the President if he carries into effect the policy
marked out, — and I have little doubt he will. That is, he
will disapprove the removal of the governors and judges,
the prohibition against the assembling of legislators, the
substitution of codes of law prepared by the military
oommanders, and ordered to go into effect as substitutes
for the enactments and laws of the States, some of them
in execution for more than two centuries. His efforts to
preserve law and popular government will cause him
to be denounced, and his impeachment will be demanded.
The conspirators are watching their opportunity.

^ June 15, Saturday. Mrs. Admiral Goldsborough called
on me to-day in great excitement and under much feel-
ing, in regard to the retirement of her husband, which goes
into effect next Tuesday, on which day he will have heesa
fifty-five years in the service. It was a most unpleasant
interview. She accuses me of cruelty and injustice, threat-
ens that her husband will go to Congress, accuses js^ qi

106 DIART OF GIDEON WELLES [junbis

prejudice agailist him for eome cause she knows not what,
says I have some favorite whom I wish to promote, etc
TJntil within a few months she admits I have been friendly
tmd kind, but since this question has come up, I have been
obstinate and unreasonable. She said she had been to the
President and he told her I had never submitted the case
to him, which she thought very cruel; that I had once or
twice talked over the case with him, but had not submitted
it for his decision. It was in vain that I tried to explain
to her that there was nothing for the President to decide;
that the law controlled in this matter; that these cases
were never submitted to the President; that when an
officer attained the age of sixty-two he went on to the retired
list, imless he received the vote of thanks, in which case
he was not retired until he had been fifty-five years in
service; that Admiral G, would have been fifty-five years
in service next Tuesday. She denied it, and under her
strong appeals I told her I would present the case to the
President, and I did so this p.m. In an interview of more
than one hour I went over the case with him. He had
evidently been seen.

Mrs. Goldsborough told me that Judge Beach, her at-
torney, had seen the President on the subject. Reverdy
Johnson, she said, had failed her; some officers had in-
fluenced him, but she did not tell me who.

While we had the subject under discussion, Seward
came in. He said Mrs. Goldsborough had been to him.
He declined to act. She said it would come up in Cabinet,
and he told her if so he would give it consideration.

The President asked what he had to do with the matter
anyhow. I replied he was expected to reverse my conclu-
sions if wrong, or if he supposed them wrong ; that I had
brought the subject to his notice by special request of Mrs.
G. and because the Admiral himself was absent; that the
law was to my mind clear and expticit, but that for myself,
'While I had no doubts on the subject, I should not feel
aggrieved if overrode and my action set aside, farther than

i«7i STANBBBY ON RECONSTRUCTION 109

as it might affect the service. Persoiially I have none bat
friendly feelings towards Admiral G.^ but I do not think he
is entitled to fifty-nine years, as he claims.

The Presidenti as I was about leaving this long inters
view, spoke of his proposed journey to Boston; ^ asked
how long since I had been to Connecticut, and intimated
very strongly a wish that. I would accompany him. I
told him I should, of coiurse, obey any order. He said he
could give no order in these cases; he was invited and it
would be pleasant to have me along as companion. Seward
and Randall had volunteered to go to North Carolina
with him. I told him I regretted it and would have
preferred he should have gone only with his family and
personal staff. I thought it would be much better if none
of his Cabinet went with him to Boston. The Masons had
invited him, but none of the Cabinet, and I thought we
should be considered intruders. Besides, I beUeved the
impression woidd be better if he went without any of USt
I know the Boston Masons don't want Seward.

June 20, Thursday. The week has been one of incess*
ant, imremitting labor. Cabinet-meetings of protracted
length have been held daily, requiring constant and earnest
attention in addition to current business. The chief sub-
ject of deliberation in Cabinet has been the Attorney-
General's opinions on Reconstruction. The President,
unfortunately I think, yielded to Mr. Stanbery, who
naturally believes his professional children remarkable and
worthy of universal nursing, and assented to a proposition
to have a record of Cabinet proceedings kept and the vote
of each member on each point recorded.

No one could object to this course, if the President re-
quired it, although I said to one or two that I preferred
tiie old course, — let the President require in writing the
opinion of each member. Then if either wishes to state

^ President Johnson attended the la3ring of the corner-stone of a new
Masonic Temple in Boston, June 24, 1867. ^

110 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES (JUNsao

his reason for the opmion he entertains and expresses, he
has the opportunity.

But Stanbery had another course. I think the plan was
concocted by both. The President is nervous and ap-
prehensive. He has, not without cause, an aversion to the
reassembling of Congress during the regular vacation,
for he knows the object is war upon himself. Striving to
do right, intending to do no wrong, he is assailed and de-
nounced for laboring to carry into effect the strange,
wicked, abominable, imconstitutionai Reconstruction acts,
as they are called.

In a few conversational remarks on the introduction of
the subject on Monday, I repeated what I have before
said on one or two occasions, — that the Reconstruction
acts were so abominable, so flagrantly unconstitutional,
that I did not feel inclined to have anything to do with
them; but the President had a duty to perform and it was
a duty on our part to advise and act when he required us.
The Attorney-General had labored to raise an edifice which
has no foundation, had worked out a system which seemed
consistent with iteelf and the laws, and I was willing to
acquiesce in his opinion in the detail or the aggregate.
He had done more for popular rights, under a law which
despotically deprived the people of their undoubted guar-
anteed rights, than I had supposed possible, and, while
I was opposed to the Reconstruction laws, I assented to
his expositions if the law was to go into effect.

McCuUoch said something similar. Seward said he did
not know about giving the entire credit of the exposition
to Stanbery.

Dxuing the discussion and criticisms and agreements
which occupied us for four days, it was obvious to my mind
that Stanton was an original adviser if not the originator
of these laws. He may not have drafted them, but he, and
probably Holt in consultation with him, devised the plan
of military, despotic government to rule the South. It
was equally obvious that the President was most solicit-

1M7J DISCUSSION OF STANBERY^S VIEWS 111

0U8 to conciliate and bring Stanton into harmonious
action with himself and the rest of the Cabinet. But for
past observation and experience, I should have concluded
that we had reached a crisis and that we should now be
imited, or we should part. Such may have been the Pre-
sident's thought and intention, as it has been before, but
it will end in nothing.

Stanbery was chief fugleman. Submitted his summary,
pioneered, advocated, controverted, and managed his
ease. Stanton was antagonistic. Seward was pliable^
plausible, often querulous, sometimes sensible, seldom
earnest. Randall followed Seward, of course, especially
when he was in harmony with the President. Ilie views of
McCulloch and myself have been stated. We were, under
the circmnstances, for acquiescing in the opinion and pro*
positions which Stanbery had elaborated, though they were
not our views. Stanton took direct issue ^dth Stanbery.
Their differences were fundamental. On the second day
Stanton brought in a paper defining his position. Reclaimed
that the laws established military governments and in-
vested the commanders with absolute power. That they
could displace and appoint officers in the civil or pro-
visional State Governments, etc. I shall not particularize
the differences in detail. Stanton did not attempt to
justify the laws or to claim they were constitutional, but
was for rigidly enforcing them, and for maintaining the
despotic authority of the military governors ; denied that
the President could control them, and claimed that Rebels
w^^ disfranchised without conviction and without a law
condemning them to disfranchisement for treason.

I listened to these differences over laws that were in
direct conflict with the Constitution and without war-
rant from it. At the close I stated to the President and
Cabinet that I had listened attentively to the discussion,
but I wished to be distinctly understood as in no way.
giving my sanction to the bill; that I considered him aa
placed in an extraordinary and embarrassing position;

112 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [nnm^t

that he had sworn to support the Constitution and also
to see the laws faithfully ^cecuted; that the two wef6
incompatible; that in appointing military governors the
President has done all, perhaps, that could be expected
of him. But the governors disagreed, were not united
in opinion, were embarrassed how to proceed, and had
applied to him for instruction. He had very properly
referred the subject to the law officer of the Government,
who had given a very elaborate and able opinion, which I
was willing they should accept and carry out. But I was
quite as willing the President should go no farther thansen4
it out as the opinion of the law officer of the Government^
his construction of the act, and leave the generals to carry
On their respective governments, for I concurred with the
Secretary of War in the opinion that the majority of the
fragmentary Congress which enacted these laws intended
to strike down popular or civil governments and estab^
lish military supremacy, had undertaken to enact martial
law, — an absurdity and a solecism. During the War,
extraordinary power had been necessarily exercised, and
what was a sad necessity then had begotten this moo^
strosity now.

The time has come when this defective, arbitrary, un^-
constitutional, impracticable law is to be put in operation*
The President may attempt it, but he cannot succeedi
The Attorney-General has presented his ideas, and th^
are condemned. A reassembling in July of the Congress
which enacted these usurping laws, is demanded. We ara
threatened with this, if the will of these military govern^
ors, — viceroys, — who cannot interpret the act alike,
is interfered with. I have little doubt that Congress will
come together, and am willing they should. Let them pass
a declaratory or explanatory law of their own act. There
can be no unity among themselves unless opposed. They
disregard or set aside all constitutional limitations itf
landmarks, all constricted restraints, and have substituted
their own will as onmipotent and above and beyond ibq

18C71 DISCUSSION OF STANBERY'S VIEWS 113

GonstitutioiL Let them carry out their weak and wicked
enactments. It is as legitimate for them to execute as to
enact such laws.

The President was, I perceived, impressed with my
remarks. Seward looked at me, amazed and thoughtful.
Stanton for the first time seemed troubled.

Stanbery said that matters were pretty much as I
stated, but the President must act, — must see the laws
executed, — there is no evading that. I replied I did not
propose evasion, but the President could send his, the
Attorney-General's, exposition for these generals; that
the Cabinet had assented that the views taken by him
should go out as the view which the law officer of the
Government took.

McCulloch asked if we had not gone too far to stop now.
I answeiBd no; that my opinions and convictions had
undergone no change in consequence of any action taken
or argument presented. I considered the law unconsti-
tutional, and therefore action under it nugatory. ^ It is
defective and impracticable, aside from its unconstitu-
tionality. The Attorney-General, to whom the President
properly referred the subject, has worked out a theory
which I assent to, so far at least as to advise the President
to send it to the military governors, in response to their
inquiries, as the opinion of the law officer of the Govern-
ment, and that there may be imiformity in their proceed-
ings. Not that I cared to give the monster shape; no harm
would follow conffictirg action on the part of the govern-
ors under the bills, or difference of interpretation. The
fact that there are differences — that no two of them can
agree as to the meaning and proper construction of these
acts — was a commentaiy on such legislation. Now let
Congress convene and tell what they really do mean.
I have no doubt they intended to give the governors ar-
bitrary and absolute power, to give siiffrage to the negro,
to exclude and proscribe most of the white population, to
authorize refusal of jury trials for alleged offense, all of

114 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [junib20

which are unconstitutional, revolutionary, and can have
no sanction or approval from me. This being my position
on the laws, I was willing the opinion and theory of the
Attorney-General should go out as his exposition, but I
did not wish the President to give his sanction to the law,
or be committed to it.

Randall said he did not see why that might not be done;
that it might be said, whereas the generals were embar-
rassed in executing these laws, and had asked for instruc-
tions, the President had referred the subject to the At-
torney-General and taken advice of the Cabinet, and had
come to the following conclusion.

Stanton and Stanbery each wrote a preamble. I objected
to the word "conclusion'^ in Stanton's, which, after
emendation, I thought preferable to Stanbery's, which
was an executive order adopting his opinion and theory.

Seward, who seemed shocked when I said Congress
would in my opinion assemble on the 3d of July, appeared
relieved after Stanton's preamble was read. It was Ran-
dall's, he declared. It was able, just the thing. This matter
would go over, and all come right, he had no doubt of it.

June 21, Friday. The President left this morning for
Boston. Seward accompanied him, and Randall, who
left last evening, is to join him in New York. The papers
this morning contain a statement of proceedings, or rather
votes, in the Cabinet on the several points embraced in
the smnmary of the Attorney-General. I did not under-
stand that publicity was to be given to our doings in de-
tail, though I care nothing about it, personally. A record
of Cabinet doings is, itself, a novelty. I cannot say that
I am pleased with the innovation. I should have pre-
ferred that the President call upon the members to give
each his opinion in writing, and then that he should decide
for himself. In that way the position and reasons of each
member would be stated by himself. This published
record states correctly my votes, and the votes of othefs

im COMMANDER ROE AND SANTA ANNA 116

also, on Stanbery^s exposition and theory. It may be
the true and accepted interpretation of the law; never-
theless the loen who passed it, intended differently. They
designed to break down the State Governments, to divest
the President of all power except that of designating the
military commanders and passing upon the death penalty,
of which the legislative majority could not deprive him.

I should have been willing to leave this bad law to its
own working, without devising a plan or system to carry
it into efifect. This was my suggestion, and the President,
perhaps, intends to leave the subject in the form pre-
sented in these publications.

It has, however, as the case now stands, an unfortimate
aspect for the President, — indicating timidity, a desire
to have others share the responsibilities which belong to
him. All this impairs his strength before the coimtry.
The President should make himself felt and understood
as a power, should stand out prominent above others.
But Seward and Stanton have dwarfed him, I fear, —
made V^ith hesitate and doubt when his own nature is to
be firm.

I wrote hastily, and when tired and exhausted, a sketch
of Cabinet proceedings on the matter of the Attorney-
General's opinion.

I took to the Cabinet and read a strange dispatch
from Commander Roe of the Tacony, who, under the ad-
vice of the American and British Consuls, took upon him-
self to seize Santa Anna,^ place him on the ship in which
he came to Vera Cruz, escort him twenty miles to sea,
and forbid his return. It was an extraordinary proceed-
ing, and I made it a point to read the whole dispatch in
Cabinet. Seward said, ''That was all right," and asked
me to send him the dispatch, or a copy, for he wanted to
keep the record. No one else seemed to trouble himself
about the matter, except the President, who remarked

^ The wen-known Mencan general and president, at this time a revolo-
tionary agunst the itaieh.

116 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [June 21

that the Mississippi and the levees were giving us much
trouble by the overflow, and he thought it might be a
blessing if the waters could go on and drench Mexico and
wash out her faithlessness. I regret that Roe should have
permitted himself to be a tool of the consuls, though I
doubt not his intentions were right, but I apprehended
that some exceptions would have been taken to Roe's
conduct, and that I might have to recall and take action
in the case. As it is, I think the Admiral must give his
attention to Mexican affairs.

June 22, Saturday. The President and party got through
very well to New York, and all passed off pleasurably
by accounts on board the Franklin, Admiral Farragut's
flagship, which he visited. He passed directly through
or past Philadelphia without stopping, the city author-
ities having failed to extend to him an invitation. It is
a specimen of the old Whig spite of former days. The
Radicals are the baser materials of that bygone party.
Their Reconstruction acts, their disregard of constitu-
tional obligations and limitations, and the general demor-
alization and corruption crop out, — are parts and parcels
of the old bank-debauchers of 1834, and the Hard-Cider
politicians of 1840.

I cannot but regret that President Johnson is so much
under the influence of Seward, who is a man of expedients
and not of sterling, fixed principle. His publication of
Cabinet proceedings amuses me the more I reflect upon
it. McCulloch tells me that he was as much siuprised as
myself when he saw that record in print; that he had no
conception the President intended to publish it.

On Thursday evening, as I was riding out, I met Seward
near Columbian College. He called to me, I being on
horseback, and said that he thought the President had
better get out his paper to-morrow (Friday) morning.
It had been understood and agreed that he would issue an
order to the military governors, in answer to their call

18671 SHERIDAN'S INSUBORDINATION 117

for infonnation, communicating the smimiary of exposi-
tions of the Attorney-General. This I had thought would
relieve him of embarrassment in consequence of his ve-
toes, in which be had taken different views. Moreover, as
he had pronounced the acts unconstitutional, and was
sworn tc support and defend the Constitution, he could
send out the opinion of the Attorney-General, the law'
officer, as a guide for the generals and as conducive on
their part to uniformity of action.

But this publication of Cabinet proceedings is a differ-
ent phase and, I think, an unfortunate one. I am appre-
hensive that Seward, in his interview on Thursday evening,
achieved it, although he made no intimation to me of such
a purpose, farther than to speak of that ''paper" instead
of that "order." Stanbery, who is a good lawyer, lacks
certain qualities as a poUtician. He sometimes wants tact,
and is too sensitive for a public man. It would be in char-
acter with him to advise the publication. His opinion
has been violently assailed, and it soothes him to find that
the Cabinet, with one exception, sustains, or more properly
submits to and acquiesces in, his exposition. He was ad-
vising to, if not the originator of the proposition of making
a record of the views of each of the heads of the Depart-
ments. The results he feels to be a relief, and persuades
himself, perhaps, that the publication will relieve him
before the public.

June 24, Monday. An impudent and disrespectful, if not
disobedient, letter of Sheridan's is published on the sub-
ject of registration, in which he puts himself in opposition
to the President and his order to keep open registration
till August. I am apprehensive that the President will not
promptly detach him. How Stanton and Grant will act
and advise, I shall be glad to know.

They cannot, it appears to me, do otherwise than re-
commend his removal. Grant thinks much of Sheridan
as a brave, dashing officer, but he is unfit for the deUcate

118 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [JUNBa*

duties of civil governor, nor is his judgment in civil
matters worthy of much weight. He, Grant, may, in his
partiality, think reproof and a peremptory order sufficient.
Stanton knows that, were he in the President's position,
a telegram for Sheridan's removal could not g^t to New
Orleans quick enough, but what he will do and advise
\mder the circmnstances is a question.

For twenty months the President has submitted to
humiliation from the War Department, has been tame,
passive, and submissive under palpable wrong, has seen
the military oflficers and the Army gradually alienated from
him by intriguing and cunning manipulation. So far as
delicacy and propriety would permit, he has been warned
and advised, has many times determined that he would
act resolutely, but at the crisis has from some malign influ-
ence faltered and failed until his Administration itself is a
failure. The President is no longer regarded as a power,
the head of the Government, because he fails to exercise
his imdoubted authority in vindication of what he knows
to be right, but defers, delays, and suffers.

The Army and officers generally were with him in his
Reconstruction policy at the commencement, as they were
with Mr. Lincoln, who initiated it. Stanton was not, and
Howard was not, — though the latter was not contuma-
cious, — and Holt was not. Stanton and Holt were in
Buchanan^s Cabinet; had been mixed up with the Seces-
sionists for a time, and the hostility between them and
the Rebels became implacable. Hate was mutual.

Neither Stanton nor Holt desired immediate reconcilia-
tion or an early restoration of the Union, for that would
necessitate their retirement. Their policy, therefore,
never was and could not be the policy of the President,
for he desired speedy peace, harmony, and good will be-
tween States and sections. All their efforts, all their influ-
ence, has been in another direction. Yet the Secretary of
War, exercising this influence, using and abusing his power
and patronage, aided by Seward, has been able to hold his

1867] THE PRESIDENT'S BOSTON TRIP 119

place and so far to control, not only his Departmenti but
in a great d^pree the Administration.

Seward, who has not been, like Stanton and Holt, op-
posed to an inunediate restoration of the Union, has never-
theless been the constant supporter and friend of Stanton,
has constantly impressed upon the President the necessity
of retaining that gentleman in his Cabinet as essential to
his Administration. The two — Seward and Stanton —
have steadily played into each other's hands, Stanton all
the time strengthening and fortifying himself and all the
time weakening the President and bringing the Adminis-
tration and its measures into disfavor.

June 25, Tuesday. The papers publish a letter from
General Sickles to Senator Wilson, in which he says the
Secretary of the Navy will do nothing in favor of the Re-
construction laws. Congress appropriated $500,000 to
carry into effect Reconstruction; $5,000,000 will be re-
quired. Only a small appropriation was made to begin
with, in order to delude and cheat the people into acqui-
escence, but millions will be expended. To make up the
deficiency, money and means are to be stolen from other
sources, other appropriations, and other Departments.
Sickles sent to me for two steamboats to be placed at his
service. I had neither boats, oflBcers, crews, nor money
for him. Congress had placed no appropriation at my
disposal for such piupose.

June 26, Wednesday. The President has been coiui»-
ously and properly received by the people of New England,
— a striking contrast with some portions of the North-
west. None of the governors have run away, — absented
themselves like Morton, Oglesby,^ and others. Sumner and
Wilson do not appear to have been present, or mingling
with the authorities. The President has spoken less than
when he went West. It would be better were he and all

^ Governon of Indiana and niinols respectively.

i.—

120 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [junem

Presidents to Avoid addressing miscellaneous public
semblages. And so of the Secretaries. Seward in
speeches indicates an intention of being a candidate for
President and to run on the territorial acquisition claim.
The purchase of Russian America has demented him in
this direction, and he really flatters himself , though doubfc-
ingly, that the people will rally around him. He has, how-
ever, no party, no popular strength, and his retention in
the Cabinet has greatly injiu^ the President. It is un-
fortunate that the President does not realize this and that
the constant companionship of Seward is a mistake for
both.

A telegraph from Calcutta informs us of the wreck of
the Sacramento in the Bay of Bengal, Collins commanding.
This is a misfortune, but no loss of lives, thank Heaven.
Collins is an honest, straightforward, patriotic man. He
has not, I think, particular love or aptitude for the service.

June 27, Thursday. Montgomery Blair has become
quite indifferent in regard to the fate of President John-
son. Says he is completely under the dominion of Seward
and Stanton, who have demoralized him; that the Pre-
sident has listened to them until he has become nervous
and apprehensive, without resolute courage to carry out
or maintain his conviction, and that he is in constant
dread of impeachment.

Blair is shrewd and observing, though of strong pre-
judices. He thinks it absolutely necessary to revive the
Democratic Party and its organization in order to rescue
the government from centralizing hands. This has been
the policy of himself and some others for some time past.
The policy has its disadvantages as well as advantages.
One cause of the failure of the Union movement a year
since was the attempt to bring forward as leaders and
candidates those Democrats who had made themselves
obnoxious for their extreme partisanship, and especially
their opposition to the measures of the Government for

1887J GRANTS PROBABLE CANDIDACY 121

the preBervation of the Union. The people were not dis-
posed to invest Gopperiieads, Rebel 8ympathi2sers, and
Rebels with power whUe the soU was yet wet with the blood
of patriots, and Blair and others injure themselves at
this time in pressing forward prematurely that class of
peiBons. In the conversation to-day we spoke of Grant
in connection with the Presidency, and from present in-*
dications I expressed the opinion that he was disposed
to be a candidate, and if so, he would probably be elected.
Blair said he could not be if he was the Radical candidate.
I said Grant would endeavor to be the Army and Union
candidate; without much political intelligence or principle,
he had party cimning and would strive to be a candidate
but not strictly a party candidate; that the Radicals did
not want him, but they could not help themselves, nor
p^aps could Grant. They felt that they must nominate
him in order that they might succeed; he felt that he could
not reject their candidacy, if they took him up, but really
pr^ers the Democrats to the Republicans.

Blair has been and still is friendly to Grant, but peiv
ceives that G. is becoming aUenated from old friends and
getting in with new ones, and it arouses his opposition.
I asked whom he would have for a candidate in opposi-*
tion to Grant. He said he cared not who it was. Nor I,
was my reply, but whom can you present? He said Mo-
Clellan. That, said I, insures defeat. The people will not,
and I think ought not to, rally imder him.

We then had some talk on the War and the gdherals.
Grant, he said, was after all the only real general we had.
Not that he had the genius and mental resources of Sher-
man, but he had dogged courage, unwavering persistency.
No other general had these qualities. His remarkable
conduct in the campaign, and the slaughter between the
Wilderness and Richmond, Blair admitted were horrible.
Still, Grant never flagged or doubted. Having got in the
nei^borhood of Richmond, he smoked his cigars and
waited, until Sherman reached the seaboard and was

i22 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jtjnb27

ooming up through the Carolinas, when the Te Deum of
the nation, which was singing hosannas to Shennan,
roused Grant to the necessity of doing something lest
there should be another and greater hero who would
eclipse him. This led to Grant's final blows, for, Wilmington
having been captured, Grant could have remained quiet
and Sherman would have marched steadily up in the rear
of Richmond. In that event, it would have been Sherman's
name, not Grant's, and this, though Sherman's friend, he
would not permit.

Blair says he once inquired of Grant why he moved at
all when there was no necessity, and the final close was
inevitable. Grant was a little puzzled to answer for a
moment, but replied that he did it, not from military
necessity or any strategic purpose, but to suppress sec-
tional animosity. All the hard fighting and successes had
been by Western men; the Army of the Potomac was dis-
tinguished for no great success; they had remained calm
before Richmond, having all m then- grip, it wss true, but
if the Western army, after marching to the sea, came up
and captured Richmond while the Eastern army was in
camp, there would have been jealousy and sectional feel-
ing growing out of it. It was the selfish jealousy of Grant
himself, whose feelings towards Sherman exceeded those
of the sections in the West.

June 28, Friday. A committee to inquire into the ord-
nance transactions of the War and Navy Departments,
composed of as unprincipled a set of scoundrels, with
scarcely an exception, as is in Congress, is in session. I have
told Wise, Chief of Ordnance in Naval Bureau, to give
them every facility for inquiry; if he, or any one had done
wrong, I desired it should be exposed. This startles Wise,
who is nervously excitable, and not over-profoxmd and
firm, and who, I have sometimes thought, was a Uttle too
intimate with some of the larger contractors, — not that
I have ever believed him corrupt or pecuniarily interested.

1867J FARRAGUT SAILS FOR EUROPE 123

How he will succeed before the committee^ who will try
to confuse and bewilder him, is uncertain. He is pretty
sagacious, but mentally timid, though not, I apprehend,
wanting in physical courage. Of the transactions of the
Ordnance Biueau I have known less than of any others.
Their contracts are excepted from advertisements, their
busmess a specialty. Ptesident Lincoln busied himself
in that branch and Wiard and Ames, two disappointed
contractors whom he favored, are pets of the committee.

Jum 29, Soiurduay. Admiral Farragut sailed yesterday
from New York in the Franklin for Europe, to take com-
mand of the European Squadron. My two yoimgest sons
have gone with him. I Imow no better man to whom to
intrust them. One is his private secretary; the other is
derk to Pennock, who is Captain of the Franklin.

The President and party are expected home to-day.
miey have had, apparently, a pleasant tour. Too much
speaking, but less than in the Chicago jaunt last year.

JuTie 30, Sunday. Called this morning on the President
and congratulated him on his safe return and m apparently
improved health. He was very cordial, disposed to talk.
Was not fully posted on occurrences and events of the
last ten days. Talked of Sheridan, of Congress, of Stan-
bery's opinions, etc. In regard to Stanton, he expressed
himself convinced that he had played a part for himself,
had an understanding with the violent Radicals, had em-
barrassed the Administration and thwarted its policy;
and he was surprised that Stanton should persist in hold-
ing on to his place, and mixing with us. I remarked it
was now of little consequence. He had so managed with
the Radicals as to cripple the Administration until it
was powerless, and he might remain on to the close, or
be might leave soon. The President assented; presumed
Stanton intended to be a candidate.

Seward proposes to purchase Two Islands from Denmark for $7,400,000 —
Cabinet Discussion of Sheridan's Letter to Grant — Maximilian shot In
Mexico — Congress meets in Extra Sesdon — General Halleck pro-
posed as Commissioner to go to Alaska — Seward Justifies Commander
Roe in the Capture of Santa Anna — Stanton ignores the President in
addressing a Commimication directly to the Speaker of the House —
Reconstruction Bill passed — The Influence of Seward and Stanton on
the Administration — Conversation with a Member of the British Par-
liament on Constitutions and Reconstruction — The President vetoes
the Reconstruction Bill without consulting the Cabinet — Congress
passes a Resolution of Sympathy with Cretan Insurrectionists —
General Banks calls to urge a Removal and an Appointment — The
President's Leniency in Matters of Pardon — Troops sent to Tennessee

— Grant's Change of Views — General Rousseau proposed for Sheri-
dan's Place — Proposal to appoint Frederick Dou^ass to the Head a£
the Freedmen's Bureau — The President receives Papers revealing a
Conspiracy to manufacture Evidence against him — Sheridan r^noves
Governor Throckmorton of Texas and appoints E. M. Pease in his Place

— McCulloch discouraged at the Political Outlook.

July 2, Tuesday. At the Cabinet-meeting to-day Seward
brought forward a proposition to purchase of Denmark
the two smaller islands in the West Indies for $7,400,000,
Stanton and Randall strongly supported him. McCul-
loch doubted ; was willing the subject should be presented
and submitted to the Senate, though, if himself a Sena-
tor, would vote against it.

Stanbery claimed not to be sufficiently posted to act,
but his impressions were against it. I was perhaps strong-
est in opposition of any; stated we wanted these islands
for no present purpose; that, St. Thomas being a free
port, we had every facility we could have were these
islands ours; that the population is not American; the
possession would be costly to keep and maintain; that
the coimtry was enormously in debt and needed the mil-*
lions more than these islands; that in the event of a for-

1867] PROPOSED WEST INDIAN PURCHASE 126

eign war we could easier and at less expense capture one
or more islands than hold them.

Seward, a little nettled by my views, said we wanted a
station in the West Indies for naval coaling purposes, and
we could not have Saman^, — that was ended. I said I was
glad of it; I had never wanted Saman^, and I wished this
Danish matter was ended also. Still, as the others as-
sented, and the Secretary of State lurged its importance
for ulterior purposes which he claims the Senate will
sanction with unanimity, I would not oppose its going to
that body. McCulloch took much the same view.

The truth is, Seward has become almost a monomaniac
on the subject of territorial acquisition, that being the
hobby on which he expects to be a candidate for Pte-
sid^Qt. It shows itself in everything.

The subject of Sheridan's insulting and impertinent,
disrespectful and disobedient letter to General Grant,
which is in the newspaper, was brought forward by the
President, who said he had received no official notice of
the letter, — knew nothing of it save what he saw in the
newspapers and the remarks of others.

The Attorney-General was emphatic against the letter;
said it was insolent and insubordinate, and could not be
passed without notice.

Stanton said the letter had not been communicated to
him officially; that, if authentic, as he did not question it
was, Sheridan had, perhaps, been rebuked aheady by
General Grant for his impulsiveness ; that the letter might
have been stolen from the telegraph by some of the news-
paper correspondents and published without the know-
ledge and against the wishes of Sheridan. He would
advise that the matter should pass without producing any
inquiry.

Seward said he had very little, doubt that the matter
had got into the papers as Stanton suggested, and prob-
ably without Sheridan's knowledge. It was published in
the Herak{ on Sunday, and they had in some way got hold of

126 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult2

it. He never noticed newspaper articles; would not notice
this. I said it was not a newspaper article, but an official
document from Sheridan's headquarters and signed by
Sheridan himself. While I was not prepared to say what
coiurse had best be taken in regard to it, I by no means
assented to the suggestion that the document had been
surreptitiously obtained or that it was not written expressly
for publication. No man could read it and say he believed
it was a private, unofficial communication to General
Grant. It was intentionally disrespectful to the President,
and had been so received and considered by friends and
opponents.

Stanton said it was an improper letter, and if it had
been addressed to him, he should have rebuked Sheridan,
not only for what he said of the President but for the al-
lusion to the Attorney-General, the head of a Department.

McCulloch thought we had better get along without
taking much notice of the letter, as the President had never
received it officially. To move in it would stir up excite-
ment without doing any good. I was aware from previous
conversation with McCulloch that he wished to avoid col-
lision with Congress, and that he had very Uttle confidence
that the President would take a stand against Sheridan
and persist in it, backed as he would be by Stanton and
Grant. He said to me that Stanton would control the
President on this or any subject that had a military
bearing or connection, sooner than the true men in his
Cabinet. I was therefore more grieved than surprised at
McCulloch's remark.

Randall said very little, but did not know what could
be done, though the letter was very improper.

Stanbery and Stanton di£fered essentially and discussed
some points. The President produced a dispatch from
Sheridan of the 29th ult., stating he should continue regis-
tration until August as ordered. As the Secretary of Wat
had not the correspondence between Grant and Sheridan,
the President thought it best to defer the farther discD&-

18571 SHERIDAN^S LETTER DISCUSSED 127

sion of the subject until it was prociued^ and he would
probably call a special Cabinet-meeting for its considera-
tion.

Delay, of course, destroys the effect, if it does not pre-
vent any action. I remained with the President to dispose
of some Department business after the others had left,
and said to him that promptness and decision were im-
portant in matters of this kind; that in postponing action
he was suffering before the country, and in a few days
nothing could be done. He agreed with me, and said he
would have sent for Grant when Stanton made known
that he had not the correspondence, but the session had
been so long that he could not have got him to the council
in season. Then, as regards Stanton's remark that he had
no copy of the letter, — that it had not been commun-
icated to him, — "Do you suppose," asked the President,
''that there has been communication between Grant and
Stanton about that letter?" I replied that it could hardly
be otherwise than that they should have conversed and
interchanged views on such a paper which was before tiiie
public, and probably there was an imderstanding between
them that it should be kept back and officially commun-
icated. And that was the foundation of Stanton's pro-
position that the subject should pass without pressing any
inquiry.

The President's hesitating and irresolute disposition
and the influence of Seward and Stanton will be very likely
to prevent any special Cabinet-meeting, and perhaps any
farther steps in this matter. McCuUoch is hopeless.
Randall will fall in with Seward. Stanbery feels woimded
personally, as well as being indignant that the President
should be treated with such disrespect. He may rouse the
President to vindicate himself and his office. I have said
in the Cabinet and in private all that is proper I should
say, without much effect.

^ July 3. On Sunday evening I received a dii^atch fijom

128 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES ijulyB

Commander Roe that Maximilian^ the guoai Emperor of
Mexico, was shot on the 19th of Jime. It is one of the
mistakes of that unhappy and distracted country. Ai>-
prehensions are entertained that the European powers
will attempt to avenge his death, but I do not participate in
those apprehensions. Europe has learned a lesson on the
impolicy of interference in the fate of Maximilian and
the results of French intrigues in that country.

Vera Cruz still holds out. No exceptions have as yet
been taken to Roe's course in seizing Santa Anna. As he
has been since taken from the Virginia at Sisal by the
Mexicans, they may siunmarily dispose of him, though
for a generation he has, like a cat, alighted on his feet
when thrown, seemingly, down a precipice.

Congress met to-day. A quorum was present, thou^
I am sorry to see many, perhaps most, of the Democrats
are absent. There is, it is true, not only no public neces-
sity for the meeting of Congress, but a public injury from
its coming together. Still, as the majority had desired it,
with them be the responsibility. Members individually
should do their duty.

There is a malignant and revolutionary spirit among
the leading Radicals, who continue to be reckless and ut-
terly regardless of the Constitution. These men will de-
sire to push measures to extremes, in the belief that they
can thereby retain their party ascendancy. But it will
not surprise me if the means to which they must resort
shall react and overthrow them. Indeed, I expect it. They
cannot go on with these violent and proscriptive measures
without rousing indignation, and if any regard for the
Constitution remains, the people, though strangely in-
different, will rally to its defense.

July 5, Friday. Yesterday, the 4th, was a quiet day,
more quiet than Sunday. It was to me a day of rest, and
I enjoyed it.

No matter of special importance was to-day before the

1W71 RECONSTRUCTING RECONSTRUCTION 129

Cabinet. Seward and McCuUoch arranged for a revenue
eutter to Sitka. Stanton proposed that Halleck should be
the Commisdoner^ and Seward concurred. I did not like
it, for I do not like Halleck, but I said nothing. Neither did
the President nor any other member of the Cabinet.

The President made no allusion to Sheridan's order and
his correspondence with General Grant.

In Congress but little was done except to determine
to reconstruct Reconstruction. Sumner and some of the
extreme Radicals were not satisfied with this conclusion, and
there is really so little sense and wisdom in Congress that
there is no certainty they will adhere to their determina-
tion. They evidently know not what they want, nor how
to do it.

On the 2d of March they passed their Reconstruction
Bill, — their first step since the fall of Richmond. Two
years were wasted in intrigues how not to reestablish the
Union. The succeeding Congress, which met two days
after promulgating the Reconstruction Act, passed a sup-
plemental bill to correct deficiencies and weaknesses, and
another bill, limiting expenses to five hundred thousand
dollars. Three bills in less than one month, and now Con-
gress is again assembled to further legislate on the subject,
and declare they will take up no other subject. They have
no confidence in themselves.

Generals Schenck and Logan have imdertaken to exclude
all the Kentucky Representatives from the House because
they are not Radicals. These two lawyer generals are Rad-
ical electioneerers. Schenck opposes Bamum of Con-
necticut, whose election is disputed because he used money.
I have no idea that he used more if as much as his Radical
opponent, and Schenck knows that Indiana and some
other States have been seciued to the Radicals by fraud
and corruption. This move is to turn attention from their
own villainies to another quarter, and to throw discredit on
then: opponents. The use of money is destroying confidence
in our elections. "^

130 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES (julyq

July % Tuesday. The dispatch of Sheridan was not
alluded to. As Congress is in session, and calls for cone-
spondence are made, the omission is not singular, but I
apprehend the whole will be shuffled over.

The House of Representatives made haste, by a strict
party vote, to pass a resolution of thanks to Sheridan for
insolence and insubordination. No official communication,
no report of any committee called for thanks, but his dis-
courteous and highly improper letter had been published,

— the pubUcation being itself an act of insubordination,

— and a vote of thanks is given him by the Radical l^is-
lators in the House of Representatives. The Senate has
not simk quite to the level of the House, and the resolution
has been checked in that body.

Some differences are manifested among the Radicals
in both houses. Some of the more intelligent and saga-
cious have mustered sufficient courage to oppose the
extremists.

July 10, Wednesday. The loose, reckless violence and
inconsiderate action of Congress make it irksome and pain-
ful for me to read their proceedings. How little regard
have the members for their oaths and their coimtry's wel-
fare I The worst principles of tyranny and outrage they
avow and encourage. The President is coarsely, falsely,
and vindictively assailed by leaders as well as by followers,
who are secretly prompted. The Constitution and its
limitations are ridiculed and condemned.

Senator Wade equivocates and backs down from his
recent aggressive speech. Instead of a step in advance, as
he boasted, he takes a step to the rear.

A curious letter in the New York Herald, reciting a con-
versation and certain avowals of Thad Stevens, is attract-
ing attention, and he to-day on the floor of the House
made remarks on the letter. Almost all which this vicious
old man does is premeditated, dramatic, and for effect.
The letter was evidently carefully prepared by himself.

1887] SEWARD JUSTIFIES ROE 131

Not that he wrote it, but the correspondent had the
catechism and answers fumished him. Stevens is perhaps
a worthy leader for such a party, — the "Great Com-
moner."

Jvly 11, Thursday. Some discourse in the House to-
day, followed by votes, indicates a division in the House
on the subject of impeachment. There is no cause, excuse,
or justification for the long, labored, and shameful pro-
ceeding on this subject. The President differs with the
Radicals, and justly and properly views their course with
abhorrence. He sometimes expresses his burning indigna-
tion against measures and men that are bringing untold
calamities upon the country.

Jtdy 12, Friday. Seward read a long document on the
subject of the capture of Santa Anna, fully justifying
Commander Roe, and approving his course and that of
our consul at Vera Cruz.

Stanton presented two communications, which he pro-
posed to send to Speaker Colfax, asking an appropriation of
$5,000,000 for Indian wars and an additional $1,600,000
for Reconstruction. This latter was so worded as to create
a false impression, leaving it to be supposed that this is
the whole simoi, whereas there was already half a million
appropriated for the latter purpose, making over two
millions. Much of this, a considerable percentage, will be
expended in Radical electioneering.

I objected to the head of a Department addressing
commimications of this character to the Speaker and
claimed that application for such appropriation should
properly go through the President. No one differed from
me but Stanton, who said very little. Seward saw that
Stanton was vexed, and he put in a garrulous mess of
pottage, about his always sending to Congress through
the President, and believed it was proper for the heads
of Departments generally to do this. But sometimes, be

132 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES Ijuly12

said, the Secretary of War had occasion to go direct to
Congress, and on the whole, he thought it was well enou^,
— perhaps best ; he approved of it. I insisted that it was
neither respectful nor right to ignore the President at any
time, and especially now, when Congress was trying to
degrade and belittle the office. I thought no head of a
Department should encourage the schemers by passing by
the President.

' The President, I saw, felt hurt, and made a remark or
two, but concluded by telling Stanton that the Secretary
of War would do as he thought best. "Then," said Stan-
ton, *' I will send both commimications to the Speaker."
" Very well," said the President. Pshaw!

This is the way things go on. Congress has got another
edition of Reconstruction law about completed, which
robs the President of his constitutional rights, transfers
his powers to the General of the Army, the military gov-
ernors, and the Secretary of War. Seward, who is chief
counselor and Stanton's supporter, will not dissent from
this, but, if he says anything, will advise acquiescence.
Stanton is in concert with the Radicals in these aggressive
matters, as the President knows, and has himself said to
me. I do not expect, therefore, that any becoming stand
will be taken to vindicate the executive prerogative, and it
is perhaps too late, if there were energy and decision, to
attempt it. Steady, constant aggression, and tame, passive
yielding under the assimiing and calculating Stanton and
the pliant, flexible Seward have effectually broken down
the Administration. I shall be thankful if it does not break
down the government.

July 13, Saturday. Seward overtook me this evening
as I was riding out on 14th Street, and says he has sent
me a copy of his long statement in regard to the capture of
Santa Anna. He evidently thinks it a great paper, and
prides himself on its properties.

I understand the two houses have passed their Recon-

18671 RECONSTRUCTION BILL PASSED 133

struction Bill. Thad Stevens took occasion to sneer at
those who still clung to the remnants of the shattered Con-
stitution, which he ridiculed as a thing of the past. He is
one of those who never r^arded it as more obligatory than
the resolutions of a last year's party convention. Its over-
throw and destruction he would consider a party triumph.
This is the spirit and feeling of the ''Great Conmioner/'
the Radical leader.

JtiZy 15. There is among the Congressional majority
who call themselves Republicans or Radicals a wide dif-
ference, but there is want of patriotism with some, and of
tact and talent with all. They are incompetent and vicious.
The violent leaders are coarse and vulgar; the more con-
servative are weak and cowardly. The former defy, ridi-
cule, and disregard the Constitution; the latter dare not
cbfendit. Both can xmite against the Administration,
which adheres to the great principles of the fundamental
law and maintains the rights of the States and the union
of the States.

Unfortunately for the President, his chief adviser has
no faith in the principles which the President most r^ards.
Seward has no faith, nor has he any strength. To the Presi-
dent the Secretary of State is an element of weakness. The
people have no confidence in him and they doubt and dis-
trust the President, who has. His association with Lincoln
weakened the power of the Administration. Still Seward
does not oppose, resist, or attempt to coerce the President,
but the latter knows he is from the great State and erro-
neously believes him the chief of a great party.

Stanton is more positive; but would often fail were he
not aided by the sinuous, pliable, flexible Seward. The two
hunt in couples, and, though of different temperaments,
are both of them subtle and have a full imderstanding to
stand by each other. Both are playing a game, and the
ctmning, wily Mephistophelesis outwitted by Mars. Stan-
ton is treacherous. Seward is not, though a dissembler.

134 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [julyis

Stanton, while a part of the Admmistration, acts with the
Radicals, and in a great measure directs their movements.
They trust him; they hate and despise Seward.

To the President, Seward is always pliant and yielding,
yet he contrives to do much towards shapmg the Pre-
sident's course and often sadly misleads him.

Stanton sometimes plants himself in opposition to the
President, and, when honest and sincere, not infrequently
carries his point, though its rectitude may be question-
able. When, however, he perceives that the President is
resolute and determined, Stanton becomes as humble and
obsequious as Uriah Heep. The President, who is courte-
ous and attentive to all, is extra so to Stanton, — is more
particular, I think, to salute him than any one else.
This is more formal than earnest, and the politeness is
reciprocal.

Stanton is sometimes more presuming because he knows
he has a supporter or friend in Seward who will apologize
for and excuse him. Between them the President has been
prostrated and his Administration made powerless. From
this, Stanton may, in certain contingencies, profit; but
Seward cannot.

Both these men played a double part during the closing
months of Buchanan's Administration. While ostensibly
opposed, they had a secret imderstanding and were in con-
stant communication. Stanton betrayed the South, and
they know it. He knows that they know it, and henoe he is
not anxious that they should have power or influence in
the Government whilst he is here. Whatever the President
does, or proposes, to reestablish the South is secretly, some-
times openly, coimteracted and defeated ; the measure is
resisted, and he is denounced as a traitor to the party that '
elected him, — not to the country, — as sympathizing
with traitors, because he strives to ameliorate the condition
of the people of the South, to promote general harmony,
and to reestablish the people and the States that have
rebelled in the Uni(m. <

1W7J CJONVERSATION WITH MR. CAVE, M.P. 135

Jviy 16. The President is disinclined to appoint Otter-
bourg, the Gennan, or German Jew, Minister to Mexico,
although Seward is very persistent for him. Randall orig-
inally proposed Otterbourg and would be pleased to have
him promoted, but, seeing the President's hesitancy, does
not press it. Seward, however, holds on vigorously.

Judge Chase has had it published that he has gone to
Albany to attend a wedding. It was a morning wedding
in the family of Judge Harris. This pretext of Chase is
to cover an electioneering tour. He still at times has the
Presidential mania.

Wade, who is also diseased with the Presidential fever,
has lost his vivacity and form, — is tame and passive; —
his '^jimip forward" in anticipation [?] has apparently
broken his knee-joints or backbone.

The Japanese indemnity was again up. They request
delay in last installment. Seward is not disposed to grant
it, and was anxious to push the matter by, without much
talk or explanation. Although unpleasant to always op-
pose, or to express dissenting opinion, I again spoke of my
regret that we were mixed up with England and France
in that matter, and thought we should suffer no wrong by
extending to them this favor which they asked.

I read my letter to the Speaker in answer to a resolution
introduced by Schenck, calling for information touching
the retention of Rear-Admiral Goldsborough on the active
list beyond fifty-five years. Schenck's brother. Commo-
dore S., is, like other officers, affected, and dissatisfied that
my decisions and the usage of the Department are over-
ruled. Seward, I saw, was disturbed; thought Stanton
should examine the letter and suggest alterations. S. and
I both declined.

In a conversation with Mr. Cave, a member of the Brit-
ish Parliament, who called on me with Chevalier Wykoff ,
some conversation took place in regard to what is called
the British Constitution and our own, the two governments
a^d that of Mexico, France, etc. I remarked that the great

136 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jxtlyw

difiference between the Teutonic and the Latm race consisted
in the fact that the former had faith and the latter had not,
— that Anglo-Saxons trusted each other, adhered to their
traditions, observed and preserved the great principles of
freedom ; if there were abuses and departures from the great
landmarks, a speedy return to first principles was required
and exacted by the people; that these imderlying princi-
ples were what was called the English Constitution, un-
written but understood, adhered to and loved by the Eng-
lish people, who had made them the basis on which their
governmental superstructure was built. We Americans
had embodied the great principles of freedom in a written
constitution which all could read and understand, and
from which those who were intrusted with legislative, ex-
ecutive, or judicial authority could not ignorantly wander.
But, unhappily for us, our written Constitution is at
this time no check or barrier against legislative abuse.
The organic law is violated. A fragment of Congress has
usurped the powers of government, trampled on the Con-
stitution, and is exercising undelegated authority. This
fragment had overthrown the constitutions of ten States
and established military governments in their stead, had
broken down the rights and power of the Executive and
virtually declared themselves omnipotent and supreme.

In due time I trusted and believed these abuses would be
remedied and the Constitution restored. A reaction usually
follows excessive action, and our coimtrymen would befow
long correct Congressional errors and usurpations.

The Latin race, unlike the Teutonic, had not fixed, stead-
fast principles. Their changes are impulsive and revolu-
tionary, and their governments are established and main-
tained by force. The popular element had no abiding faith,
no well-recognized principles around which the people
could rally. In other and plain words, they had no fixed
principles embodied in a written constitution like the
American, or unwritten but well-grounded and known law
like that of England.

1M7] RECONSTRUCTION BILL VETOED 137

What is most to be apprehended among us, perhaps, is
a change in the habits, thoughts, and character of our peo-
ple, brought about by a mixture of races, resulting from
emigration and from the jH^esent attempt to bring the n^ro
race into the government. Neither the emigrants nor the
negroes understand or can comprehend the foundation
principles of American and British freedom.

The Radical Party in their humanitarianism were striv-
ing to establish imiversal equality and individual liberty,
without conventional rules, and regardless of constitu-
tional freedom and constitutional restraints and limita-
tions. Li order to promote, and with a view of exalting,
the negro, the Radicals did not scruple to trample on the
rights of the white men, rights inherent and secured by
all that was sacred and inviolate in the organic law.

Jvly 22. Congress adjourned on Saturday. The Pre-
sident sent in his veto on the supplemental bill on Friday.
It is stated that all the Cabinet except Stanton gave
the veto their approval. For my own part, I neither saw
it, heard it read, nor knew its contents until I saw it in
the newspapers. McCulloch says the same, and I have
reason to suppose this of others. My opinion is that no
one but Stanbery was cognizant of it. He probably had
the principal preparation of it, though the President
himself does more in the preparation of these documents
than is generally supposed.

Stanbery is a good lawyer and takes a professional or
lawyer's view of questions rather than a statesman's or
poUtician's. Sometimes he is a little too technical, and too
much inclined to exhibit the attorney's knowledge and
capacity. Seward always defers to him. I do not remember
when he has dissented, though he may have been embar-
rassed and compelled to trim if Stanton arrayed himself
in opposition, as he often does.

The veto is, in its general features, essentially as I sup-
posed it would be. Had I leave to advise, I would have

138 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult22

counseled brevity. There was no necessity of extended
argument to such a Congress. No reasoning or truths,
however cogently presented, would influence a single
Member. The leading Radicals were predetermined, and
their followers had not the moral courage to act out an
honest, independent opinion. The bill, like its prede-
cessors, is flagrantly imconstitutional, anti-republican and
despotic, but there is the essence and spirit of Radical-
ism.

There is extreme bitterness among the Radicals, which
manifested itself in the Senate and the House. Chandler,
coarse, vulgar, and violent, assailed Fessenden, who was
indignantly cowardly and apologetic to his furious anta-
gonist.

Jvly 23, Tuesday. Seward had a proclamation prepared
against Mexican filibustering. The House had passed a
resolution calling for it. I excepted to the paper, and es-
pecially to that part of it which said, "Now, therefore, I,
A. J., being satisfied, etc., etc.," unless the President or
Secretary of State had such information and was satis-
fied. If they had, or there was any necessity for a pro-
clamation, I regretted that there should have been delay.
. • . The President said he was aware of no reason for
the step. Seward said there was nothing serious, nor did
he suppose there would be, but he thought it prudent,
imder the circiunstances, to send out the paper.

A more embarrassing subject was a resolution which
had passed the two houses expressing sympathy with the
insurrectionists in Crete, and requiring the Administra-
tion to communicate this fact to the Turkish Government.
It was one of those loose, indiscreet measures which an
inconsiderate Congress foolishly enacts. Seward had put
his letter to the Minister in as unexceptionable a form as
he could, but it can hardly be otherwise than offensive.
The President regretted his attention had not been called
to the subject, for he would not have signed the resolu-

1867J THE CRETAN INSURRECTION 139

tion. Seward said he knew not how the resolution origin-
ated. I told him that it originated with Morris, the Min-
ister to Constantinople, and if it resulted in his recall or
a request for him to leave, good might come of it. For
months he had made himself busy in trying to induce our
naval officers to break through neutrality and interfere in
this insiurection.

July 24, Wednesday. General Banks called on me to-
day with S. P. Hanscom in order to procure the removal
of Mr. Hartt, Naval Constructor, and the appointment of
Isaiah ELanscom to the Charlestown Navy Yard. I told
him I knew of no reason for a change; that Mr. Hartt was
discharging his duties faithfully and well, so far as I was
advised. He said the people there were opposed to Mr.
Hartt, who was no naval constructor, but a mere boat-
swain,— that he governed the yard. I asked what he
meant by saying Hartt was not a constructor, but a boat-
swain. He had passed his examination first as an assistant
constructor, and then as a constructor, — was educated
a constructor. Hanscom was not. Well, he was imaccept-
able to the people. I asked wherein, — he was not a
partisan as I had once heard. Banks said he busied him-
self in matters and things, and the people of the yard
were against him. I said no such information had ever come
to me; that Commodore Rodgers would have been likely to
advise me if such were the case. He said Rodgers was
under the influence of Hartt.

''Am I to imderstand that you decline to remove him?"
said B. in a loud voice.

''Certainly I do, as at present advised," I replied; "but
I will inquire more particularly into this matter, and if
you have any facts, — anything specific, — I should be
glad to have you commimicate them."

He said that was unnecessary; if I would not remove
Hartt, he must take other measures.

"Very well," said I, "a good officer cannot be removed

140 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [july34

without cause. I regret the illness of Mr. Lenthall, Chief
of the Construction Bureau, but I will myself look into
this case farther. At present I shall not dismiss Hartt."

July 25, Thursday. The President sent for me. He
wished to dispose of the case of Major Field of the Ma-
rines, who was court-martialed last April and convicted,
and was again subsequently court-martialed and again
convicted. As the case is, in every view of it, bad, and the
President has long hesitated, delaying from time to time
acting, I had left the whole subject with him to dispose
of when [ready, expressing myself decidedly against Field*
• • . Sam Randall has once or twice approached me, but
I told him neither party nor personal feeling should be
permitted to intrude; they would not with me; they'
ought not with the Plesident.

One of the greatest defects of the President, as Chief
Magistrate, is a reluctance — an apparent incapacity -^
to discriminate in matters of pardon, or rather a failure to
act on general principles. His sympathies for the criminal
are easily enlisted in behalf of any man whom he has
power to relieve. He lets off the drunkard, breaker of
regulations, slanderer of the court, etc., etc., without
reflecting on the demoralizing effect of his mistaken len-
iency on the service and the country.

July 26. The President showed me a telegram from
Grant at Long Branch to Stanton. Grant says General
Thomas has been ordered to Memphis; thinks it un-
necessary for him (Grant) to go to Nashville ; tells of troops
that will be gathered at Memphis. The President said he
was glad that regulars were moving into Tennessee, for it
would have the effect of checking the movements of
Brownlow's militia, who were striving to control the elec-
tions; but he compared the conduct of Stanton and Grant
in the Tennessee election with that pursued by them in

18071 TROOPS SENT TO TENNESSEE Wi

r^ard to Maryland. Last fall neither of them could get
any armed force to Baltimore.

I recollect that Stanton was extremely sensitive at that
time about overawing elections with troops. Grant, I
think, had the impression that he, personally, could do
better than soldiers, and deemed it more important that
he should remain here and take charge of local elections
than that he should go with Campbell to Mexico.

I remarked to the President that Grant had, unconr
sciously perhaps, very much changed his views within a
year; that it was perceptible; that I had frequently al-
luded to this change; that Stanton, and Holt, and perhaps
others had succeeded in twisting or modifying Grant's
opinion and action. It had been with them a study, and
be, the President, had permitted it to go on until th^y
more than he were, in some respects, the Executive. The
President recognized the truth of my remarks, and said,
yes, Congress had conferred more power on the military
governor than the President had ever exercised. *'That,''
said I, ''is but a part of the system. I know not tha]t
General Grant has been in the intrigue to cripple the Pre-
adent, though he has been, and is, used by the intriguers,
— in my opinion, willingly used. You are advised to send
General Halleck to Sitka. Seward has several times urged
it. I do not think highly of Halleck, or his management,
and do not wish the Administration to indorse him, or to
give him additional reputation. He has got himself fast-
ened on the Government for life, at high pay, without
having rendered any valuable service.''

In answer to the President as to who there had best be
selected, I told him it was difficult to say, for most of the
military officers had been gradually drawn into the Rad-
ical or Congressional policy through the manipulation of
ihe War Department. But General Rousseau had been
recently appointed, had borne himself well as a civilian,
was, I imderstood, to go to Washington or Oregon. Why
not let the transfer of Russian America be made to him? .

142 DIARY^OP GIDEON WELLES [jult26

^ The President hesitated a moment and said: '^Roud-
seau is now at New Orleans. Here is a telegram from
him, saying affairs are in a terrible condition there, and
advising immediate correction. What would you, th^
.think of substituting him for Sheridan?"

"If Sheridan is to leave, my impression is that jrou
cannot do better than select Rousseau, as things are. It
is a pity, however, that this could not have been done
earlier. The Radicals have been at great pains to enlist
public opinion for Sheridan, in the full belief that he
would, and conscious that he ought to, be removed. Th^
have encouraged his insolence and insubordination in
order to compel his removal, or to show that the Admin-
istration was too weak to vindicate itself. The managing
Radicals know Sheridan's imfitness for administrative
duties, but he is a brave and distinguished officer whom
they are using, — availing themselves of his military re-
putation before the country. Had he been sununarily
disposed of when his insolent letter was written, or when
he removed that trimming Governor Wells and the judge,*
the people would have justified the act, and the Admixi-
istration would have been strengthened for a righteous
exhibition of energy. But the time has gone by for that
display. There may be other causes."

The President again asked me what I thought of put-
ting Fred Douglass at the head of the Freedmen's Bu-
reau, instead of Howard. I said if he proposed to appoint
negroes to any office, that perhaps would be as appropriate
as any. Howard is a very good sort of man, but loose in
taking and appropriating public property, and so intensely
Radical that I wished him removed, and an overturn in
the management of the Bureau.

But I was not prepared to appoint or reconunend to be
appointed to so responsible a position a person because
he is a negro or a mulatto. Mr. Sumner and others have

^ Judge Abell, who had declared the Louisiana convention of 1866 an
illeg^ body.

1867] THE CONOVER ALLEGATIONS 143

expressed a hope that negroes would fill public and trusted
positions, but I cannot. They may succeed, under their
despotic and oppressive laws, in getting a few negroes
into Congress, but there would, in all probability, be a
sequence to this partisan negro philanthropy which would
be calamitous to the poor negroes themselves.

July 30, Tuesday. But little of importance at the Cab-
inet-meeting. After we were through, the President re-
quested me to remain for a few moments. Seward and
Stanbery were not at the meeting, and are absent from
the city. Mr. Hunter, who represented the State Depart-
ment, was present for a short time, but had left, and Stan-
ton was allowed to depart. McCuUoch, Randall, Browning,
and myself remained. The President said he had invited
us to stop for a few moments, for some papers had just
been placed in his hands of a character which seemed to
him to deserve consideration.

It was, he said, proper for him to state that a woman
representing herself as the wife of Conover,^ now in prison,
had called upon him, on, I think, the preceding Saturday
evening, in behalf of her husband. She said promises and
assurances of pardon had been held out to him by certain
parties on condition he would do certain things, but he
had been put off and tantalized until they (C. and his
wife) knew not what to make of it. They had, however,

N* Sanford Conover, cdiaa Charles A. Dunham, convicted of perjury in
connection with the trial of Jefferson Davis for complicity in Lincoln's assas-
sination. The first communication referred to here, dated July 26, 1867,
and received on Saturday, the 27th, was a petition for pardon accom-
panied by recommendations to clemency from Congressman Ashley, Judge-
Advocate-General Holt, and A. G. Riddle, on the ground that while in jail
Conover had disinterestedly aided in the prosecution of John H. Surratt.
The communication of July 29, received on the 30th, was an extraordinary
letter purporting to reveal a conspiracy into which Conover had entered
with Ashley, Riddle, Holt, and B. F. Butler, to suborn testimony to show
that President Johnson had been a member of the conspiracy to assassin-
ate Lincoln. These papers were published on August 10, but they were
regarded with some suspicion and Conover did not receive his pardon till
February 9, 1869. ^

144 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jultso

got a paper from Riddle,^ indorsed by Judge- Advocate-
General Holt, commending him to clemency. With this
paper, there was, inadvertently, mixed up a note from
Ashley, the impeaching Representative from the Toledo
district, calling for the document. '' Perhaps," said the
President, "the best way will be to read the whole papers,
but it will be proper to say that this note of Ashley led to
further inquiry, which resulted in her bringing me this
morning a petition from her husband and sundry papers,
which I have detained for you to examine, and to give me
your advice as to what had best be done with them."

He then called on Colonel Moore from the library with
the papers, and directed him to read them. As they will
doubtless be printed, I need say no farther here than that
they furnish conclusive evidence of an atrocious conspiracy
to impeach the President by manufactured testimony,
which was to be furnished by this man Conover, alias
Dunham, who was to be released from prison on condi-
tion he procured persons to testify as the parties de-
sired.

When these papers had been read, and the surprise
of all expressed, — not so much at the conspiracy, for
none of us had any doubt of the villainy of the impeach-
ment conspiracy (it is nothing else), but at the folly of
Ashley and others in leaving traces of their intrigue and
wickedness, — the President asked what should be done.

I advised that authenticated copies of the papers should
be taken and lodged with different parties, and that the
original should be carefully preserved. In this all con-
curred. The question then was as to disclosing the papera,
— when and where. McCuUoch and myself advised
prompt publication. Randall advised delay to get other
facts and testimony, — certain names and documents
referred to. Browning hesitated, but was inclined to an
early publication, and the President inclined to as little

^ Albert Gallatin Riddle, an ex-Congressman, one of the counsel for the
prosecution of Surratt. ^.

18671 THE CONOVER ALLEGATIONS 146

delay as possible. Randall walked the room a few times
and then came into that view also.

Conover, cUias Dunham, after having been kept here
by the court for months, had been suddenly hurried o£f
to the penitentiary at Albany, so that he could not be
seen. I told the President that was in consequence of
Conover's wife having called on him, — that it satisfied
me of what I had long believed, there were spies upon him
and in his household. The fact that she had called on the
President had been communicated to the conspirators,
and C. was inmiediately hurried off to prevent him from
having communication with any friend of the President
to whom he might make disclosures.

It was concluded that we should meet again to-morrow^
and in the mean time, each was to revolve the matter in
his mind and bring the results of his reflections to the
meeting. The President expected Mrs. Conover to call
upon him to-morrow, and would ascertain if she had other
papers or facts, but she would make no promises to pro-
cure them.

July 30. At the meeting to-day the President and the
four members of his Cabinet who were together yester-
day again took up the subject of the conspiracy and Cono-
ver's disclosures. Randall was again very earnest for
postponing any publication until the names of the two
witnesses referred to in Conover's petition could be ascer-
tained and also the memoranda of the testimony which
was wanted, and which they were to swear to, were pro-
cured. Ashley alluded to those papers in one of his notes,
and is evidently anxious to get them. Randall says that as
soon as it is known that C. has betrayed them, they will
hasten to get these papers and to bribe these men. Mc-
Culloch gave in to these suggestions and was for delay, in
order to make a perfect and complete thing of it. Brown-
ing was disposed to take the same view.

I suggested that a delay and failure to procure the

146 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [julyw

papers and names would weaken the case, and it would be
well to look at all sides of the question. Would not the pub-
lication be likely to draw out other testimony and lead to
these very disclosures which we wanted? A frank and
prompt publication carried weight in itself. Delay and
hesitancy, in the hope of something more, would be losing
an opportunity. If Randall could be perfectly successful
in his scheme, and get the names and papers, it might
justify delay. Was it advisable to run this risk on such an
uncertainty?

Randall proposed to go himself to-night to Kinderhook
and there meet Reynolds, a lawyer friend of his in Albany,
to whom he would immediately telegraph. Mrs. Conover
should go on to-night also in order to see her husband,
and get from him the names. R. would be his lawyer and
perhaps see C. with his wife.

The plan appeared to meet with favor, and R. was so
confident of success, and so ready to go and get his lawyer
and detectives at work that one could not well object. I
thought there seemed a little overanxiety on the part of
Randall to figure and operate, but sometimes such men
accomplish more than is expected.

General Sheridan has removed Governor Throckmorton
of Texas and appointed my old friend E. M. Pease to be
Governor of Texas in his place. This is a good selection,
provided the change could be legally made; but I deny the
authority of General Sheridan to do this, — deny that Con*
gress can give him authority to do it. Pease was here two
or three weeks since on his way to Texas, and I have little
doubt that he was called thither for the purpose of receiv-
ing that office. It is a step in a conspiracy of which he is
not cognizant.

In a contest between Throckmorton and Pease for the
office of Governor some twenty months since, the people of
Texas elected T. by a vote of six or seven to one over P.
This was then the voice of Texas. This is probably about
the present position of a£fairs with the legal voters. . -^^

1887] Mcculloch discouraged 147

In my opinion Pease is the best, wisest, and safest
man, but the public whom he is to govern are of a different
opinion. He has, from the Rebellion and the policy pur-
sued, become warped in mind, and his principles are unset-
tled, but he will, I think, commit no imprudent or oppress-
ive act. I regretted he was not elected, and regret the
President did not originally appoint him provisional gov-
ernor instead of Hamilton. He was presented by me at
that time, but the President listened to bad men here, ap-
pointed one of them, who was the tool of the vicious gang
who then were commencing an intrigue against him, and
this appointee Hamilton became a traitor to the President
and an ingrate. Stanton, who did not know Pease, I have
no doubt took him up on my old recommendation, — a
twofold object.

July 31. Had a short evening walk and talk with Mc-
Culloch, who is, not without reason, a good deal discour-
aged. A crowd of sharpers, mercenary party plunderers
from Pennsylvania, — Flannigan, Sawyer, and others, —
are crowding around the President, declaring their in-
tention to so organize the Republican Party that it will
not unite with Democrats. They all want ojffices for them-
selves or want to sell oflBces to their friends. The President
has, McC. says, listened to these sharpers and thereby in-
jured himself and his Adnunistration in the estimation of
good men. The revenues have been and are being defrauded
by miserable partisan appointments, and the President
sadly imposed upon. McCuUoch proceeded to tell me how
arrangements have from time to time been made by him-
self with the Radicals for dividing the oflBces, — a pernicious
arrangement, — that sometimes they have in the Senate
come up and confirmed appointments thus arranged, and
the President has then failed to carry out the agreement.

I told him I should be sorry if the President ever broke
faith, but I must frankly say to him I disliked the bargain-
bg, — dividing with the traffickmg, greedy, unprincipled

148 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jultsi

Radicals. McC. said it was necessary, we could not get
along without it. The offices would not be filled.

I told him that a fimii steady hand from the beginning
would have avoided this; there had been temporizing, con-
ceding to factions, siurendering executive rights to the
enemies of the President, mistaken arrangements, all of
which had weakened the Administration and encouraged
and stimulated the Radicals; that we could never make a
stand, — have a policy, — nor could the Executive be the
head, or a power in the Government, while we pimsued such
a course. This has gone so long and so far, however, that
I know not that much can be done to retrieve the error
and strengthen the Administration, but I would not divide
nor surrender the executive power, patronage, authorityi
prerogative, rights, and duties to them.

The Piremdent consulta ^th his Cabinet as to' the Advisability of removing
fflieridan — The Conover Allegations — McCulloch's Compromises —
His Great Ability as a Financier — Grant deprecates the Removal of
Sheridan — Grant going over to the Radicals — Conversation with the
President as to the Possibility of Stanton's Retirement — Postmaster-
General Randall asks for Leave of Absence — The President requests
Stanton to resign — Stanton refuses — The Tenure-of-Office Act in
Relation to the Question of Stanton's Removal — Randall's Shakiness

— Thurlow Weed's Attack on Chase — Secretary Welles advises the
President to remove Judge-Advocate-General Holt with Stanton and to

' appoint one of the Blairs Secretary of War — The President discusses
I the Matter with Montgomery Blair — The Jury in the John H. Surratt
Case disagrees — The President suspends Stanton and appoints Gen-
eral Grant €ut interim — General Sickles prohibits Civil Process in his
Military Department — Alleged Conspiracy against Judge-Advocate-
General Holt — Stanton's Dismissal makes Little Commotion — Cor-
respondence between the President and General Grant relative to the
Removal of Sheridan — Conversation with Grant on the Subject of
Reconstruction — A Political Ignoramus — General Sickles announces
his Intention of obstructing the United States Court — Passage be-
tween Grant and Assistant Attorney-General Hinckley in Cabinet —
Suspicions in regard to Randall — A Reorganisation of the Cabinet
talked of in the Papers — Conversation with Montgomery Blair about
Grant — Grant, insubordinate in Cabinet, is rebuked by the President

— The President's Strength and Weaknesses.

Atigtiat 2. After the adjoximment of the Cabinet and
Stanton had left, inquiry was made of Randall if he had
been to Albany, or whether any steps had been taken in
relation to further developments of the conspiracy for
impeachment. He said no, that Conover's wife declined
to go, and wanted his pardon on the documents already
produced.

The President here remarked that as those of us who
were present could each freely speak his views, he wished
to know our several opinions in regard to the removal of
Sheridan.

McCuUoch at once declared he thought it would be

150 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug.2

injudicious, — would strengthen the extreme Radicals, who
really wanted the President to take this step in order that
they might make successful war against him. It would
discourage the conservative portion, who were becoming
much disquieted with the leaders, and who would, if not
shocked by any rash step, defeat the impeachment move-
ment. The Radicals were becoming divided among ihemr
selves, and if we abstained from any movement, they would
hush up.

Browning earnestly pressed the last idea. Let them go
on with their violent and obnoxious measures, — their
usurpation and tyranny, — and it would break them down.
The better portion of them were already sick of their
measures. I asked, provided such were the fact, — which
I did not believe, for the conservatives are cowards, — if it
were proper administration to stand quietly by and per-
mit such outrages upon the States and people to go on, or
whether the Executive had not some duties to perform be-
sides temporizing with corruption? We must not suppose
we could escape responsibility. The idea of our dcnng
nothing when great wrongs were being comjnitted by the
military governors would not answer. What have we done
to prevent it? I think Sheridan ought never to have been
put in such a position ; I never advised it, nor that of Sickles,
a different man. Being, then, in a responsible position ifor
which he had no proper qualifications, I think he should
have been promptly removed when he took upon himself
to oust State officers and to appoint others in their places.
I so stated on the day of their occurrence and had always
regretted that he had not been at once displaced and sent
the other side of the Mississippi after his insolent letter.

I have no animosity towards Sheridan, who is a brave
soldier, and whose gallantry and services I honor, but he
is unjust and made vain by his military successes, and
absolutely spoiled by partisan flattery and the encourage^
ment of the conspirators. The more he defied the President,
and the greater the outrages on the people of Louisiana and

1807] REMOVAL OF SHERIDAN DISCUSSED 151

Texas, the more would he be praised by bad men who were
imposing on his weaknesses.

From the tame, passive course which has been pursued,
the Administration had lost confidence and strength. It
has to-day no positive, established, successful policy; dis-
{days no executive power and energy; submits to insults;
and we are now discussing no measure of the Administra-
tion, and it is assumed that we ought to have none, — that
we must suppress our convictions, abdicate our duty, and
in our helplessness trust to division among the Radicals, who
have a policy, and who by their presumption and our sub-
mission have crippled the Executive, encroached upon lus
prerogative, and deprived him of his constitutional rights.

Randall became excited and advocated turning 'Hhe
little fellow'* out. The President warmed up under my
remarks; his eyes flashed. ^' What have we to expect from
long keeping quiet? Will the Republicans, the conserv-
ative portion of them, come into our views? They are
always promising, but they never perform. It may be said
this will enrage them and that they will then go forward
and impeach me. If they would impeach me for ordering
away an officer who I beUeve is doing wrong, — afflicting
and oppressing the people instead of protecting and sus-
taining them, — if I am to be impeached for this, I am
prepared.'*

I asked the President if he had any information from
those States as to the sentiments and feelings of the people,
— whether anything but the removal of the Governor of
Texas and the overthrow of the municipal government in
New Orleans had come to his knowledge. It would not be
advisable to move in so important a matter without cause.
These were sufficient. But weeks ago the same acts had
been conmoitted as regards the Governor of Louisiana,
Attorney-General, judge, etc. The President said there
was nothing additional now, but there was universal
complaint of disorganization, confusion, insincerity, and
oppression. >

152 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES iavq.2

McCulloch said he should deprecate the removal of
Sheridan, because he was exceedingly popular, and it would
bring down violence on the Administration. He had a
talk with Wilson of Iowa before he left for home, who
said if the President did nothing rash, and — alluding to
this very movement — would not disturb Sheridan, all
would go along well, and the extreme Radicals would be
defeated; a division would certainly take place.

"What," said I, "if Sheridan should proceed to hang
some of the prominent and best men in Louisiana who
differ from him? Would Wilson expect, or you advise,
that he should still be continued?"

The President was called into the adjoining room, and
McCulloch, turning to me, said he was afraid my remarks
would produce great harm. " To do our duty will produce
harm! How," I exclaimed, "are we subdued and hum-
bled!"

On the subject of Conover's disclosures some further
discussion took place. The President was inclined to
pardon him on the application of Holt and Riddle, and let
the reasons and documents follow which led to the par-
don. But the rest of us were united in the opinion that
the publication of the documents should precede pardon,
and to postpone the pardon for a short time at all events.

It was also understood that Sheridan's case would be
delayed for the present.

August 3, Saturday. McCulloch called on me early
this morning. He was very much exercised in regard to
the removal of Sheridan. It had disturbed him through the
night, and as he was intending to be absent for a day or
two, he besought me to see the President and prevent
hasty action. The conservative and timid Republicans
and some Radicals have been intimate with McCulloch
and impressed him with their cowardly, shrinking views.
He has been persuaded by them to compromise, and to
bargain in regard to office. In all this he has been actu-

18671 MCCULLOCH'S COMPROMISES 163

ated by good| though I think mistaken^ motives. The bad
features of the Radicals may have been softened at times,
but their violence and strength have not been impaired
thereby. On the contrary, they have been fortified and
made more powerful by their success in invading the Ex-
ecutive, while the Administration has been weakened. It
has for the time being made matters more easy for the
Secretary of the Treasury, who has, indeed, a difficult task
to perform, but eventually these concessions to timid
men who sustain wrong acts of thek leaders will be dis-
astrous to the Administration, which has been putting
its opponents in place, — establishing, as it were, little
Radical fortifications in almost every Congressional dis-
trict, to batter us down. They retain and exercise all the
powers granted them, usurp the powers of the Executive,
and we yield to them in fear.

I advised McCulloch to call himself on the President
and freely conununicate his views. But he seemed to
think it would be of little avail. I sometimes am inclined
to believe the President does not so fully appreciate the
value of McC.'s services as he should, for I think him
the best financier we have had for years in the Treasury,
with a difficult part to perform were he supported instead
of opposed by Congress. If he possessed the firmness and
political experience of Guthrie, he would be his equal in
every respect. But he is politically timid and is wanting
in political tact, persistency, and force.

In this matter of Sheridan, I told him I could not answer
the President otherwise than I did when he put the in-
quiry to us whether Sheridan ought to be detached. There
is no question in my mind that it would be right to relieve
the people of Louisiana and Texas of an officer who has so
little discretion, such infirm judgment in civil matters,
and who knows so little how to exercise power. The law
itself is an outrage, a violation of the Constitution, and
Sheridan outrageously administers it, removing and mak-
ing api>ointments at will. It cannot be otherwise than he is

154 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [Aua.s

secretly backed up and supported by some power, for he
is accustomed to obey, not to disobey.

I called on the President, as McC. requested, and had a
free conversation with him. Said to him that while Sheri-
dan deserved rebuke and removal, I would not be obstin-
ate but defer to him. It might, as things were now, be
impolitic or inexpedient to make the removal; it would
undoubtedly lead to a violent assault upon him; the con-
spirators— extreme Radicals — would avail themselves
of the act to be more vindictive and ferocious, and the
timid would be more cowed and submissive to them; while
I had an inherent confidence in the great principles of
right as the rule of action, there was no doubt it often
tried the most resolute and required moral courage and
steady persistency to make the right prevail.

''What," said the President, ''have I to fear, what to
gain or lose by keeping this man who delights in opposing
and counteracting my views in this position? It is said
that the weak Radicals — the conservative ones — wiU join
the ultras to impeach me. If Congress can bring them-
selves to impeach me, because in my judgment a turbulent
and unfit man should be removed and because I, in
the honest discharge of my duty to my ooimtry and the
Constitution, exercise my judgment and remove him, let
them do it. I shall not shim the trial, and if the people can
sanction such a proceeding, I shall not lament the loss of
a position held by such a tenure."

I remarked that Sheridan was really but a secondary
personage after all in the business. He would never have
pimsued the course he has if not prompted and encouraged
by others to whom he looked, — from whom he recdved
advice, if not orders. Little would be attained if only he
were taken in hand.

The President said there was no doubt of that, and he
was giving the subject attention. He said he had had a
long interview with General Grant, ... in which inter-
view they had gone over these subjectSi but Grant was

i«7i GRANT GOING OVER 165

hesitating. He then went to his desk and brought me a
letter of Grant's, elicited by the conversation which had
passed between them. Grant deprecated the removal of
Sheridan, who, he says, possesses immense popularity;
thinks it is not in the power of the President to remove
the Secretary of War since the passage of the Teniu«-of-
Qffice Bill, and that it would be imwise as well as inex-
pedient to make these movements just when Congress has
adjourned.

The letter was not such as I should have at one time
expected from Grant, — was not discreet, judicious, nor
excusable even from his standpoint. If not disingenuous,
he has, without perhaps being aware of it, had his opinions
warped and modified within a year. I remarked as I
finished reading the letter, ''Grant is going over."

"Yes,'* said the President, ''I am aware of it. I have
no doubt that most of these offensive measures have
emanated from the War Department."

"Not only that," said I, '*but almost all the ofl5cers of
the Army have been insidiously alienated from your sup-
port by the same influences. If you had been favored with
an earnest and sincere supporter of your measures in the
War Department, the condition of affairs in this country
would this day have been quite different. It is unfortun-
ate, perhaps, that you did not remove all of the Cabinet
soon after yom* Administration commenced; certainly
some who have made it a business to thwart and defeat
your measures ought to have been changed."

He assented, with some emotion, to the last remark,
but expressed a doubt whether he could have got rid of
Stanton. It would, he said, be impleasant to make the
attempt and not succeed. He presumed Grant had com-
municated the conversation which had taken place, and
that the suggestion came from Stanton himself.

I doubted if Stanton would persist in holding on as an
adviser when he understood the President wished him
away, or he was requested to relinquish his ofi&ce, although

156 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [ato.3

it was obvious he was very tenacious of his place, and
clung to it from personal considerations. Yet I was not
sure but things had about reached the point when he was
prepared to leave. He was in close friendship with the
Radicals who had the control of Congress ; through that fac-
tion was as much a favorite of the conservatives as of the
extreme Radicals. Congress having taken the whole gov-
ernment into its keeping, and he being a favorite, he mig^t
think it would conduce to his benefit to be dismissed, com-
piled to leave. They would be dissatisfied to have him
retire; Seward and Holt would oppose it, and probably
Grant also now, though he had at one time favored it.

The conversation on this point closed with his repeating
the remark he had twice before made, — that he intended
to bring this matter to a conclusion in a few days.

The President said he was annoyed by Randall's course.
He seemed imsettled, anxious to be running about the
country, leaving his duties to McClellan,^ who was filling
all the post-offices with Radicals, perhaps with R.'s con-
fient, certainly without his opposition. Now he comes
with a request to be absent and to leave the coimtry for
six weeks. ''I told him," said the President, '4t appeared
to me no time to be absent, that he was wanted at lus
post now, if ever." But R. thought he could be absent;
his wife was abroad; he could, having a free pass, go for
her without expense; to send for her would cost him six
himdred dollars. The President repeated to him that
he thought his duties were here, but he should leave the
subject with him after what had been said.

In the matter of Sheridan, I do not get any sufficient
cause for moving now that has not existed for weeks and
months. The removal of Throckmorton is following out
the first step, the removal of Wells. The insulting letter
has got cold Still I have not a word for Sheridan.

August 5, Monday. I called on the President this A.M.,

^ Qeoige W. MoQelbm, Seoond Aasifltant Postmaster-General.

18671 STANTON REQUESTED TO RESIGN 157

and, after my errand, mentioned that no publication of
Conover's case had yet been made. He said he had, aftei^
consideration, given that matter a different turn. It wa8
an application for pardon, and he had passed over the
papers to the Attorney-General, and given it the same
direction as other applications for pardon. I inquired if
Stanbery had returned. He said no, but the assistants
were quite as competent for this case.

I asked about the Sheridan case, remarking that I was
glad, as things are, that he was giving the subject de«
liberate thought. He said he had dropped Sheridan for
the present and gone to the f oimtain-head of mischief, —
that he had this morning sent a note to Stanton requesting
him to resign. ^'It is impossible,'' said he, ''to get along
with such a man in such a position, and I can stand it
no longer. Whether he will send in his resignation is un-
certain. What do you think he wiD do?"

'^I think he will resign," I replied, ''and not intrude
himself upon you, and longer embarrass you; yet his
friends are the ones who have tried to tie your hands."

"Yes, and he instigated it. He has, I am satisfied, been
the prolific source of difiKculties. You have alluded to
this, but I was unwilling to consider it, — to think that
the man whom I trusted was plotting and intriguing
against me."

"Well," said I, "it is better, if you are to act, that this
coimse should be taken. Sheridan is only a secondary
man in these matters, and to smite him would only aggra-
vate and excite, without accomplishing any good beyond
punishing insolence to you, and wrong to the people over
whom he has been placed. He has been sustained and
encouraged by other minds."

I do not see how Stanton can do otherwise than resign,
and yet it will not surprise me if he refuses. Should he
refuse, the President may be embarrassed, for Stanton
has contrived, I suspect, to get a controlling influence
over General Grant. Judge Cartter is a creature of Stanton^

168 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES iaug.5

and his court is under subjection to the same influence.
The President has, against all admonitions and warnings,
been passive and impenetrable, imtil he is powerless. I do
not perceive any benefit to himself by removing Stanton
at this time. One year ago it would have been effective,
and he would have retained Grant and the Army ; he would
have had a different Congress; the coimtry was then with
him, and would have continued so. But the conspirators
and intriguers have boimd him hand and foot; he has
permitted his prerogative to be despoiled, the executive
authority and rights to be circumscribed, until he is weak
and powerless.

Stanton may defy him, and shelter himself imder the
Temure-of-Office Bill, which contains a clause in relation
to Cabinet-officers, introduced by his friends and for the
special purpose of retaining him in place. When this sub-
ject was before the Cabinet, no one more strongly repror
bated this flagrant abuse or more strongly declared that
the law was imconstitutional than Stanton. He protested
with ostentatious vehemence that any man who would
retain his seat in the Cabinet as an adviser when his advice
was not wanted was unfit for the place. He would not^
he said, remain a moment. I remember his protestations,
for I recollected at the time he had been treacherous and
faithless to Buchanan. I knew, moreover, he had since
as well as then betrayed Cabinet secrets.

Atigust 6. Before the session of the Cabinet commenced
this morning, the President invited me into the library and
informed me that he had a note from Stanton refusing to
resign. I was a good deal astonished, though since yester-
day my doubts in regard to his coiu'se have increased. His
profuse expressions of readiness to resign, declarations
that any gentleman would decline to remain an intruder,
etc., etc., when the Tenure-of-Office Bill was under con-
sideration were mere pretenses to cover his intrigues.
The President had requested Seward, Stanton, and myself

EDWIN M. STANTON

18671 STA1«:0N'S TENURE 159

•

to prepare a veto on that bill. Neither of them consulted
me farther than to send to me for mformation concemmg
the debates.

The President asked if he had better communicate the
oorrespondence to the Cabinet at this time. I advised it
by all means.

All the Cabinet except Stanbery were present. When the
correspondence was read a good deal of surprise was mani-
festedi and felt, not only with the invitation but the re-
fusal. Stanton did not attend, and considers himself, it
would seem, not of the Cabinet.

Seward immediately inquired when Stanbery would be
back. The Tenure-of-Office Bill was examined and com*
mented upon. Doubts were expressed whether the Pre-
ffldent could remove a Cabinet-officer. Seward thought
it indispensable that Stanbery should be here. It was a
question of law, and the law officer was the proper person
to expoimd it.

The President seemed embarrassed how to act. As the
law is, in the opinion of the whole Cabinet, including
the Attorney-General, imconstitutional, I said this was a
political as well as a legal question ; that the Chief Magis-
trate could select and remove his advisers; that the legis-
lative department could not take away the constitutional
rights of the Executive ; that the power of removal belonged
to the President of right; that there has been too much
concession to legislative usurpations. I do not consider
that the President is under obligations to be an instru-
ment in these violations of the Constitution, — to cripple
the executive department by a fragment of Congress.

After an hour and more of discussion, the subject was
postponed, and the Conover subject taken up. The Act-
ing Attorney-General had embodied into a report, or
opinion, the petitions of Conover, alias Dunham, the
notes, etc. This it was thought ought to be printed at
once.
^ McCulloch came to see me this evening. He is a good

160 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [avq. 6

deal disturbed. Laments that the President had not taken
this step in regard to Stanton at least a year ago. Thinks
it now too late to do any good, and fears Stanton, aided
by the Radicals, will make successful war and overcome
the President. Much will depend on the President him-
self, and he would come to right conclusions and carry
them out but for Seward, who is bewildered and has not
Weed here to ad\dse him. If he listens to Seward, who has
been taken by surprise, all will be frittered away, no de-
cisive stand will be taken and held, but the honest purpose
of the President will be defeated. Stanton, assisted by the
Radicals in Congress, has been active in preparing himself
for this event by crippling the President on every hand
and in every way and by fortifying himself. He has got
Grant and other army oflScers. He has got the court in
this District. Judge Cartter, I am told, spent an hour or
two with Stanton after he received the Resident's note,
in the War Department. He is a coarse, vulgar Radical
in the hands of Stanton; has complete control of his
associate Fisher. Olin and Wiley are different men, but
I know not how they would act at this time.

Av,gu8t 7. Nothing new has developed to-day. The
Conover matter is not published, nor has anything been
done with the Secretary of War. The present idea of the
President is to suspend Stanton and order General Grant
to take charge ad interim, but though Grant was willing
and earnest when proposed a year ago, he would, I think,
be reluctant now. I know not how he would disobey. Not
imlikely Seward will try to patch up some sort of arrange-
ment to gratify and soothe Stanton.

Herein is the President's danger. His strength, power,
energy, and force are destroyed by Seward. He can do
nothing to extricate himself while Seward has a directing
influence. Stanbery, influenced by Seward, takes also a
narrow view of things.

My own advice would have been, had the Presidwit

18671 A LOST OPPORTUNITY 161

asked it, not to have executed the imcoDstitutional Be-
coDstruction law, — to have assigned no military conv-
manders to govern States in time of peace. If for this
they attempted an impeachment, or sought by party drill
to carry the unconstitutional law into effect, I would have
gone to the people, appealed to them to uphold the Govern*-
ment and the Constitution, to stand by the Executive.
It would hardly do for me, unasked, to suggest these
tilings, to advise the President to offer himself a sacri-
fice, yet I wished it, — wished I could have been in his
place in that emergency. It would have been a glorious
privil^e to have seized the horns of the altar, planted
one's self on the Constitution, rallied the patriotism of the
nation, immolated himself, if necessary, in defending
the Government of his coimtry and the integrity of the
Union. But before asking the several opinions of his Cab-
inet, he announced that he should execute the law, and
I saw it was under the advice of Seward, Stanbery, and
Stanton, — for Stanton was then a busy counselor, di-
rectly and indirectly, through Seward, in all measures,
msidiously working to destroy the power and influence
of the President while professing friendship.

The President informs me that the Conover matter
will be published and appear on Saturday. I saw Gobright,
the general correspondent of the Associated Press, in the
Secretary of State's rooms, and presume Seward has suc-
ceeded in procuring the document, which is quite long, to
be sent forward to New York to appear simultaneously
with its publication here. This was unnecessary, for these
papers would readily have copied it. Now the whole thing
will have something of the appearance of having been
gotten up for effect, which is not true. Things may be
overdone.

I met Randall at the coxmcil room. While waiting for
the President, I spoke to him concerning certain changes,
loudly called for, and which he had promised should be
made, in a few post-ofBces. He said Dixon was urging

162 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [Aua. 7

him to turn out some good men, friends of the President.
I asked if he knew this to be so, — if he were acquainted
with the facts and men personally. He said he knew
they gave money freely for the organization. I inquired
when and what organization. Did they assist in electing
Oovemor English, and Hotchkiss Member of Congress, or
did they oppose both? He confessed he did not know about
that, which I told him was important, if support of the
Administration was to be considered. I had no doubt that
some changes should be made, as Dixon recommended, for
other than party reasons. I saw that he did not like my
comments, and he soon went out. Before leaving, he told
me his wife was sick, and he thought he should have to
cross the Atlantic for her, and it would be best for the
President to fill his place. This was said half-slyly, half-
earnestly, and satisfies me that he is shaky. I have been
for some time convinced there is foundation in the rumor
that his confirmation was received by pledges to Radical
Senators, who do not like Dixon and would not strengthoi
him by appointments at home.

August 9. Stanton's course and what is to be done with
him were discussed. Seward is extremely anxious to get
the opinion of the Attomey-Oeneral, who is absent,
before coming to any conclusion. Some one remarked that
it was reported one of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet, and who is
now of Mr. Johnson's, sympathized with Stanton, and
might resign if he did. I told them I had not heard the
rumor, but they were at Uberty to say to any one and to
all that I was not the man to leave the Cabinet for that
reason, but if the President ever invited me, I should not
decline his invitation to leave.

The debates in the Senate on the Tenure-of-OflSice Bill
and Senator Sherman's strong declarations were quoted.
I remarked that they were not stronger than the declarar
tions of Stanton himself to us at this board, as they would
all remember. He had, with Mr. Seward, prepared the veto

18671 THURLOW WEED'S ATTACK ON CHASE 163

on the Tenure-of-Office Bill, but that was much milder
than his declarations of the unconstitutionality as well as
impolicy of that bill.

Seward said but little, and Randall was reserved.
Perhaps there was no reason to sharpen my suspicion;
but it is evident they are not forward in the measure or in
efforts to encourage the President. The removal of Stan-
ton was undoubtedly a surprise and disappointment to
Seward, who has sustained him.

Weed has been making some more assaults on Chief
Justice Chase, accusing him of getting rich while Secre-
tary of the Treasury. I have heard these charges before.
There were some strange proceedings in granting permits,
and Chase had in Harrington and some others strange
associates; but this charge, at this time, is, I have little
doubt, in concert with Seward, who has been to Auburn
and met Weed there. I am aware of no reason to suspect
Chase of adding to his fortune after entering the Treasury.
Weed has, I know, become wealthy since 1861.

Things have taken a turn which disappoints both
Seward and Weed. Seward has thought of fishing for the
Presidency and supposes Chase one of the obstacles.
Neither of them stands any more chance of reaching the
Presidency than of being created Sultan of Turkey. After
the others had gone out, I had half an hour with the Pre-
sident, who requested me to stay. Advised him to remove
Holt with Stanton. It would be more effective and proper
to remove the two together. I looked upon both as con-
spirators, as having contributed more than any others
to the embarrassments of the Administration. They had
each a personal interest in preventing a restoration of the
Union, for, having been associated in Buchanan's Cabinet,
where one played, to say the least, an equivocal, and the
other a treacherous, game towards the South, they dread
a reconciled Union.

I suggested that the time was not inauspicious to strike
an effective blow against Radical usurpations. The delay

164 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [Aua©

had, it was true, matured the plots, schemes, and intrigueB
of the conspirators, by which the South was prostrated
and the whole coimtry had become demoralized. But he
could now in a measure rouse the South and the better
portion of the country, and to some extent retrieve past
error, by sweeping out the whole batch of generals who were
governing the States of the South in violation of the Con«
stitution and had made themselves part of the usurping
conspiracy. There is a deliberate conspiracy to subject
the executive department to the legislative. Congress
has, in defiance of the Constitution, passed a law which
is subversive of the States and the Federal Government,
and they have designated the President as the instrument
to destroy the Constitution which he has sworn to defend.
Why consent to be that illegal instrument? He had en-
deavored to carry out the Reconstruction Act under the
theory of the Attorney-General, whose construction of
the law was that the military were a mere police force,
subordinate to the civil authorities, or to act codperat-
ively with them; but since Congress, at its late session,
had placed the military above the civil power, virtually
assailed the State Governments, and openly trampled on
the Constitution, he would be justified in refusing to be
their instrument or to take part in that outrage.

They might in this Radical House, imder their gag rules,
prefer articles of impeachment; possibly the Senate
might, in its partisan violence convict, but I doubted it.
At all events, the great questions, involving the welfare
of the government and the preservation of the principles
on which it was foimded, would be fully discussed, public
attention would be drawn to the subject, and the danger
understood. At present, the people seem dull, passive,
and indifferent to what so nearly concerns them. At the
worst he would be sacrificed for adhering with fidelity
to the Constitution, but his historic record would be worth
more than any ofiSce. If his appeal to the coimtry could
not be responded to until there was an election, he need

- - "■''

im F. BLAIR FOR SECRETARY OF WAR 165

have no fear of the verdict which his countrsmtien would
ultimately render.

The President listened to me attentively, earnestly,
occasionally intemiptmg me with afiSrming exclamations,
and with expressions of contempt at impeachment threats.

I suggested the appointment of one of the Blairs to be
Secretary of War. Seward, Thurlow Weed, and his tribe
hated and had abused the Blairs and tried to get up a
prejudice against them, but they were bold, fearless,
honest men whom Stanton feared. Were Frank Blair
appointed, Stanton, who, though a blusterer, is a coward,
would fly out of one door as Frank entered at the othar.
The President laughed and cordially assented.

August 10, Saturday. Gave the President some papers
left with me by Doctor Duhamel ^ and Captain Chandler
concerning Conover, alias Dunham. The Intelligencer
this A.M. contains the report of Assistant Attorney-
G^ieral Binckley and documents referred to him in that
case.

Talked with the President about the case, and also
the course of Stanton. Again repeated my wish that he
would not permit himself to be made an instrument to
break down the Constitution and destroy the character
of the government. If for this Congress would impeach,
let them. But in order to meet this question he would
need a new Secretary of War, one who is reliable and true.
"Who," asked the President, ^'is the man?" He read to
me a telegram from Senator Dixon, advising the removal
of Stanton forthwith, and the appointment of Steedman.
I asked if Steedman was better than Frank Blair. He
answered no, but hesitated, and looked inquiringly at me.
I comprehended his meaning and admitted there is a pre-
judice against the Blairs, created in a great degree by
Seward's man Weed, in which others of that school had

^ Doctor William Duhamel, chief physician in the United States prison
to the District of Columbia.

■JJ^mkt •'- ■

166 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug.io

joined and prejudiced the country. "But is it for you or
me, to listen to, or be influenced by, this prejudice and
injustice? Have you better, more reliable, and, in the
main, more intelligent and trusty friends than the Blairs?
True, they are party politicians, but they are politicians
in the higher sense also." He said they were among the
best and most sensible men in the country. "Then," said
I, "they should not be dropped to gratify their enemies,
who are not your sincere friends. I do not mean to press
any one for the Cabinet, — no one should. The selection
should be yours entirely, — men in whom you have con-
fidence, — and the dismissal of any one diould also be
the President's own act."

"Where is Frank at this time?" he inquired. But I
could not tell him, though I informed him it could be
ascertained with little difficulty, for Montgomery had
returned from Virginia for a few days.

The President said he would send for Montgomery, and
began writing a note, when I told him I would do the op-
rand. He might not be at his house, and it would be neces-
sary in that event to look him up. He thanked me and
wished me to find Montgomery and invite him to call at
the White House. I went immediately to Blair's house;
he was, fortimately, in and his father also. I told M,
the President wanted to see him, and advised him to go
directly, but did not disclose his purpose.

Later in the day, I saw M., who told me he had the
interview but nothing definite had taken place. The con-
versation had been prolonged, and he, M., had been
frank and free in his remarks. He says the President is
intensely ambitious and all his thou^ts are bent on a
nomination and election; that Seward, having the same
object in view for himself, was using the President, and
creating enmity between him (the President) and General
Grant.

The trial of Surratt terminated to-day, having been
in hand about two months. The jury did not agree. This

18671 THE JOHN H. SURRATT CASE 167

was expected. I have not read all the evidence. That
Surratt was m the conspiracy to kidnap I have always
bdieved, but I have had the impression that when the con-
clusion was to kill, he flinched, and his mother favored his
absence, in order that he should not be under the influence
of Booth. But this may be all a mistake on my part.

The judge was disgracefully partial and unjust, I thought,
and his charge highly improper. The senior Bradley ^
was irascible, violent, and indiscreet, — some difficulty
brought him and the judge in collision almost, — and th6
judge, at the conclusion of the trial, ordered his name
stricken from the roll of attorneys, an arbitrary act.

August 11, Sunday. Saw the President this fm. He
tells me he has seen General Grant and had a pleasant,
aodal, and friendly interview. They had come to a mutual
understanding. The President wished to know if there
was any aUenation, or substantial difference, between
them. Grant replied there was not, except that he had
not last fall concurred in the President's opposition to the
Constitutional Amendment.

The President assured him that Stanton must leave
the War Department, and he desired him, od interim^ to
discharge the duties. Grant said if Stanton's removal was
decided upon he had nothing further to say on that point.
As regarded himself, he always obeyed orders. He seemed
pleased with the proposed arrangement and withdrew.

The President thinks he had better suspend Stanton
without reference to the Teniue-of-Office Bill, and he
perhaps is right under the existing embarrassments. He
seemed anxious to have me satisfied on that point, and
we talked over the whole subject in detail. I expressed
a beUef that it would strengthen the Executive were both
Stanton and Holt to retire, for they have been willful,
intriguing mischief-makers, and sectional exclusionists —

^ Joeeph H.Bradley, senior oounael for Sanratt. His associates were R. T.
Merrick and Joseph H. Bradley, Jr. ^'

^-_i ■_ _

168 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [Aira. u

really disunionists — from the time ihe R^Is surrendered;
Their study has been to produce hate and alienation,
and beyond others they have prompted the violent Rad*
icals, — conspired with them.

In talking of Stanton's course, the President expressed
a derire that the fact that Stanton with Seward prepared
the veto of the Tenure-of-Offioe Bill should be made pub-
IiC| and also Stanton's emphatic remarks against that bill,
its principles, and its unconstitutionality. This desire he
has before expressed.

McCulloch tells me he well remembers Stanton's op-
position to the bill and that he quoted Buchanan.

AiigtLst 12, Monday. Montgomery Blair called on me
this morning and desired me to prociue an interview with
the President for his father. I assented, though just at this
time, and with the President's^peculiar temperament, it is
a Uttle embarrassing and will likely cause comment.

The President consented to receive Mr. B. at any time*
He showed me the letters which he had prepared to Stan«
ton, and also to Grant. They were decisive and proper.
He said the question should be closed to-day. In oiur
interview yest^day , he told me that Bingham ^ had called
on him, very pleasant aild friendly. Said he had, however,
some of the facts of Conover's disclosures six weeks ago;
that Matchett ' was a suspicious fellow; doubted if much
could be made of him. The whole of Bingham's talk was
singular, and the President said he believed in his heart
the fellow was sent by Seward to soften away the disclos-
ures made. He expressed himself emphatically against
S. as a weak, unsafe man, etc., etc.

Before leaving him this morning, Mr. Seward and Gen-
eral Rousseau came in with the instructions in regard to

^ John A. Bingham, Member of Congress from C^o, previously a special
judge-advocate in the trial of the Lincoln conspirators.

* Rev. D. F. Matchett, who,iteeotding to Conover, was Ashley's "man
Friday'' in the negotiations. . f

M67] GRANT ACTING SECRETARY OP WAR 169

the duties of General Rousseau as Cominissioner in effect-
ing the transfer of the Russian territory. They wished me
to remain, but after a little talk it was concluded best that
the Secretary of the Treasury and General Grant should
also be present, and we left, agreeing to come together
at 1 P.M.

After the consultation with those gentlemen, and
Seward and General Grant had withdrawn, the President
handed me Stanton's letter. He is furious, blustering,
denying the President's authority to act without the
consent of the Senate, but as General Grant had accepted,
he had withdrawn with a protest.

August 13, Tuesday. General Grant attended the Cab-
inet-meeting, also Assistant Attorney-General Binckley.
I can perceive that Grant is not at all displeased with hid
new position; on the contrary there is self-satisfaction
very obvious. Stanton is disappointed in him; I doubt
his sincerity to the President. He is braced up, I per-
ceive, and committed to the unconstitutional law of Re-
construction, has been persuaded it is his duty, and feels
that he must stand by the military governors. All this
does not disappoint me. He will be likely, however, though
not very intelligent on civil matters, to exercise some
common sense, which will modify action; at all events,
being a soldier, he will not foment Radical intrigues.

I am at a loss as to the policy of the President, and have
some doubts if he has finally determined in his own mind
what it shall be. On some minor questions that came up
to-day. Grant was very prompt to express an opinion that
the law must be executed. If, said I, the law is palpably
unconstitutional and destructive of the government
and of the Constitution itself, and if a part of that law
makes the President the instrument to destroy the Con-
stitution, which he has sworn to protect, how is he to act?
"Who," said Grant, "is to decide whether the law is
unconstitutional?" I replied that X had said ^^ palpably

170 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aitg. 18

unconstitutional/' and I answered by saying the Execu-
tive is as distinct and independent a department of the
government as Congress, and if compelled to act, he must
decide for himself on so grave a matter whether he will
permit himself to be coerced into a conspiracy against
the Constitution.

Here the subject dropped. An order of General Sickles,
prohibiting civil process in his military department has
been construed by some of his subordinates to authorize
them to interpose and prevent the United States Marshal
from discharging his duty. Sickles has been written to,
to explain his order, but f^dls to answer. Grant said, clearly
he had no authority to do this, and he would immediately
instruct him on the subject. He accordingly wrote the
substance of a dispatch, which he read, but, it being a
little rough, said he would complete it at the Depart-
ment. Sickles has no more power to prevent civil processes
in the State Courts than in the United States Courts.

Mr. Seward handed a communication from Mr. Riddle,
implicated in the Conover matter, to the Assistant Attor-
ney-General for him to file or dispose of as he thought
best. He said Mr. R. wished to have it published or to
publish it himself, and the Attomey-Gteneral could do
what he pleased. I inquired why such a paper should be
brought here? Mr. R. could, if he pleased, publish any docu-
ment, without asking permission of the Administration.

Seward was disconcerted, — told how he did with papers
and acted queerly. The President and most of the Cabinet
thought the paper out of place. Seward was persistent,
and the President ordered the paper read. This, I saw,
annoyed S. still more. It was a curious document in some
respects, and disclosed the fact that R. had been employed
by Seward to hunt up, or manufacture, testimony against
Surratt. Why the State Department should busy itself
in that prosecution is not clear. Riddle, in this letter,
says he never saw Conover but twice, that Conover never
gave him the name of a single witness, never furnished

isen HOLTS REMOVAL CONSmERED 171

a solitary fact. Why, then, did Riddle apply to the Pre^
sident for a pardon for C, and base his application on the
ground of service rendered in the Surratt trial?

The President expressed to me a wish that the state-
ment of a correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette, who
proposes to give details of a Cabinet-meeting when Stan-
bery's exposition was under consideration, might be cor-
rected. I and others were misrepresented and misstated*
He also repeated a wish, often made, that the fact that
Stanton prepared, with Seward, the veto message on the
Civil Tenure-of-Ofl5ce Bill might be made pubUc. I ad-
vised that he had only to indicate his wish, or direct
publication, and it would be made.

August 14. The President called my attention to the
different laws creating the office of Judge-Advocate-
General and the Bureau of Military Justice, with a view
to the removal of Holt. I remarked that both Holt and
Stanton had early anticipated their probable removal, and
each had endeavored to fortify himself in place by special
l^slation. That, in my view, Congress had not the
constitutional power to make public officers independent
of the Executive. The Constitution had specified what
officers should be independent, viz., the judges, but all
other officers held their places at the will of the President.
To make them otherwise would be to make a multiplicity
of executives, each independent of the other. But the
President was, by the organic law which controlled the
different departments of the Government, made respons-
ible for the due execution of the laws, and he could not
be held to that responsibility if his subordinates and agents
were independent of him.

The President apparently acquiesced in this, but I per-
ceive he hesitates about acting on that principle, which
will bring him in conflict with the Radicals in Congress,
and seeks, therefore, some other method of getting rid of
an obnoxious officer, who, he is satisfied, is conspiring,

172 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [ato. 14

intriguing, and using his official position to injure the Ex-
ecutive and weaken his influence and authority. This
reluctance to act in defense of a high and undoubted con-
stitutional right is weakness and impairs his strength.
If Congress were disposed to impeach him for maintaining
the prerogative of the Executive, let them do so, or try to
do so. These Ck)ngressional usurpations must be stopped,
or the government will undergo a radical and fatal change.

August 16, Friday. At the close of the Cabinet session
to-day, Mr. Binckley, the Acting Attorney-General, sub-
mitted a copy of the New York Times of yesterday, con-
taining a statement and sundry affidavits of parties who
swear they have been bribed or suborned by Roger Pryor,
Ben Wood, and others, to destroy the character of Holt.
These affidavits, it is said, are filed in the office of the At-
torney-General or War Department and office of Military
Justice.

General Grant hastened at once to oppose any call on
Judge Holt for either an avowal or disclaimer of any such
files as Mr. B. requested. He said no head of a Department
could know all the papers which were filed in his. He knew
of no such files in the War Department. B. explained that
this was not the point, — he had furnished a statement
in which he declared that all the papers in the Attomey-
GeneraPs office relating to that subject were product
Here was an attempt to impugn him and his veracity.

Seward attempted to enlighten the subject, but only
confused it. He saw, as all did, that Grant was imusually
earnest, without fully understanding B.'s object of tracing
these documents to the Bureau of Military Justice.

I proposed that an inquiry should be first made to
ascertain whether the papers were in Judge Holt's office
before proceeding farther. This did not suit B., who
said Holt would abstract papers were he not instantly
removed. " Suppose," said I, " that on inquiry it is ascer-
tained there are really nonsuch papers in any office or.

18071 STANTON'S DISMISSAL 173

bureauy — that the whole is a fiction, got up by the news-
paper correspondents or other mischievous persons." -

This suggestion seemed to strike Grant favorably, and
all fell in with it except B., who said he had no doubt
where the originals were, and as little doubt that others
could be manufactured or abstracted, as Holt felt would
be for his interest.

Browning read a letter from Stanbery, received this
A.M., expressing gratification with what had been done
mth Stanton, which should, however, he says, be soon
followed by removal. This is sensible and positive. I like
it.

August 17, Saturday. The dismissal, or suspension, of
Stanton creates no commotion. None but certain Radical
politicians regret his expulsion. The President seemed suiv
prised that so few cared about him. One would have sup-
posed from the Radical press that an earthquake would
follow Stanton's retirement, and he undoubtedly expected
a sensation. The truth is that Stanton, whose manner is
brusque and ways subtle, is generally disliked by the best
men of the Army, — is hated and detested by many of
them. The people have little regard for him anywhere.
Certain conspiring politicians, in Congress and out of it,
with Forney and a few others connected with the press,
have puffed and extolled their coadjutor in the Cabinet
to give him power and influence. With his accustomed
duplicity he has managed to deceive both the extreme and
conservative Radicals, the latter especially. Fessenden,
in particular, has been his dupe. Horace Greeley, so
often misled, for a wonder has for some time past appeared
to have a Uttle insight into Stanton's true character, but
whether it was from sagacity as regards the man, or from
opposition to Weed, who, as well as Seward, is devoted
to Stanton, I am not able to' say. Ptobably the latter.
The President has been made to believe that the removal
of Stanton would break down his Administration.

174 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [Auaio

Atigiist 19, Monday. A long letter from Viceroy Gen-
eral Pope to Grant shows the progress of despotism.
If men will neither talk, write, nor think different from
Pope and the Radicals, he is suie all will go on well in
Reconstruction as Congress wishes. But there are certain
"pestilent fellows" who will not hold their tongues, and
"banishment" seems to be Pope's remedy in their case.
Get all who differ from him out of the way, and all will
go well enough.

The affidavits which have been published implicating
Pryor and Ben Wood are undoubtedly false and fraud*
ulent. Whether gotten up by Holt himself, or by some
one in his interest, is not yet ascertained. Holt publishes
an adroitly worded letter, which, in its cunning, discloses
the rogue, and leaves little doubt who is the real originator
of these fraudulent affidavits.

August 20, Tuesday. The President showed me the
correspondence between himself and Grant relative to the
removal of Sheridan. Grant objects to the removal, — *
thinks it contrary to the wishes of the American people.
The President responds, compliments the soldierly quali-
ties of Sheridan, but thinks he has not the calm judgment,
civil qualities, and ability of General Thomas for such k
position, and as to the wishes of the people, he is not
aware that they have been expressed.

There is no doubt but Uiat the Radical politicians will
bellow loud over the removal of Sheridan, whose fighting
qualities and services are great. Their editors and speakers
have imdertaken to control the course of the Government
as regards Sheridan, and Grant, if not a participant with,
has been led away by, them. Undoubtedly many people
have read the papers and come to the conclusion that tiiie
President could not — dared not — remove Sheridan, and
his insubordinate and rash conduct has been commended
for its ability.

General Grant has, not without reason, personal regaid

1867] THE REMOVAL OF SHERIDAN 176

for Sheridan, though the judgment and administrative
qualities of this cavahy officer. Grant does not, or did
not, think of a high order. But the successes of Sheridan^s
government, the hurrahs and applause with which his
arbitrary and violent conduct have been received by the
boisterous Radical press, have made Grant doubt whether,
after all, Sheridan has not greater capacity and executive
abUity than he supposed.^

The decision and promptitude of Sheridan, even thou^
wrong, have made him strong with the people, who love
bold and resolute acticua. Were the President to display
more of these qualities, he would be more popular, but
he is accused of rashness when he delays. On the whole,
I think the President appears to advantage in this cor«

1 At a later period I became satisfied that Sheridan had been secretly
prompted and influenced by Grant in his reprehensible course in New
Orieans and Texas. Most of the vicerosra, or military governors, had secret
telegrams, or oral instructions from the General-in-Chief, who was in coUu^
aon with Stanton (whom, however, he disliked) and the chief Radical con-
qnrators. In all this period. Grant with great duplicity and vulgar cunning
fuooeeded in deceiving not only the President but the rest of us. Sheridan
wa8 flattered by the confidential communications, and encouraged in his
faiaolenoe and insubordination towards the President by his superior officer,
who had become enlisted in the conspiracy against the Chief Magistrate;
Grant until the fall of 1866 was a decided and avowed supporter of the
Administration and of the Lincoln-Johnson policy of . reestablishing the
Union, but, flattered by attention, he began to have aspirations for poUtical
promotion, with very little political intelligence and no political experience.
Some men of both parties, though aware of his incapacity and unfitness for
the performance of civil duties, thought his military ^clat might make him
avaflable as a candidate for President. Sensible men who came in contact
with him were aware that he was destitute of all aptitude and experience
to qualify him for the position, and declined committing themselves to the
Intrigue for his elevation. But the Radical conspirators were desperate, and
in the belief that they could mould him to their wishes and views, his ignor-
ance of and indifference to political and civil affairs made him more accept*
able. Grant, however, hesitated for some time before he openly deserted the
Administration, and contrived, even after he was secretly acting in concert
with the Radicals to deceive and beguile the President, to receive his
confidence and office at his hands. It was at this period, and while the Pre-
sident was in daily communication with him, advising with him as freely as
any of the Cabinet, that Grant was writing secretly to Sheridan and to the
viceroy generals, counteracting the measures of Administration. — G« W.

176 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES lAXxa.w

respondence; because it displays energy as well as correct
intentions. The removal of Sheridan will break no bones;
had it been earlier done it would have been more popular.
He ought never to have been detailed to command that
department and govern those States in the first placBi
buty having been detailed, should have been removed on
the first exhibition of his unfitness. Sickles should also
have been cleared out some time since. The President
showed me after the Cabinet adjourned an impertinent
and presuming letter from King Sickles, who insists on
obstructing the Federal Courts and setting them at defi-
ance, because if he and the other four viceroys, or little
monarchs, cannot set the courts aside, the courts will set
the little monarchs aside. I advised the President to
make short work with King Sickles. , i

Augvst 22, Thursday. Had this a.m. an hour's convert
sation or more with General Grant. It was the first time
I had met him in the War Department since he entered
upon the duties of Secretary, and I congratulated him on
his new position. He thought he ought to decline receiving
congratulations on that account, but they were obviously
acceptable. I begged to differ from him and inquired why
he should decline congratulations on a change which had
been so well and favorably received by the whole country.
** Well,'' he said, '' I do not know about that ; these changes
that are going on, striking down men who have been faith*
ful through the War, I do not like." ''So far as the War
Department is concerned," said I, ''the coimtry on all
hands believe that as good and faithful a War man is in
the place as we have had at any time." He disclaimed
alluding to that change. "If," said I, "you have Sheridan
and Thomas in your mind, there is no denying that Thomas
is in every respect as good a War man, with better ad-
ministrative powers than Sheridan, whom I would by no
means disparage."
^^ Wiih this opening, we went into a general discussioii

18671 CONVH^A^nON WITH ORANT 177

of the condition of the oonntry and the affairs of the
Govenunent. It pained me to see how Uttle he understood
of the fundamental principles and structure of our Govern*
m^mti and of the Constitution itself. On the subject of
differences between the President and Congress, and the
attempt to subject the people to military rule, there were,
he said, in Congress, fifty at least of the first lawyers of
the country who had voted for the Reconstruction law,
and were not, he asked, the combined wisdom and talent
of those fifty to have more weight than Mr. Johnson,
who was only one to fifty? Congress had enacted this
law, and was not the President compelled to carry it into
execution ? Was not Congress superior to the President?
If the law was unconstitutional, the judges alone could
decide the question. The President must submit and obey
Congress until the Supreme Court set the law aside.

I asked him if Congress could exercise powers not grant-
ed, powers that the States, which made the Constitution,
had expressly reserved. He thought Congress might pass
any law, and the President and all others must obey and
mipport it until the Supreme Court declared it imconsti-
tutional.

; ''You do not mean to say. General, that Congress may
set aside and disregard all limitations, all barriers that are
erected to guide and control their action?'^ He did not
know who could question their acts and laws until they
came before the Court.

''The Constitution," said I, "presoibed that the Pre-
adent and Senate shall appoint ministers, consuls, etc.,
but Congress may, by law, confer inferior appointments
on judges, heads of Departments, or on the President
alone; but it nowhere authorizes Congress to confer on
generals the appointing power.''

"It authorizes Congress to confer appointments, you
say, on the heads of Departments. Are not those districts
under General Sickles and oUier generals Departments? ''
said Grant. ^

- 8

178 DIARt OP GIDEON WELLES [Aua. 23

"Not in the meaning of the CJonstitution," said I,
"and you can hardly be serious in supposing the provision
of the Constitution alluded to, had reference to military
districts, or any particular territory parceled out and called
Departments."

He did not know, he said, he was not prepared to say
about that. The will of the people is the law in this
coimtry, and the representatives of the people made the
laws.

"The Constitution gives the pardoning power to the
Executive. Do you suppose that Congress can usurp that
power, and take it from the President, where the Constitu-
tion placed it?"

To this he replied that President Johnson once re-
marked in the Senate, in regard to talk about the Consti-
tution, that it was well to spot the men who talked about
it. It was, he said, just before the War, when the Seces-
sionists talked about the Constitution.

"The remark," said I, "was opportune, and well put
at the men and the times. The Secessionists claimed, and
many of them honestly believed, that their States had the
right to secede, — that there was no constitutional power to
prevent them. So feeling and so believing, they searched
the Constitution and appealed to it for any prohibition
against secession. The appeal was absurd, according to
your and my views, because the Constitution would not
and could not have a clause empowering a fragment, a
dingle State, to destroy it. Secession was a delusion which
had its run, yet the men were generally scrupulous to
observe in other respects the organic law, and, while
meditating and preparing for the overthrow of the Govern-
ment, their persistent appeals to the Constitution pro-
voked the reniark of Mr. Jc^nson to which you allude.
While, however, the Secessioiiists professed to, and gen-
erally did, regard the Constitution, the Radicals openly
trample upon it, and many express their contempt for it.
The Secessionists claimed that they violated no principle-

1S67I CONVERSATION WITH GRANT 179

or power or limitation in their act of secession. The Rad-
icals do not claim, or pretend, to regard any principle
or power or limitation of the Constitution when they
establish military governments'[over States of the South
and exclude them from their rights. When President John-
son made his remark, it was to contrast their appeals to the
Constitution in all other respects, while Secession itself
was destructive of the Constitution which they held in
reverent regard."

"Would you,'* said he, "allow the Rebels to vote and
take the government of their States into their own hands?"
I replied that I knew not who were to take the govern-
ment of those States in hand but the intelligent people of
the States respectively to whom it rightfully belonged.
The majority must govern in each and every State in all
their local and reserved rights; other sections are not to
govern them. A majority of the voters — and they de-
cide for themselves who shall be voters — is the basis of
free government. This is our system. Georgia must make
her own laws, her own constitution, subject to the Con-
stitution of the United States, not to the whim or will
of Congress. Massachusetts has no power to prescribe
the form of government of Georgia, or to govern the people
of that State as a State. Nor is Georgia to give govern-
ment to Massachusetts.

Grant said he was not prepared to admit this doctrine ; it
was something of the old State-Rights doctrine, and he did
not go to the full extent of that doctrine. He looked upon
Georgia and the other States South as Territories, like
Montana and other Territories. They had rebelled, been
conquered, and were to be reconstructed and admitted
into the Union when we felt that we could trust them. It
was for Congress to say who should vote, and who should
not vote in the seceding States as well as in a Territory,
and to direct when and how these States should again be
admitted.

That I told him was not only a virtual dissolution of

180 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES lAva.29

the Union, but an abandonment of our republican federal
system. It was establishing a central power, which could
control and destroy the States, — a power above and
beyond the Constitution, and I trusted he was not pre-
pared to go that length, but if he was, I hoped he would
avow it. For my part I clung to the old system, the Con-
stitution and the Union, and favored no Radical theories
of central power.

"Well," he said, he did not believe we could either con-
vince the other, and we had better dispose of our business.
I remarked that one of us was right and one wrong, and
that it should be the object of each to put himself right,
regardless of all partisanship, commitments, or precon-
ceived opinions. This he admitted most fully.

There were other points which in this hasty memoran-
dimcx, written immediately after its occurrence, I have not
penned, but the essential points I have sketched, and have,
as far as I could, used the very words. On the whole, I did
not think so highly of General Grant after as before this
conversation. He is a political ignoramus.

General Grant has become severely afflicted with the
Presidential disease, and it warps his judgment, which is
not very intelligent or enUghtened at best. He is less
sound on great and fundamental principles, vastly less
informed, than I had supposed possible for a man of his
opportunities. Obviously he has been tampered with
and flattered by the Radicals, who are using him and his
name for their selfish and partisan purposes.

In our conversation, when I asked if our Government
and Union were to be maintained by force, his only answer
was the Rebels must be put down and kept under. "Will
that," I asked, "make friendship and imity? Must we
not, in the dififerent States, be equal in poUtical rights?
Is not our governmental system voluntary and not com-
pulsory? Can we have a reestablished Union, and be one
people by enforcing, under the bayonet, upon certain
sections and an unwilling people (who are our countrymen,

18871 CONVERSATION WITH GRANT 181

our equals, and who have their own laws and mstitu-
tions), governments and laws not of their own choice
and which are repulsive? Proscription, alienation, exile
will not promote reconciliation and harmony. The Rad-
ical policy is to proscribe the intelligent, the wealthy, the
moral portion of the South, and to place over them
the ignorant and degraded and vicious." He said he did
not think Jefif Davis and Benjamin ought to be put on the
same footing and have the same voice and influence as
those of us who had maintained the Union. I replied they
had not so good a record, and their influence and success
in future would depend on their own acts. We might lessen
ours; they might improve theirs. As we now stood, I
thought we had nothing to apprehend.

It appears to me he was somewhat excited and stirred
up by appeals of the Radicals and fears that he might lose
their good will. None but Radicals, and the most mis-
chievous of them, are hounding and stimulating and cau-
tioning him. Anxious, as I am satisfied he is becoming, for
the Presidency, he fears to fall out with them. Hence, be-
lieving, as he does, that a majority of the country which
is represented is with Congress, he is rather vexed, dissat-
isfied, and somewhat confused, has listened to Radical
fallacies and is strangely ignorant of the true character
of men as well as the real principles in issue.

I went over and saw the President, and stated my inter-
view, and my apprehensions that Grant was weaker and
a little farther astray than I had apprehended. [I said] that
I thought our conversation would perhaps do some good,
— enforce some ideas which he had not previously enter-
tained, and perhaps correct some that were in a measure
erroneous. He is, however, a man of little reading or
reflection.

I also called on Judge Blair, and requested him to see
Grant, talk with him, get others who are right-minded to
talk with him also, and write him, — enlighten him. He
needs instruction.

182 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [Aua23

August 23, Friday. Have dispatches to-day from Ad-
miral Bell of the Asiatic Squadron, detailing the attack
on the natives of Formosa. Also a long statement from
Carter, reporting affairs at Borneo, and the burning of
the house of the consulate, which I think was set on fire
by the consul himself.

At the Cabinet quite a discussion grew out of a dispatch
of an extraordinary character from General Sickles, insist-
ing he would obstruct the power of the United States
Court, and, alleging, as a reason, that if he did not, the
Court would soon pass on the Reconstruction acts and
pronounce them imconstitutional.

Mr. Binckley, the Assistant Attorney-General, said that
it had been his intention to present a written opinion on
this subject, and he should not have attended the meeting
to-day had not the President sent for him. He expressed
his surprise that General Sickles, who is a lawyer, and
could not be ignorant of the consequences that must follow
an attempt to make the civil power subordinate to the
military, should put himself in opposition to the Chief
Justice and resist the processes of the Court.

General Grant said he had sent an order to General
Sickles not to obstruct the United States Coiul;, as he
promised he would, but, after thinking of it, he had come
to the conclusion that General Sickles might have his
reasons for what he was doing, and as there are always two
sides to a question, he had countermanded his order, that
Sickles mi^t have an opportimity to be heard. Congress
had put in his (Grant's) hands the execution of this law,
and he intended to see it was executed, but he was willing
to hear, or see, Mr. B.'s written opinion, when it was
made out.

There were some rather flippant, overbearing, and un-
generous remarks of Grant towards Binckley, which were
unworthy of him, when the positions of the two men were
considered. Binckley, though a little excited, was more
than a match for the General in such a discussion, and

18671 RANDALL'S, SOUNDNESS, SUSPECTED 183

did not allow himself to be put down by what was really
arrogance and intentional insult.

I am glad that I made no remark on th^ subject of
Grant's declaration that he should see the law executedi for
Congress had put it into his hands. He evidently supposed
that it was his province, exclusively^ to decide in regard to
this whole subject, but B. coolly said he supposed the
General expected to exec^te it in subordination to law and
authority.

August 24; Saturday. I inquired by way of suggestioUi
or 1} more properly, suggested by way of inquiry, of the
President the subject or expediency of general amnesty.
There might be individual exceptions, but it seemed to
me it would be well, before voting commenced in ihe
proscribed States, that ti;xe people should have amnesty.
He said he had thought much on the subject and should
before long have something definite to say in regard to it.

Alluding to the discussions yesterday, he complimented
Binckley, but he inquired what I thought of Randall, and
if his conduct was not somewhat singular of late, on some of
these important questions. I had noticed that Randall said
but little, and that little was evasive, but the Presid^it
saw and noted more in that quarter than I did.

In submitting a certain document, Seward said he had
desired to bring it before the Cabinet, in order that it
might be borne in mind, should he not be here to explain.
There was, I thought, something significant in the remark
under the circumstances. I also observed that he very
much wished Randall to take an excursion of a few days
with him on the river and coast. R. could not go, however,
but no other one was invited to supply his place. Seward
evidently feels the absence of Stanton.

Thepapersspeakof a reorganization of the Cabinet. This
has not been imusual but is periodical. Just at this time it
has more than ordinary significance, and the Intelligencer^
which I know speaks not unadvisedly, had one or two

184 DIARY OfF GtDEON Wi^Ll£& Iavq.H

emphatic articles on the sub|ect of an entire change. Tbb
fire has been more particularly directed to Seward, thou^
McCulloch has been attacked bv harpies. The rest have
come in for slight attacks, but all except Mr. Stanbery are
named to go. It may be best.

August 26, Monday. Montgomery Blair called to sug-
gest the name of D. D. Ffeld for Secretary of State, should
Seward resign, which he seems to suppose a fixed fact.
I gave him to understand that it did not strike me with
particular favor. But Blair knows Field to be very ri^t on
present questions, — is from New York, was a Barnburner
in 1848, something of a favorite, etc., etc., and he is recom-
mended by William B. Reed. This last information did not
Strengthen the matter in my estimation. Reed is a man of
talents but impracticable, and of erratic principles and
politics. Blair tells me he has sent Reed's letter to the
President.

In all my conversation with Blair he has been persistent
in pressing General Grant as a man of shrewdness and of
unusual popularity. He urged, I know, G.'s appointment
to the War Department, and told me last week he was pre-
paring an article for the New York World in favor of Grant
for President. 1 have not been hasty to commit myself t6
this suggestion, for, whatever may be Grant's popularity,
growing out of military successes and services, I see no
evidence of civil capacity, administrative ability, or general
intelligence. He is stolid and stubborn, but has beeil tam-
pered with, and I believe seduoed,*;by the Radical conspira-
tors, who have the start of Blair in this idea of availability
and mean to use him as their candidate. He has been will-
ing to be courted, but is not quite prepared to have it
published that the parties are engaged and to be married.
The President is still reluctant to believe that Grant is
unfaithful. I have uniformly stated that Grant, while
apparently simple-minded and perhaps honestly disposed,
'—though I have misgivings on that point, — has fallen into

iseTj TALK WITH MR. BLAIR ON GRANT 185

the hands of Radical rogueB, who are hnposing upon him,
not unwillingly. They have him in their keeping, I fear.
I spoke of these matters to Blair; asked what could be said
or thought of Grant's course in regard to Sickles' Order
No. 10, proclaiming a stay-law in the Carolinas, and ob-
structing, by military force, the judgments and processes
of the coiurts. Grant himself has said he thought this
wrong as regarded the United States Courts, and has
issued an order annulling so much of the Order No. 10
as applied to the United States Courts. Within two dajrs,
however, he coxmtermanded his own order and permitted
Kckles to go on in his lawlessness. Of course Radical advice
and intimacy had overcome his own better judgments
Grant is an insincere man, I fear, very ambitious, has loW
cunning, and is unreliable, perhaps untruthful.
V I gave Blair to understand that my confidence in Grant,
in his intelligence and even honesty, was less than his, —
that it was, indeed, very much shaken. I am not prepared
to condemn him as a bad man, but I consider him an in-
^cere one. He has no political experience, has not
Studied, nor made himself familiar with, our Constitution
or the elementary principles of civil government even, but
has permitted himself to be flattered, seduced, and led
astray by men who are bad. Unless he can be extricated
and that soon, he will, because he has a War record, be
made an instrument of evil. The people admire military
inen, and are grateful for military services. Grant has
power and position without the Imowledge to use them
properly. I instanced several matters. Blair heard me and
frankly admitted that with these facts he gave Grant up,
— that he had gone over to the Radicals, and we could
hope nothing from him. I am imwilling to give him wholly
up if there is any good in him. Let him have a chance to
retrieve himself if he will, — not that I would make him
President.

August 27, Tuesday. The correspondence between the

186 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES lAua 71

President and Grant in relation to the removal of Sheridan
has been published. There has not yet been time to get
response. Of course the Radical press will indorse and extol
Grant, but he certainly does not in this matter app^u: to
advantage. EQs letter is weak, his logic is weak, the thi^g
is feeble. The letter was written plainly for publicationi
but the President's reply is dignified and conclusive.

At the Cabinet to-day, a question came up respecting
the Grovemor of IdiJio, who is represented as a cheat and
swindler. Another was nominated and confirmed as his
successor at the last session, but the Senate reconsidered
the vote, and the subject remained unacted on. Over two
hundred thousand dollars of Indian amnesties are due, but
the Secretary of the Interior declines putting the money
in the swindler's hands.

The question was raised whether a successor could be
appointed imder the Tenure-of-Office Bill. If G. is ap^
pointed, and B., the incumbent, refuses to give up the
office, what is to be done? Should B. resist by force^
McCulloch said, call on the military. General Grant said
in that case the military would not respond. They would
sustain the Tenure-of-Office Bill, which Congress has
enacted, imtil the judges said it was unconstitutional.

General Grant addressed the President, remarking that
he had received his order directing General Sheridan to
proceed forthwith to Kansas and relieve General Hancock^
In the mean time the duties of the office would devolve on
the next in command. But that officer was sick. No word
had yet been received from General Thomas. It was
known, however, he had gone to the Springs for his health.
But he thought it would be injudicious to take General
Hancock from the Plains, where he had varied duties. It
would be better to carry out the original order. Let Sheri-
dan remain, therefore, until General Thomas can relieve
him. When Sheridan is relieved from his present com-
mand, Grant wished him to have leave and visit Washing-
ton. He had hardly been home since he graduated, and it

1867] GRANT REBUKED BY PRESIDENT 187

would be well to have him come here. Furthermore, the
law placed the execution of the Reconstruction acts in hiS|
Grant's, hands. He had not been consulted when he rer
ceived orders, and those orders coimteracted, in tl^eir
terms, some of his orders. While he had no wish to come in
conflict with any one, he had a duty to perform. He must
see the Reconstruction law executed.

The President was very cool, calm, and deliberate in
his reply to this studied and premeditated speech. He
reminded General Grant that he himself had brought the
surgeon's certificate in regard to General Thomas' health,
had stated it was such that he thought it imprudent for
General T. to go at this time to New Orleans, and had
asked to have the order suspended. That, as regarded
a leave to Sheridan, that could as well be granted after
he reported on the frontier as before. Let him repair to
Leavenworth or Denver and relieve General Hancock,
then, if he can be spared for a visit, he can take his time
and the several orders would be carried into effect. "Gen-
eral Grant will understand it is my duty to see the laws are
executed, and also that when I assign officers to their duty
my orders must be obeyed. I have made this arrangement
and performed this work deUberately, and it will go with
as little delay as possible."

Grant was humbled by this great rebuke and changed
the subject. He said if General Sickles was to be detached,
no better man than General Canby could succeed him.
Canby could not, however, be very well spared from here,
where he was familiar with details, and above all his serv-
ices were important on the Board of Claims. As regarded
General Sickles, two of his orders, the one intended as a
stay-law and one establishing a code, were imauthorized.
Both were good in themselves, but General Sickles had no
authority to issue such orders. There might also be other
objectionable orders.

The President said he was glad there was concurrence of
iiiews in regard to the future of General Canby, and as for

188 JDIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [Aua27

the matter of his being one of the Board of Claims, it would
not weigh a feather. The board itself was of little import-
ance, — had no final action.

General Grant also remarked, in a subdued manner,
that he wished to say that while it was proper he should
discharge the duties ad interim of Secretary of War, he was
no politician and preferred not to be mixed up in political
questions. He would, therefore, prefer not to sit at the
Cabinet consultations and pass opinions on the subjects
which came up for consideration and decision. The Pre-
sident told him that was at his own option.

The General said he would wish, then, to be excused, fpr
he had much to attend to at the Department; and he
accordingly withdrew.

Arigust 29, Thursday. The President narrated the par-
ticulars of proceedings and consultations between himself
and General Grant. He says that G., after stating on Tues-
day that he wished to discharge his duties as an officer, but
wished to be excused from taking any part in, or expressing
any views or opinions on, political subjects, proceeded to
write a long and very weak letter to him, most of it on
matters purely political. It was such a letter as he would
wish him to write, if he was disposed to pursue a course
that would embarrass the Administration, for he could be
annihilated by a reply.

Under the circimastances, however, he thought it best to
send for Grant. The President was frank and blunt with
him, — told Grant he should speak without reserve, but
intended no offense. He then took up each position in the
letter, pointed out his errors and fallacies, and so satisfied
was Grant himself of his imtenable positions, and the
mistakes of his letter, that he asked to withdraw it. The
President told him he might do as he pleased about it, but
continued the conversation, during which Grant reached
over, and, folding down the letter, took it and said he
would send a note withdrawing it, but desired to take it

; .

I8(r7] GRANT'S LETTER AND BACK-DOWN ISft

personally. Grant had persisted in his old error that
Congress had superseded the President and conferred on
him (Grant) executive authority over the ten Southern
States. He had, therefore, in this letter taken exception
to the President's order detaching Sheridan and ordering
Hancock to the fifth District; supposed he could origin-
ate measures and rules for those States, make appoint-
ments, etc., instead of the President. The Constitution,
as well as the President, was sxispended by Congress.! But
he was soon satisfied, after having seen the President,
that he had mistaken his duties, — that he was not the
officer he supposed himself to be, and that he must back
down.

The President called my attention to an article in this
morning's Chronicle, showing that the writer of the edi-
torial was aware of the contents of Grant's letter, — that
there had been consultations in its preparation and that
the conmiencement of the awkward withdrawal was also
corrected. I am glad that Grant has permitted himself to
be convinced to the extent mentioned, for he is, to use
a vulgar phrase, somewhat pig-headed, having in his
ignorance been inspired with certain strange notions
by the Radicals, without resources of his own to correct
them, or the intelligence necessary to carry him through.
He would not have allowed himself to be convinced by
any other person of the Cabinet, — probably by no sup-
porter of the Administration, — but respect, deference,
discipline made him listen to the President, his superior,
and, listening, his faculties were stimulated and he com-
prehended the fact that he was making a sorry exhibition
of himself.

In the course of their conversation, the President in-
formed Grant that he (Mr. Johnson) was not a candidate
for the Presidency. Grant replied that he was not. I
bowed acquiescence and neither expressed regret nor a
wish, that he, the President, should be a candidate. Per-
haps he was disappointed that I did not.

190 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aug. 30

August 30, Friday. There was a pleasant Cabinet-
meeting to-day. Stanbery and Browning were absent.
Grant was present and communicative, with a mind much
softened, and more disposed to fellowship than at some
recent meetings, particularly at the last. He has wholly
revised his stand in regard to Sickles, and b decided
against his Order No. 10, and also the order relating to
the code.

August 31, Saturday. Had a pleasant talk with the
President this evening. He has great capacity, is convers-
ant with our public affairs beyond most men, has much
experience, possesses great firmness, sincere patriotism, a
sacred regard for the Constitution, is hmnane and bene-
volent. Extreme men and extreme measures he dislikes;
secession and exclusion are alike repugnant. The Radicals
accuse him of being irritable and obstinate, but the truth
is he has been patient and forbearing, almost to an infirm-
ity, under assaults, intrigues, and abuse. Had he been less
jrielding, less hesitating, more prompt and decided, met'
Radical error and misrule at the threshold, checked the first
innovations on his prerogative, dismissed at once faithless
public officers, he would have saved himself and the
country many difficulties.

It is one of his greatest weaknesses that he has no con-
fidants and seeks none. No man should hold such a posir
tion without tried and trusty friends to whom he can
unbosom himself, and with whom he can consult and ad-
vise freely on all questions. To me, perhaps, he has been
as free and as commimicative as to any one, and yet there-
has been constant reserve. Many of his most important
steps have been taken without the knowledge of any of his
Cabinet, and I tiiink without the knowledge of any perspn
whatever. He has wonderful self-reliance and inunovable
firmness in maintaining what he believes to be right ; is dis-,
inclined to be familiar mih men in prominent positions, or
to be intimate with those who fill the public eye. There are

l«67i QUALITIES OF THE PRESIDENT 191

around him too many little busybodies, almost all of whom
are unreliable, and often intentionally deceive him. It is a
misfortime that he permits them to be so familiar; not that
he means they shall influence him on important questions^
but in appointments they sometimes have influence and
mislead him. He does not make these fellows his confidants
any more than greater men, but they are intrusive, glad to
crowd aroimd him, when men of mind and character will
not intrude uninvited, — and he invites none. Yet he will-
ingly listens, receives information and suggestions, but
without reciprocating.

Coming into the Presidency imder peculiar circmn-
stances, he has hoped to conciliate Ck)ngress and those
who elected him, without making proper discriminations
as regards men and the conflicting views of his supporters
on fundamental questions. Many of the Republican Mem-
bers were kindly disposed towards him and believed in the
Lincoln policy, which he adopted. These he could and
should have detached from the extremists. They were not
leaders, — not Radicals at the beginning; like himself, they
were sincere Republicans, but, not having the faculty of
receiving and giving confidence, these passive men were
treated coolly, as were the Radicals who constituted the
positive element opposed to him as well as to Mr. Lincoln
before him. Stanton, who conformed to this policy in
Mr. Lincoln's time, has been in constant intrigue with the
Radicals to thwart the President. Seward and Weed under-
took, with Rajrmond and partisans of this school, to make
a division, but Raymond was so fickle, wavering, uncer-
tain, and imreliable, that the really honest and worthy
men, while acknowledging his genius, despised his pusillan-
imity. Like Seward himself, Rajrmond became a source
of weakness, a positive injury. For a time he assimied,
imder Seward's management and givings-out, to be the
organ of the Administration on the floor of the House, but
under the irony and sarcasm of Thaddeus Stevens, who
ridiculed his conscientious scruples, he soon stood alone.

182 DIARY OF QIDEQN WELLES iaug.81

The President really had no organ or confidential friend in
the House, no confidant who spoke for him and his policy
among the Representatives. Seward and Weed, to whom
he listened, alienated the Democrats and almost all of his
friends.

LII

Qmnt's InsubordinaUon — Fonn of a Pftxslaznation of General Pardon —

, Newspaper Rumors of Diflferenoes between the President and Grant —

^ Amnesty proclaimed — Newspaper Reports of an Intended Prorogation

of Congress in case of an Attempt at Impeachment — Exercises at the

Antietam Battle-Field — Governor Geaiy^s Followers try to turn the

Affair into a Radical Demonstration — Death of Sir Frederick Bruce —

The President consults with Lewis V. Bogy of St. Louis — Jeremiah 8.

Black as an Adviser of the President — The Case of Paymaster Belknap

— The Sale of Ironclads discussed in Cabinet — General Sickles asks for

a Court of Inquiry — The Question of the Power of State and Municipal

. Courts to discharge Men enlisted in the United States Service — The

Attorney-General consulted on the Subject — The Matter discussed in

Cabinet — Stanbery's Views as to the Habeas Corpus Writ — Admiral

Godon on the Naval Battle at Port RoyaL

September 2, Monday. General Grant has issued an
order forbidding the district commanders from appoint-
ing, in other words reinstating, any of the removed civil
officers displaced by themselves or their predecessors. This
order is in bad taste and in a bad spirit, prompted, without
doubt, by Radical advisers. The manifest intention is to
keep Sheridan and Sickles appointees in place, to defy his
superior, to antagonize him, to defeat his intentions, pro-
vided he (the President) thinks it proper and correct for
the public interest to reappoint one or more of the local
State officers who may have been unfairly displaced. It is
the essence of insubordination by the General of the Amer-
ican armies, who should be an example of obedience.
General Grant is more intensely partisan than I was aware,
or perhaps than he himself supposes. One of these days,
when he calmly reviews his conduct, he will, if honest, be
ashamed of this order and of the spirit which prompted it.

I read to the President the form of a proclamation of
general pardon to the Rebels. He was pleased with it,
and requested a fair copy to be made, and at the same

194 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 2

time showed me the draft Of one aheady prepared. It
takes milder groimd than the one I presented, and I am
apprehensive he will not make his work as effective as I
wish. He too often fails to come full up to the occasion.
In our conversation he did not dissent from my views and
positions in any respect, and persons not acquainted with
him would have supposed he adopted them all; but this
is not his way. He listens, but^ unless he squarely and em-
phatically disapproves, is disinclined to controvert. This
trait has led many to misimderstand and to misrepresent
him. They make statements themselves which he does
not deny or dispute, and he is consequently represented
as entertaining the views of his auditor or adviser.

September 3. Received dispatches to-day from the com-
manders of all our squadrons except the South Pacific, —
all satisfactory.

General Grant did not attend the Cabinet-meeting
to-day. There was not much of special interest be-
fore it.

McCuUoch presented the case of a Collector and Assessor
in Virginia, and recommended that they should be sus-
pended. They have received repeated bribes to the amoimt
of over thirty thousand dollars. I inquired why they should
not be removedy and he said the Tenure-of-Ofl5ce Bill inter-
posed. I thought, and so stated, that removal in such
flagrant cases as these was not only justifiable but proper,
and if Congress, or the Senate, took exceptions, let the
facts go before the country. The people will judge and
decide rightly in such an issue, and better understand the
value of present legislation. The President, I see, con-
curs with me, — is pleased with my views, — but I am
not certain how he will do when compelled to act. His
opinions and mine of the Tenure-of-OflSce Bill are alike.
I hope he will not surrender the right but will act upon
it. He would but for wrong influences and an attempt
to reconcile contradictions. His faith is sound; I wish his

iwj SEWARD^S PERNICIOUS INFLUENCE 195

works were in accordance with his faith on these constitu-
tional questions always.

If Congress wish to impeach him for opposing unwar-
ranted innovations on the Constitutioni for firmly and
fearlessly maintaining the constitutional rights of the
Executive, they will injure themselves more than him. It
b not for me to urge him to be a martyr, if he is disinclined
to encounter the warfare that will be waged by Radical
partisans; but had he at the beginning resented these
encroachments and innovations, the war would have been
avoided that he now must encounter if he resists. .

September 4. Montgomery Blair called to tell me that
he had a long talk with the President. He was at my house
Monday evening, having returned from Virginia that day,
and was disturbed to find no farther changes had been
made, — that things seemed at a standstill. Said nothing
could be done for the President and Administration if
Seward remained in the Cabinet. Showed me a dispatch
from California and his reply. While Seward has very
little personal popularity, and his advice and influence
are often harmful, the President considers him the head
of a powerful party — old-time Whigs — whose support
is necessary for the success of his Administration. Seward
has impressed him with this, but I cannot take part against
him. There is very little sympathy or confidence between
us as politicians or party men^ and has never been. We
have different temperaments, different principles, different
associates and lines of action, but seldom, and never of
late, any controversy. So long as the President yields to
Mr. Seward's views and schemes and chooses to continue
us as colleagues, I cannot personally oppose him. Blair
knows my estimate of Seward ; knew it when we were all
associated in the Cabinet of Mr. Lincoln; would be glad
to have me take an active part against Seward now, but
I cannot.
\i. To-day he sent his California dispatch to the President

196 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 4

and had quite an interview. He says he talked plain and
blunt to the President; showed him a letter from Cassidy,
of the Albany Argus, denouncing Johnson, declaring the
Democrats could not and would not be identified with
hiTn 80 long as he retained in his coimsels their avowed
opponents. He says the President was equally frank and
blimt. Said too many changes — too much yielding —
would cloy the Democrats. They did not elect him, and
though on principles of government and administration
agreeing with him, they were reluctant to support him,
ere, 6uC«

September 5. There is rumor of sharp differences be-
tween the President and Grant in an interview yester-
day, and the sensationalists have got it in the papers.
I should not be surprised if there were decided differences
between them on some points, but nothing which has a
semblance of altercation. They are not men for such
scenes.

Grant has less intelligence and comprehension on polit-
ical and civil matters than is generally supposed, and is
more in the hands and under the control of active Radical
party managers than he or the coimtry is aware. Hence
he is misled, blunders, misconceives, and takes feeble
positions. I think he is conunitted to the Radicals and is
prompted by them, but gets his lessons imperfectly. Not
unlikely the President may have exposed his infirmities
to him, told him his errors, and with his natural perversity,
and ignorance. Grant may have been pig-headed and re-
sisted the attempt to beat or screw intelligence into him.
When he got back to the Department, or to his house, and
was listened to, and schooled and drilled by Schenck,
Cook, Shanks, and others, he recounted to them what
had taken place at the White House, and it was in a few
moments repeated with exaggerations at the hotels and
in the papers. Grant was willing, probably intended, it
should be understood that he and the President differ.

ism THE AMNESTY PROCLAMATION 197

It is Grant's cunning; he has sly cunningi if but little
knowledge.

September 6. Most of the time of the Cabinet was taken
up with the subject of amnesty and pardon. The two forms
of proclamation were submitted and discussed. Seward's
was Improved by all, and no exception taken to the paper
which I presented, but it was more decisive and presented
certain impregnable points, which milder men would
rather avoid. The drafting of a proclamation is more
especially the province of the Secretary of State. I there-
fore presented a paper to the President at his own request,
as I suggested, for him to adopt or reject, in whole or in
part.

September 7, Saturday. Was at the President's this p.m.
Seward was about leaving. Colonel Moore, Private
Secretary, was transcribing the Proclamation, which the
President had remodeled, and Seward was criticizing.
Some of my suggestions were incorporated; some which
I think would have given it more character and popu-
larity were omitted. The subject of relieving from die'
fnmchisemerU was incorporated. It was one of the points
urged by me as important, before the Proclamation was
decided upon. In the document read to me this p.m.,
the subject of personal rights was omitted, while the rights
of property had received special attention. I mentioned
the omission, and the President thanked me, said im-
mimities were intended. In the discussion yesterday,
I noticed that the lawyers dwelt on the rights of property,
but gave little heed to the rights of persons.

I would in the proclamation have alluded to the report
of General Grant in December, 1865; would have brought
out the fact of Congressional amnesty which was on the
statute-book at the time the Rebels surrendered, and which
they received and we in good faith promised, though Con-
gress has since in bad faith repealed; would also have

198 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES mn.7

more pointedly and distinctly brought out the divine
attribute of mercy. But the document is the President's;
I had made my suggestions; he knows my views; I would
not urge them farther. Seward would not, of course,
favor them, for they had not occurred to him, and he
would not willingly admit that I should prompt or cor-
rect him in a matter which belongs peculiarly to the
Secretary of State. Further he prefers what he believQS
to be expedient to what he knows to be right.

September 9, Monday. The Proclamation is printed in
this morning's papers. Some modifications have been
made since Satmrday. There is a little obscurity, peiiiape,
on the subject of amnesty and pardon, of which the Rad-
icals will try to take advantage. I endeavored that this
difiiculty should be avoided. The President has the power
by the Constitution to grant pardons, but not amnesty.
In Great Britain, to whose laws and usages we look for
precedents, the King grants pardons to individuals, the
Parliament grants amnesty or general pardon to the masses.
Here no such distinction exists. The entire pardoning
power is with the Executive; none is conferred on Congress.
But that body of lawyers is so imbued with British law
and British precedent that it assimies for Congress the
powers of Parliament.

As regards amnesty, or oblivion, there is no such action
adapted to our government. Here we have no attainders,
forfeitiu'es of blood, successions to the crown, requiring
oblivion; hence it does not properly enter into our
system.

September 10, Tuesday. At the Cabinet-meeting some
discussion took place in regard to certain removals and
appointments necessary to be made, but any action that
may be taken brings the Executive and all concerned
within the penalties of the unconstitutional Tenure-of-
Office Bill. The Senate having refused to confirm, or to

18671 THE AMNESTY PROCLAMATION 199

act on certain appointments, the functions of the govern-
ment seem in those cases to be suspended.

The partisan, reckless, imauthorized legislation of the
last and present Ck>ngress is hurrying the country on to
anarchy. I was glad General Grant was present at the
discussion. It seemed to impress him in a degree with
the folly and wickedness of Congress.

September 11, Wednesday. The Radicals are full of sen-
sation and malignity over the "Amnesty" Proclamation.
They see in it incipient monstrosities, and the .leaders
declare that the President shall now certainly be im-
peached. He has pardoned Rebels, as he had the undoubted
right to do, and this will allow them to vote, which Con-
gress has no authority to prevent. General Butler is here.
I saw him at the War Department, but he avoided Gen-
eral Grant. General Banks has been here on the invitaticm
of Seward, who is very apt to get up little by-plays for
his own ends. In this instance he is posting Banks on the
purchase of the Danish islands.

September 12, Thursday. The New York World to-day
has a very ungenerous and in a political view I think
injudicious article, casting off President Johnson, for whose
acts, they claim, the Democrats are not responsible, de-
claring he is the Republican President, etc., — all for
party, nothing for country.

Such a course is calculated to and ought to injure any
party. The repelling principle is not a wise one for minor-
ities to act upon. The Democrats in New York and every-
where else should strive to recruit, and not drive off,
forces. But the New York Democratic leaders of these
days are small men with slight patriotism and have but
little sagacity. The election this fall may be carried in
spite of their folly, the good sense of the people is so shocked
with Radical misrule; but the policy and views of the
Democratic leaders, whose selfish anxiety for power and

200 DIART OF GIDEON WELLSS [sept.u

place is so peroeptible, may continue the Radicals in
power.

The President may not have been as discreet, wise, and
decisive in some respects as he should have been. He has
thrown away oi^)ortunitieSy neglected to strike at the
right time, often has omitted — strangely omitted — to
strike at all. Thus he injured himself and strengthened
his opponents.

I met to-day, as I was going to the Treasury, several
Pennsylvanians, — Packer, Campbell, Judge Patterson,
etc. lliese nien, McCulloch informs me, came to Washing-
ton expressly to see the President, had waited two or three
hours in the ante-chambers, had seen a number *of littie,
busy, partisan letter-writers admitted, and finally left in
disgust, but he, McC., had persuaded them to return.
McCulloch besought me to stop and see the President and
procure them an interview. This I did without any in-
quiry into the object of their mission. They are men who
should be treated with consideration and respect. The
President remarked, when I spoke to him, that he had
sent out for them, but was told they had left; that per-
sons must have their time, etc. These are, however, men
entitled to consideration, who should not be postponed
for letter-writers and newspaper correspondents.

September 13, Friday. General Grant was not at the
Cabinet-meeting. Stanbery was present, — the first time
in some six weeks. Very little was done; the session was
brief.

September 14, Saturday. The New York Herald and
some other papers have Washington letters stating the
design of the President to prorogue Congress, etc., in case
that body undertakes to proceed with impeachment. I
think from certain indications that the writers of those
letters had some authority for their statements. I there-
fore made it a point to call attention to the Herald^ 9

1867] ANNIVERSARY OF ANTIETAM 201

letter, after concluding a little matter of business. The
President said, with a laugh, he had seen the letter and
there were some good points in it. I spoke of the proroga-
tion. He remarked it was difficult to tell what might take
place.

September 18, Wednesday. Went yesterday, the 17th,
with the President and others to the battle-field of An-
tietam, it being the anniversary of that battle, fou^t five
years ago. It was an interesting time, and we had a
pleasant miscellaneous company, of politicians and mili-
tary,— the latter much given to politics, — foreign
legations, etc.

Not having been absent from the District for a year,
excepting the single occasion of going over to Annapolis,
part of a day, on an official visit, and never having passed
over any part of the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad west
of the Relay House, and never having visited any battle-
groimd east of the James River, I very willingly accepted
the invitation to be present. The route up the Potomac
is not interesting. At the Point of Rocks, where the canal
and railroad crowd in under the ledges upon the river,
there is local interest, — ^the naked stone piers which stand
as monuments of the Rebellion, the wooden superstruc-
tures having been burnt, are there.

The Monocacy battle-field, of which we once heard so
much, and other points still have evidence of the ravages
of the War.

We reached Keedysville, where we left the cars, soon
after noon. At the time it began to rain, which continued
tmtil we nearly reached the place selected for the occasion.
This was on one of the highest Antietam hills, the place
where Lee had his headquarters during the battle.

As the papers contain the proceedings, no record is nec-
essary here. There was a large gathering of well-behaved
and well-appearing people, who listened attentively to
the proceedings. After the close of the oration of Governor

202 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 18

Bradford,^ a loud and evidently preconcerted and pre-
arranged cry went up for "Geary, Geary," from fifty
or a hundred voices. Governor Swann, the President of
the Day, attempted to be heard so far as to assure them
that when the programme was completed, Governor
Geary * and other men should have an opportunity to
address them. But this did not satisfy the rude, ill-
mannered fellows who had accompanied Geary from Penn-
sylvania for the purpose of making a Radical demonstra-
tion. As Geary sat near me, I saw that he was by no
means dissatisfied with this disgraceful scheme to interrupt
proceedings, but that he well understood and approved
the row. At length he stepped forward, and informed
his boisterous followers that he and others would address
them when the ^'programmatical^' order was completed.

We left as soon as the ^^programmaHcaV proceedings
closed, and, being delayed in getting the cars started,
which were detained for those engaged in the party har-
angues, we did not get home until nearly two o'clock in the
morning.

The Governors of Maine, Connecticut, New York, New
Jersey, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, and Maryland were
present. With the exception of English' and Swann, these
are Radicals, and some of them small, very small, party
politicians. Geary was on the ground with party designs
and made a Radical partisan's speech in a national grave-
yard. Fenton,* slow, deliberate, aflfected, and light in
mental calibre, was far more decent in his bearing.

He, Fenton, called on me to-day and was quite civil
and patronizingly condescending; wanted to patronize me
by asking an office for one of his stafif. Governor Englishi
with Ingersoll, Adjutant-General, and one of his staff,
called. He has no confidence in Postmaster-General

1 Augustus W. Bradford, the War Governor of Maryland. He was
succeeded by Thomas Swann, 1865-67.

* Of Pennsylvania. He was a brigsulier-generalof volunteers in the War.

* The Governor of Connecticut.

* Governor Reuben E. Fenton of New York.

1W7] DEATH OF SIR FREDERICK BRUCE 203

Randall, and would be glad to have Seward a permanent
resident in Auburn. Rejoices in Stanton's removal, but
would be particularly pleased if Randall were also removed.

September 19, Thursday. Sir Frederick W. A. Bruce, the
British Minister, died this a.m. in Boston, of diphtheria, or
something else. A fortnight since, I saw him in apparently
full and vigorous health. He told me he was going to take a
little run for relaxation, and quietly urged it upon me also
as a necessity. It was the last time I saw him. He claims
to be a relative, perhaps a descendant, of the Bruce. Was
a pleasant, fine-appearing man of popular manners. A
much more sprightly and affable man than Lord Lyons, his
predecessor, but of less mental strength.

September 20, Friday. Weather has been excessively
warm the last two days. Many persons in town. The
approaching elections excite much interest. There are
vague and indefinite rumors of changes. Blair informs me
that the President has invited Bogy ^ here from St. Louis
for consultation. I think it singular. Bogy was rejected by
the Senate last winter or spring as Indian Commissioner, —
a position which he filled very creditably. He is earnest
and apparently sincere, — not always judicious and dis-
criminating, nor does he always read men and movements
correctly. He tells Blair that the President assiures him he
intends to remove Seward, McCuUoch, and Randall; in-
timates that he shall perhaps make Horatio Seymour Secre-
tary of State. This is, or would be, a strange movement, —
a specimen of New York partyism which is about played
out. Blair is probably ri^t in imputing the intrigue to
Seward. I trace it to Weed, but the two go together, and
the present great object of the master spirit. Weed, is to
defeat the New York Democrats. The movement would
injure the President, and it would assist the Radicals. I
can hardly believe he will commit so grave a mistake.

^ Lewis V. Bogy, afterwards a Democratic Senator from MiaBOorL ,

204 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES (sept.m

In view of this information, I remained after the others
left the Cabinet-meeting, and in a desultory conversation
cautioned the President against the intrigues of Weed, who
I assured him was laboring to defeat the Democrats in New
York, regardless of any effect it might have on the Admin-
istration. He said Weed would get nothing farther here.
Thought Wakeman ought to be removed. I reminded him
that Weed and Seward were one. I reminded him that
Kilpatrick was still holding two oflSces, — Minister to
Chili and a commission in the regular Army. At all events
I had never heard that he had relinquished either place,
though I had understood it had been ordered. He said that
should be done, — should not pass the next Cabinet-meet-
ing.

I told Blair that I questioned the expediency of remov-
ing McCulloch, which some were urging; that I could not
only advise, but should object, if I was allowed to know be-
fore a movement was made or attempted. Blair says Mc-
Culloch has fallen under Seward's influence. I should not
be surprised if that were so, to some extent, yet I cannot
think it very great. He feels it necessary to carry on his
Department, and is glad of help from any quarter. McCul-
loch may be imposed upon, — the victim of Seward's and
Weed's New York superfine party management, — but if
so, it is because he does not understand the intrigues and
their object. Blair says Bogy told him the President did
not express himself satisfied with any of his Cabinet but
me, but that he complimented me.

I yesterday dined at the President's with General
Hancock and General Mitchell, his Chief of Staff, Jere
Black, and Colonel Cooper ^ of Tennessee. General H.
talks very well, and I hope will act sensibly in Louisiana.
The Radicals are a little disconcerted on account of his be-
ing here when they wish to make a partisan demonstration
for Sheridan, whom Hancock supersedes. At the theatre

^ Edmund Ck)op6r, who represented a Tennessee district in the Thirty-
ninth Congreas.

■ -JU.-_

1887] JEREMIAH S. BLACH 205

on Saturday evening the audience cheered Hancocki while
Sickles and Forney were in an adjoining box unbeknown to
H. General Mitchell is a Mifflin County, Pennsylvaniai
boyi known to our relations there.

Jere Black is spending much time with the President of
late. He was Buchanan's Attorney-General, and Secretary
of State after Cass resigned. He has legal ability and is a
politician of more than ordinary power, but I distrust that
class of politicians who really promoted rebellion when
they declared themselves paralyzed and unable to coerce
a State. I do not consider him a good and sound adviser
for the President, and am sorry that he is so much coiv*
suited and deferred to, when there are sound and good men
outside of the Cabinet — if he is driven there — whom he
might consult. I shall not be surprised if there are some
changes of an important character in contemplation and
strong measures taken. The President, I know, has such
intentions, but he hesitates, — delays executing his good
intentions. Whether Black's advice will be judicious if it is
sought, is questionable, yet he has a good deal of sagacity
and shrewdness.

Colonel Cooper was a member of the last Congress, but
was defeated by the negro vote in the recent election.
He thinks Brownlow will be elected to the Senate, and
both he and Patterson ^ think him, with all his coarse
roughness, a better and honester man than Maynard and
Stokes.*

Senator Thomas • of Maryland and ex-Mayor Berrett *
made a formal call to-day in behalf of ex-Paymaster Bel-
knap, who was dismissed, or went out of the service, several
years since as a defaulter. There was a myBterious robbery

, 1 David T. Patterson, one of the Senators from Tennessee.
* Horace Maynard and William B. Stokes, Representatives from Ten-

* Philip Francis Thomas was at the time Senator-elect from Marvland,
but in the following February he was refused a seat on the ground of hay-
ing given aid and comfort to the Rebellion."
_ « J. G. Berrett, Mayor of Washington, 185S-^. k

206 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept.*)

of some hundred and thirty thousand dollars in the Brook-
13m Navy Yard, when he was Paymaster of the Yard, for
which he could not account, and after some two years or
more . . . he was dismissed, having in the mean time, through
the influence and activity of powerful friends, had oppor-
tunity to go before Congress. A few months since. Marshal
Murray and a Treasury detective brought a parcel of
thieves and burglars here, who, they said, confessed them-
selves to be the robbers. But as the case was outlawed by
lapse of time, no pimishment could be inflicted on the
wretches if actually guilty, which is questionable, to say
the least, and as they had no characters, their acknow-
ledgments I consider unreliable and unworthy of credit.
In bringing up the case to-day, Mr. Berrett said one rea-
son for the delay in pressing the subject before Congress
was the difiiculty which he experienced in getting the act
of March 2, 1865, through Congress. This act says, if an
officer is dismissed by the President, he may demand a court
martial, and if not granted within six months, he shall be
reinstated. I asked if Belknap procured that law to be
passed, and he said he with others did. "Then," said I,
**he expected after leaving the service that a court martial
could reappoint him. The Constitution gives all appoint-
ments to the President and Senate, but Congress may by
law give inferior appointments to the President alone,
heads of Departments, or judges. It does not confer this
authority on courts martial, and as Belknap is out, and
has been out for several years, I am not prepared to say
that he is restored because there has been no court martial
in his case." Senator Thomas said this was a new view of
the case, and the two left, Berrett saying the case should
be submitted.

September 24, Tuesday. At the Cabinet-meeting Seward
proposed that it should be understood that we had no
more ironclad or naval vessels to sell. He said the Turks
were making application and it would be annoying. I said

18671 SALE OF IRONCLADS DISCUSSED 207

more annoying to me than any one else, for the Greeks
were also applying. The Gredc Minister has called on me;
wanted to get the small ironclads for about three hundred
thousand dollars, and wished credit for one half until May
next; perhaps longer. I told him to put his proposition in
writing and I would give a written answer. One thing he
might imderstand at once, — that we could sell no vessel
elsewhere than in the United States.

McCulloch thought it not advisable to refuse to sell any
of our vessels, particularly ironclads. I said we might sell
and ought to sell if we had an unobjectionable purchaser,
but that we were not in the market. I so said to the Ger-
man Minister. The truth is they are expensive to keep and
will soon go to waste imemployed on our hands.

General Grant presented the case of General SickleSi
who asked a court of inquiry. Some discussion followed.
Stanbery seems not to understand these matters. Grant
thought an officer could demand a court of inquiry. I
queried whether he could have one unless the President
deemed it advisable. In this instance the court was asked,
not for military, but civil reasons. General Sickles dis-
liked the views of a civil officer of the Government, and
disliked the act of the President detaching him. For these
reasons he wanted a court of inquiry, — in other words,
wanted to try the President and Attorney-General for
disapproving his conduct.

The President suggested that the elections in the pro-
scribed States should be upon the same day. Grant inter-
posed difficulties. Some of the States had closed registra-
tion, fixed the day of election, -and could not well go over
the process. Thought it would cause difficulty. I perceived
that he and the President had conferred on the subjecti
and I also perceived that others had had some conference
with him.

I went to a party at General Grant's this evening, given
in honor of the generals now here. There was quite an
attendance of army officers and others, and also of most

208 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES isbpt.m

of the Cabinet. I went early and left early, — as soon as
I could see Sheridan and Sickles. If Hancock came, it
was after I left.

September 25, Wednesday. Had a long interview with
Rear-Admiral Godon, who gave me at great length his
troubles with our Ministers in South America, particu-
larly with General Webb.^

Mr. Roselius of New Orleans called on me this evening.
Deplores the condition of afifairs in Louisiana and through
the whole South; is ready to submit to any government
that will give security to person and property. This will
become the general cry and petition there and elsewhere if
the mad partyismof the Radicals is not checked, as I trust it
will be. There are indications that the sense and reason of
the people are moving in the Northern States, I trust in the
right direction, but partyism is stronger than patriotism.
The extreme Etemocrats seem to consider their obligations
to party greater than to their country. In this respect they
are surely better than the Radicals, who are partisan in the
extreme. The Democrats do not, however, in all their
excitement, ignore or trample on the Constitution, as the
Radicals do, in order to attain party ends.

Received a telegram from Commodore Selfridge, asking
that instructions be sent District Attorney in relation to
refusal to submit to habeas corpus in State court, or to be
arrested for such refusal. There has been a diflBculty aris-
ing for some time past in relation to enlistments, — vari-
ous contrivances to withdraw the enlisted party from the
custody of the United States Government and Courts.
There are, I believe, two or three naval cases and one
army case pending, the latter being first to be tried. Com-
modore Smith came to me a few days ago with a telegram
from Selfridge, asking what should be done when the writ
was served, supposing it related to one of the recruits on

^ James Watson Webb, New York journalist, Minister to Brazil, from
1861 to 1869.

mn A HABEAS CORPUS CASE 200

the receiving ship. There are many whom a ring of petti-
foggers are constantly striving to retain after they have
drawn advanced pay. I said he must not let the oflBicer
come on board to serve the writ. Faxon, who was present)
said, ' ' Resist him by armed force.'' I told the Commodore
to call on the legal oflBioer, who had charge of these matters
and would advise him how to proceed; that we had written
to the District Attorney some months since, anticipating
this trouble, but had received no answer; that he seined
timid, afraid to meet the case, or did not know how to act.
This telegram shows that the trouble has commenced.
The question whether the State or municipal courts can
interpose and discharge men enlisted in the United States
service should be settled, and if I had confidence in the
energy and ability of the District Attorney at Philadelphia,
I woidd as soon have it disposed of now as ever. Were the
Attorney-General a firm, decided man, less a technical
lawyer and more of a statesman, so as to instruct and
inspire Gilpin, I should feel more assured.

September 26, Thursday. Pl^esented Admiral and Mrs.
Godon to the Resident this morning, and took a long ride
with them this evening. The Philadelphia papers this
morning have a report of the proceedings before Judge
Pierce] in the habeas corpus case, George Gormel, all of
which was discreet and proper, save the coarse and vulgar
speech of Mann, the District Attorney. A dispatch from
Selfridge also asks instruction. My first thought was to
send a letter of instructions to Commodore S., but when
it was prepared, I thought it better to submit it to the
Attorney-General and get his opinion whether it was
proper and correct, and also get from him an opinion con-
cerning the case, — whether a body of troops on the march
or a naval vessel getting xmder weigh could be stopped by
a local mimicipal judge. I had very little confidence that
I should procure anything definite or satisfactory, and was
therefore not disappointed when he began to express doubts

210 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 26

and to hesitate. ''It is a great writ, Mr. Secretary/' he
repeated half a dozen times at least. I did not controvert
this, but told him this was a great country, that we were
a great people, and the naval service itself was something;
perhaps all could be checked and thrown out of gear by a
person holding oflBice under a different jurisdiction than that
of the United States. I called his attention to the Booth
case in Wisconsin, where the Supreme Court said the
marshal should not give up a prisoner who was in the cus-
tody of the United States. Referred him to Judge Holt's
book. After reading twice the article on habeas carpus^ he
looked more wise and unbent a little, — inquired about the
case. Who sued out the writ? Was he accused of crime?
He must know the particulars. I told him that it did not
seem to me necessary, — no particular case was the sub-
ject of my inquiry. The question is, can the Gk)vemment
— can the United States — be impleaded? Can a State court
require the United States to show cause why it has a per-
son in custody, — inquire into the validity of an enlist-
ment? In answer to his question, however, I stated I sup-
posed the writ was sued out in this instance by the father
of the enlisted man. ''Yes, this is a great writ, Mr. Secre-
tary, a great writ. If he were a murderer, or criminal, the
State would demand him." "That," said I, "is not denied
or questioned; he is neither. But if the writ can be sued
out in this way, great public injury may follow. A vessel
on the point of sailing — going, perhaps, on an important
errand for the Government, one affecting peace or war —
may in this way be stopped by factious parties and de-
tained for days and weeks. The Government is powerless,
if it has not the control of its enlisted men. Such an abuse
is not to be thought of."

After rubbing his face and hands, looking up, and then
at the fire, he said the question was important, required
time. I said that was not allowable, for. the judge had
delayed the matter only until the 28th, Saturday, and
I wished to answer Conmiodore Self ridge to-day, and

18671 COLLISION AT NASHVILLE FEARED 211

I desired the District Attorney, or his assistant, Mr. Valen-
tine, who appeared to manage the case, might be advised.
He then asked for the proceedings, — the steps which
have been taken, — and I told him I would send over the
correspondence and some suggestions. He desired I would
do so and said he would give the subject prompt attention.
On getting the correspondence from the Bureau, I find
it pretty taut, — a little more belligerent in some respects
than it would have been had it been submitted to me,
— but Commodore Smith says his letter of instruction
was obtained from the War Department. In so important
a matter I should really have been more consulted, as
things turn out. It is imfortunate that he went only to
the Solicitor or Judge- Advocate of the War Department.
The truth is none of these telegrams and orders have been
submitted to me until the conflict came on, except in the
single instance when I referred Commodore Smith to the
law office for advice as to the usual form and course of
proceedings in similar cases.

September 27, Friday. The apprehensions of a collision
at Nashville was the principal topic of discussion in the
Cabinet. The municipal authorities claim the right of
conducting the election imder their charter, which has not
been altered. Brownlow, the Governor, insists they shall
not, but that negroes and others shall vote and that the polls
shall be opened and conducted by his instruments. He has
called out the militia to enforce his plan. The city author-
ities have organized an armed police to maintain their
rights.

The President directed General Grant to order General
Thomas with regulars to Nashville that he might assist
in preserving the peace. General Grant read to-day the
correspondence between himself and Thomas, which will
probably result in giving the whole question to Brownlow.
The regulars are not to interfere, and probably could not,
except upon application of the Governor, and he will not

212 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 27

make that application if he can succeed without. If he can-
not succeed, then he will take the necessary steps to call
General Thomas and the United States troops to his aid,
if the President, to whom B. dislikes to appeal, will permit.
Thomas inclines to the Radicals; at the beginning of the
Rebellion he inclined to the Secessionists. These people,
the Radicals, will not regard the rights of Nashville if they
conflict with the negro.

I brought up the subject of a conflict of authorities at
Philadelphia, and remarked that I had placed the subject
in the hands of the Attorney-General, who would, perhaps,
state the case.

With a wave of the hand and a shake of his head he said
yes, I had called on him, but had not fully informed him as
to the particulars, and until he had all the circumstances
he would not undertake to give an opinion. The writ of
habeas corpus is a great writ, and there was but one course
that he was aware of, when it was sued out, and that was
to produce the body.

''What," said I, "if the judge or court has no jurisdic-
tion?" "But," said he, "the court has jurisdiction; the
body must be produced in all cases." I replied this was
not done, and could not be done without bringing the
Federal authority into contempt, and discouraging and
demoralizing the service.

"What," said he, "ii the habeas corpTis is for a murderer? "
"Then," said I, "the man would be given up to be tried,
and so would any man charged with crime without the
habeas corpus. When, however, there is no crime, but a
question of the validity of an enlistment, I apprehend a
local State judge cannot interfere. The United States are
not servable, and if not servable, how are enlisted men to
be brought before a Pennsylvania judge, for him to decide
whether the contract is proper and acceptable?"

General Grant remarked that this question had given
the Army great trouble, but he believed the question was
pretty well settled, though there was just now a little fuss

ISCTI THE HABEAS CORPUS QUESTION 213

in Philadelphia with one of their oflSoers. It would not do,
however, to have petty courts setting the soldier free.

"But," said Stanbery, ''they must reply to the writ of
habeas corpus and produce the man/' Grant said he
thought the Army was not doing this to the State judges.

Seward told Stanbery he did not believe he could get off
from this question without investigating it; that the writ
was a great one, but great questions were involved which
could not be set aside by mere remarks that the body must
be produced. McCulloch, Randall, and Otto,* all main-
tained that they thought the Federal authority should be
maintained.

Finding himself sustained by none and that the ques-
tion was not to be evaded, the Attorney-General said he
was willing to look into it, but he must have time. He
wanted to know all the facts and circumstances, and
wished I would let him have them. I told him it had never
appeared to me necessary to travel over the details of any
particular case. We wanted a principle settled. The ques-
tion is, Can the United States be sued in the State courts?
Will the habeas corpus lie against an ofiScer acting under
orders, who returns that the prisoner or person is in his
custody by authority of the United States? I had given
him the respectful answer of Commodore Selfridge to the
writ, and had also sent him the correspondence. He said
he had not seen this; his clerk having lost a child, his
papers were behindhand.

I remarked that the case was adjourned until to-morrow
and Commodore Selfridge was expecting and entitled to in-
structions. He wished me to inform the Commodore that he
was investigating the case and would give an answer at the
earliest moment possible. I declined ; told him that would
not be satisfactory ; that, the case having been put in his
hands, it was for him to make that application or request.
He hesitated, — demurred a little. I told him I would,
if he wished, forward it; that he might address a line to me,

^ William T. Otto, Aasbtant Secretary of the Interior.

214 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES isept.27

expressing his wish for time, and I would send that. He
assented and wrote the note. *'What," said I, "if this is
unavailing, and the judge refuses, as I think likely he will,
to postpone? " He said he oould not, in that event, advise.
''But," said I, ''I must, — advise and dissent."

September 28, Saturday. I called on the Attorney-Gen-
eral tolerably early and found him and his clerk busy hunt-
ing up authorities for the habeas corpiis case at Philadelphia.
We had pretty earnest talk on two or three points. Like
all lawyers, he is stuffed full of English law and English
precedents, and most of his books were English authorities.
He read to me from several voliunes regarding the writ.
I told him I was not ignorant of its importance, especially
in England at an earlier period than the present, and that
it was not without value in these days and in our own
country, but was now and here perhaps overestimated.

''This case," said I, "could not come up in this form in
England, to which country you are so intently looking for
authorities, for they have not, like us, two sovereignties.
Here there are two jurisdictions, and the lesser assumes to
pass judgment on the superior in a matter affecting the
latter. Commodore Selfridge, under direction from the
Navy Department of the United States, and, for that mat-
ter, under the President himself, denies jurisdiction, has
returned a respectful answer to the writ, and his action is
to be approved or disapproved. If his return is imperfect,
let us perfect it ; if in error, let us put him right ; but I deny
the jurisdiction of the quarter-session court of Philadelphia
to pass judgment on the United States."

He admitted the correctness of my suggestions; said he
had thought of most of them himself, but we must, just
at this time, move very cautiously. Our opponents were
charging us with taking too much power now. I told him
that he and I knew how false and groundless these charges
were. The error had been in the opposite dh-ection. "lam
a State-Rights man, and I am also for Federal rights. The

18671 STANBERY ON HABEAS CORPUS 215

authority conferred by the Constitution on the Federal
Government I shall assert and maintain as sacredly and
inviolably as the rights of the States which are reserved.
But the error of this Administration has been that it has
dwarfed, belittled itself, — failed to exercise the authority
conferred by the Constitution on the executive depart-
ment. We have been passive and shrinking, — have not
maintained the national rights and authority intrusted to
us by the Constitution. It is not for me to say who have
been advisers of this policy, or who have opposed it. I, as
a Federal oflScer, support without transcending Federal
authority. In the matter now before us, my Department
is involved, and I have thus far sustained, and so far as
I have a view I intend to sustain, the authority of the
Department and the Government against encroachment.
I deny the jurisdiction of the State courts. I deny that the
United States are suable in those courts, and the time
must come when the Administration must declare and
maintain its authority. On you, Mr. Attorney-General,
much depends."

He answered me that he should thoroughly look into
this question, and believed he should give an opinion that
would be satisfactory to me. '^ Biit the fact is, in this great
writ one thing is always and forever essential, — the
person must be produced in court. He may be at once
discharged by Judge Pierce, and that would end the
controversy."

''Suppose he is not discharged," said I, ''what then?"

"Ah I well, that to be sure; then we should have to carry
the case up," said he.

"Has Judge Pierce any business with this case?" I
asked. "Can he try it? Was it not his duty, when applica-
tion was made to him, to have said to the parties he had
no jurisdiction, — that they must go to the United States
judge?"

Without answering my question, he said, "Supposing
Commodore Self ridge had seized a citizen of Philadelphia

216 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [8eft.28

and confined him in the Yard, — a person who had not
enlisted, — could not Judge Pierce grant a writ of habeas
carpu8 for the production of that citizen? ''

''Most certainly he could/' said I, ''but that is not the
present question."

"Then/' said he, "supposing Commodore Selfridge had
returned that the man was enlisted, when he was not en-
listed?"

" In that event, Selfridge himself would have been liable.
It would have been a wrong of T. 0. Selfridge individually,
— not the Commodore ofl&cially, — for which he would have
been personally responsible. He would in such case be no
more acting for the United States than if he had stolen
the man's watch and denied the theft."

These are some of the points which passed between us,
and I think the discussion had a beneficial effect. The
Attorney-General started wrong; he intended to have put
aside the great question; he is a little professionally con-
ceited, but means to do right, — is a little annoyed when
I raise points, or controvert his positions, as I sometimes
do. Often, without arguing the question, he resorts to
technicalities, subtleties of the law, pleadings, etc., as if
great truths can be hidden or disposed of by such means.
He really injures himself by these devices, — I will not
say tricks, — the lawyer rather than the statesman ap-
pears at such times. His habeas carpus ideas are purely
English, not American. But the structure of the two
governments are different, — one central, the other federal.
It will be a little mortifying to him to come over entirely
on to my groimd, and I ought not, perhaps, to expect it;
but I think his views on the subject of habeas corpus have
been modified, and as he has a good deal of ability, with
his pedantry, I hope he will give us a fair opinion.

September 30, Monday. Admiral Godon and wife dined
with me yesterday. They have been some days in W.,
have driven out with me, etc., etc. Godon tells me some

1867] ADMIRAL GODON ON PORT ROYAL 217

facts in relation to Du Pont of which I had not previously
been informed. They had been intimate and particular
friends, but Du Pont evinced the little jealousy which was
one of the banes of his life. At Port Royal, Godon placed
his vessel, the Mohican, in a position where she en-
filaded the Rebel batteries and literally drove them from
thdir guns. Du Pont, instead of thanking, he says, in-
sulted him for it. The attack by sailing in a circle was,
Godon says, not part of the original plan but an expedient,
an afterthought, when it was foimd more convenient to
move from under fire than to remain. This movement was
made by Stringham at Hatteras, and I have no doubt
that steam vessels, which can be always in motion, prompted
the idea. Little credit is due any officer for originating
what would have been a culpable piece of stupidity to have
omitted.

I called on the President and showed some of the au-
thorities and stated some of my reasons in the Philadel-
phia habeas carpus cases. He appeared to enter into my
views, and I am in hopes will encourage Stanbery in the
right way.

The court at Philadelphia postponed the hearing until
next Saturday, in order to give the Attorney-General an
opportunity to investigate the case. Mr. Courteney, Dis-
trict Attorney at New York, has written a pretty smart
letter in reply to Mr. Mann, the Philadelphia lawyer in
this case, a copy of which he sent me.

LIII

Attorney-General Stanbery reads his Opinion on the Habeas Corpus Case
— llie President calls General Sherman to Washington — Colond
Cooper on the Political Situation in New York State — A Sketch of
Party Politics in New York — James A. Seddon's Application for Par-
don — Governor Cox of Ohio mentioned for the War Portfolio — Gen-
eral Blair's Qualifications for the Position — Sherman's Relations with
Grant — Election Returns from Pennsylvania and Ohio indicate an
Overthrow of the Radicals — The President has a Frank Talk with
Grant, who assures him he should expect to obey Orders — BoutweU
disavows any Intention of attempting to arrest the President.

October 1, Tuesday. Full attendance at Cabinet. Judge
Otto appeared for Browning, who is still at the Virginia
Springs.

Some appointments being under consideration, there
was little inclination to move in them by reason of the
Tenure-of-Office Bill.

I had a talk with Stanbery on the habeas corjms case.
He is still hesitating and uncertain. Thinks the body
must be produced in court, even if the coiuli has no juris-
diction. Is overwhelmed with English law and English
precedents, though our system of general and State gov-
ernments is fundamentally different from theirs, and con-
sequently a different rule must prevail. I have reverence
for the privileges of the writ of habeas corpus and am for
the sacred observance of the rights reserved to the States,
but I am also for maintaining Federal rights and Federal
authority unimpaired. There are difficulties in this case,
— an apparent conflict of jurisdiction.

It would have been well to have made a specific con-
cession in the Constitution that the habeas corpus should
not be issued by State authorities to persons in the mili-
tary or naval service of the United States. But this was
not done, and it is now a question to be met, and I assume

18671 STANBERY ON HABEAS CORPUS 219

that it is incidental and essential to the sovereignty of
the Federal Government that it should have full and ab-
solute control over the military and naval forces; that
there would not be that full power, if the local State and
municipal judges can interpose and decide on the validity
of enlistments and set soldiers and sailors at liberty.
Demoralization and weakness would follow from such a
state of things. A person in the service who claims that
he is improperly detained is not without remedy. The
courts of the United States are open to him and to his
friends. They have undoubted jurisdiction, and they
alone. These are my conclusions, and I think without
prejudice.

At this time, when the Radicals are breaking down all
constitutional barriers, — confoundmg and ignoring aU
rights. State, Federal, Departmental, and individual, —
it is the duty of those who are in position to be cautious
but courageous, to abstain from assiunptions, but to fear-
lessly assert the powers with which they are invested.

Congress is disposed to usurp all the powers of govern-
ment, and take into its own hands not only the making
but the execution of the laws, — to adjudicate and carry
into efifect its judgments. The President has passively
submitted to have the executive department step by step
encroached upon and crippled. Concession and submis-
sion have been advised, imtil the Government is a mass
of weakness, losing its character. If Stanbery fails me,
I shall have none to stand by me in the Administration^
Sam Randall and some of the politicians have been here,
fearing a decided course may affect the elections. The
case is a Radical trick.

October 4, Friday. The Attorney-General to-day read
his opinion, prepared with much labor and at great
length, on the habeas corpus case. I was not disappointed,
though somewhat annoyed, with his conclusions, — that
the prisoner or enlisted man must be produced in court

220 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct.4

and that the Commodore must not resist the decree if
the prisoner is discharged, that the local court has juris-
diction, etc. [He said that] if discharged, he, the Attor-
ney-General, should instruct the District Attorney to
carry the case to the Supreme Court.

I inquired why he would carry it there, if the local
courts had jurisdiction; and if their decision was not final.
And I aaked how he was to get the case before the Supreme
Court? He replied that he had not much doubt that G.
would be retained and remanded to custody, but if not,
he should have no difficulty in getting the case to the
Supreme Court, though he knew not the precise features
of Pennsylvania law. He went on to say, in answer to my
former inquiries and remarks, that it was time this ques-
tion should be settled by the highest judicial tribunal,
because, if the local courts could interfere in military and
naval cases, some immediate legislation would be neces-
sary.

I asked if Congress could legislate away a constitu-
tional power. The local courts either have or they have
not the right to issue this writ calling for the production
of enlisted persons. If they have this right under the
Constitution, Congress cannot deprive them of it; if they
have not this right, I cannot see how they can demand
the production of this person.

Without meeting the points, he went off into a disserta-
tion on the distinction between the custody of a prisoner
under judgment of a court and custody under an enlist-
ment in the Army and Navy.

I asked if an enlistment was not a contract to which
the United States is a party. He admitted such was the
fact. I then inquired whether the United States was
suable. He said no, but a judge in Pennsylvania had,
under the laws of that State and under the habeas corpus
provision, authority to demand the production of the
person enlisted, until Congress passed laws prohibiting
State interferences.

isw] SHERMAN CALLED TO WASHINGTON 221

Seward and Randall each thought there should be kn-
mediate legislation since hearing this opinion.

The Attorney-General produced a telegram which he had
prepared for me to sign to Commodore Self ridge.

The President remarked, if this, which was the first
business of Cabinet, was disposed of, we would proceed
to other matters.

I was sorry that so important a question should have
passed off without a more full and general discussion,
and expression of opinion by others. Important principles
are involved which should not be thus lightly disposed of »
The liberty of the citizen, and the rights of the Federal
and State Governments are involved, but no disposition
was evinced to defend, discuss, or touch them. Th^^
was no favoring response to the Attorney-General, whose
argument, I thought from his single reading and from
what passed between us, is narrow, without original
thought, power, or grasp, — a skulking from the real
question under the precedents of local courts. That Mr.
Stanbery is a lawyer of acquirements and ability may be
admitted, while denying him the higher and nobler qual-
ities of a statesman. He is, moreover, timid and shrinks
responsibility.

Colonel Cooper informs me that he is to remain in
Washington as a companion and friend to the President,
It is well. The President needs such a friend, and it is to
be regretted, if Cooper is such, he was not invited earlier.
I fear it is now too late, and so told Colonel Cooper.

He says General Sherman has been called to Washing-
ton by the President and will be here by Simday next.
Both the President and he think Sherman may influence
Grant by reason of their intimacy. There is no doubt
that Sherman has more general intelligence and know-
ledge of the government than Grant, but he is sometimes
erratic and uncertain, whilst Grant is prejudiced, aspiring,
reticent, cunning, and stolidly obstinate in his ignorance.
The two men will work well and advantageously together

222 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [ocr.i

when they agree, but when they differ, the stubborn will
and selfishness of Grant will overpower the yielding genius
and generous impulses of Sherman. These are my views of
the two men, and I so told Colonel C. That Sherman
has a mortal antipathy to Stanton and is really in sym-
pathy with the President, I can well suppose, but when
he associates with Grant, I apprehend from what I have
seen and imderstood he will be powerless. Had he been
here for the last fifteen months, his influence upon Grant,
who is subordinated by Stanton, whom he dislikes, mi^^t
have been salutary. He can now do but little-
October 7, Monday. The opinion of the Attorney-Gen-
eral in the habeas coT'pus case does not appear to have
been welcomed by any portion of the commimity thus far.
It haa not, however, been much criticized, but has been
received indifferently, without comment or respect. On
reading it, my impressions of Friday are confirmed. It is
a mere lawyer's brief, not a statesman's views. He and
I have had the misfortune to differ several times on funda-
mental questions, and this fact may have had its influence
upon him.

Colonel Cooper called again to-day. He has seen G^i-
eral Sherman, and so has the President. Colonel C. says
S. feels and talks well, but the suggestion that I made that,
in any difference between the President and Grant, Sher-
man would yield and go with the latter impresses him
strongly, and he so said to the President. Though natur-
ally sanguine and hopeful, C. is a good deal despondent.
Says the elections to-morrow will decide the matter.
What he meant by this I could not comprehend, and so
said to him. To me it is uncertain how the Radicals will be
affected, whichever way the elections may terminate.

If the Radicals are defeated, they may feel discouraged
and change their tactics, or they may be more vindictive
and spiteful than ever. If they are successful, they may
be content to let what they deem well enough alone, or

iSfiTj TALE WITH COLONEL COOPER 223

they may recklessly push on their usurpations and assaults
upon the President still farther. What then, I asked C,
could the elections of to-morrow decide? He admitted
it was difficult to tell what would be Radical action in
either event; but there was evidently something which
had been discussed which he did not diisclose.

In our conversation on Friday^ he expressed his great
disappointment over the condition of things in New York.
He has just been there and mixed in' freely with their lead-
ing men. Saw Tilden, who showed him my letter. Tilden
talked well, but the tendency was to maintain a New York
party organization and to cut clear of the Administra-
tion. It is a party, not a patriotic, scheme, and will fail.
Tilden's partyism is weakness and does not surprise me
so much as it does Cooper. The President is too much
identified with Seward, has been too much advised by
him, to gain the affections or even the good will of the
New York Democrats. There was intentional rebuke of
the President by the managing New York Democrats —
Seymour, Tilden, etc. — in omitting the Presideut's
name in their late State Convention, or any allusion
to him. In this they were ungenerous and committed a
mistake which they may regret. Their selfish ambition
is overleaping itself.

The political organizations of New York from the foim-
dation of the government have had an important influence
on public affairs in that State and the country. Hamilton
and Burr, in the early days of the Republic, were antagon-
istic and shaped parties. The break-up and dissolution
of old parties, which began in that State in 1812 imder the
lead of DeWitt Clinton, who became a candidate for the
Presidency against Mr. Madison, was completed twelve
years later at the close of the Monroe Administration.
Adams, Crawford, Jackson, Clay, and Calhoim were op-
posing candidates in that election. Crawford was the can-
didate of the large fragment of Republicans who adhered
to the Republican organization, but Adams was successful*

224 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [oct.7

A new organization of parties, based on new issues, which
the decadence of old parties and the growth and progress
of the country rendered necessary, was instituted.

There was, at that period, a combination of powerful
minds associated in the government of New York, who
were Republicans of the Jeffersonian school, but anti-
Clintonians, although Clinton was of the same school. This
combination was stigmatized as the Regency, and their
party was called Bucktails, from the fact that they for
several years went to the polls wearing in their hats a
buck's tail to distinguish them from the Clinton Repub-
licans, who had been their party associates prior to 1812,
but who subsequently coalesced and voted with the Feder-
alists in support of DeWitt Clinton.

The Regency and the Bucktail Party very generally
supported Crawford for President in 1824, but a union of
the friends of the other candidates i^ainst them caused
their defeat, and eventuated in the election of J. Q.
Adams, whom they had opposed. Although Mr. Adams
was successful in obtaining a large portion of the electoral
vote of New York, he was not a favorite with a majority
of the people of that State.

The Federalists who supported Clinton were gratified
with Mr. Adams' election, but the Republican Clintonians
and Clinton hhnself were not satisfied.

In the general chaos of parties that prevailed during
the first two years of the J. Q. Adams Administration, the
Regency was not idle, but in the midst of their operations
a new party organization sprang up which sunk all other
party ties, principles, and distinctions in its opposition
to any candidate for any office who was connected with
the Masonic institution. Governor Clinton was a promin-
ent Mason, and the anti-Masonic movement took from
him a large portion of his supporters.

It was at this jimcture that the Regency exercised and
developed its abiUty, tact, and sagacity in organizing from
fragmentary and opposing elements a party which for

18671 NEW YORK PARTY POLITICS 226

many years oohtrolled and pofisessed the government of
New York, had deservedly the confidence of the people of
that State, and exercised & powerful mfluence for more
than twenty years m national affairs. The men comprising
the Regency and who were the leaders of what became
thenceforth the Democratic Party were Van Buren, Marcy,
P1^S> Sam Yoimgy and Wright.^ At a later day, Dix and
others of less vigor and power succeeded the original Re->
gency, but they had not the ability to combine and main-
tain the organization of th&i predecessors. New questioifi
arose which they could not successfully grapple, lax prin«
ciples, abuse of power, devotion to party and adherence to
it right or wrong; a decreasmg pohtical morality weakened
public confidence and ultimately caused their defeat. But
the Regency, which organized the party to victory in 1828
and success for many succeeding years, was an association
of politicians and statesmen of wonderful mental capacity,
whose integrity is imquestioned and who, while main-*
taining ascendancy, exerted themselves to administer the
government for the good of all.

Van Buren was the acknowledged and admitted chief of
that Regency, and his sagacity, shrewdness, judgment, and
forecast probably entitled him to be so considered. Hd
was calm, self-possessed, and deliberate in the most trjring
emergencies, cautious and prudent almost to timidity, al-
ways safe as a projector and counselor, never impulsive,
with admirable self-control on all occasions.

Marcy, with less reserve and with a more rugged intei^
lect, had greater courage and daring than Van Biuren, but
was always not so politic. He had the excellent, though
rare, quality of frankly and boldly expressing his opinions
to his friends when he thought they erred, and telling th^m
wherever he dissented from them. This made him a valued
and inestimable critic and adviser in that circle of which
Van Buren was chief. Later in life and after considerable

^ Martin Van Buren, William L. Marcy, Asariah C. Flagg, Samad
Young, and Silas Wright.

226 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct. 7

experiencei Marcy, m public and as a public man before
his countrymen; was not so bold as he had bten with the
friends who knew him and could make proper allowance
for his sometimes rude speech. It was Marcy who, in the
Senate of the United States, said, in the matter of appoint-
ments and removals, ''To the victor belong the spoils.''
No man was more unsparing and unrelenting in his party
action and exactions than Marcy.

Flagg, who was of similar temperament and a rigid party
disciplinarian, permitted no party dissenters, and avowed
as a rule of political action that he would ''shoot all
deserters." Both he and Marcy were intolerant in their
party discipline and management. Near the close of their
united action at Albany, Marcy, who, with his father-in-
law, Knower,^ Treasurer of the State and a minor append-
age of the Regency, became pecimiarily embarrassed by
iAJudicious speculation and wavered in his principles and
party fidelity, — flinched in his support of the national
administration, Mr. Van Buren being President, — had
failed in rigidly maintaining, if he did not openly oppose,
the " independent Treasury" and financial measures of the
Government. Coolness, if not alienation, followed, and
the cordial intimacy which had previously subsisted was
never again fully restored.

Sam Yoimg, more radical and more rash, was less reli-
able and had less influence than the others. Wright, the
youngest, had the best qualities of all and the confidence
of all and was most esteemed and regarded by men of all
parties. In the highest sense he was a politician, statesman,
and patriot. Commencing public life at the formation
of the Democratic Party, trained and disciplined by his
seniors in the severe requirements that the period called for,
he may sometimes have jrielded too much to the demands
of party, but he was catholic, generous, and tolerant in
his views, and would not i)ermit himself to knowingly do
wrong or depart from what he believed to be right.

1 Benjamin Enower. .

18871 NEW YORK PARTY POLITICS 227

Such were the components of the famous New York
Regency. Before the death of Mr. Wright, who though the
youngest was the first to die, the members of the Regency
no longer concentrated at Albany; the organization insti-
tuted in 1828 had become enfeebled, divided, and lost
character.

The National Republicans, or Whigs, of New York soon
began to imitate the Democrats and attempted a similar
organization for party ascendancy with little regard for
principle. Thurlow Weed, the master spirit, had been a
conspicuous anti-Mason, and, finding success impracticable
on that narrow and proscriptive basis, he and most of his
anti-Masonic associates coalesced with Masonic Feder-
alists and other cliques, and, by the free use of money,
which was obtained in abundance from the merchants,
manufacturers, and others in the city of New York, made
themselves a formidable though not a compact nor, until
the Democrats began to fail, a successful party. But the
central directing power, a Regency composed of several
superior minds combined and imited in the government
and possessing the confidence of the people, was wanting.
Weed, whose mental strength and power compared with
Marcy and whose energy and industry were unsurpassed,
removed to Albany and established the Journal, a paper
in opposition to the Argus, the recognized organ of the
Regency. Both papers were conducted with ability. Weed
was almost alone in his political operations, while the
editor of the Argus, surrounded and guided by others,
became loose in his politics, and, like Marcy, indulged in
pecuniary speculations that were imfortunate, enlisted, as
did his antagonist Weed, in corrupt schemes, was a legis-
lative lobbyist, lost confidence, and by his mismanagement
contributed to the defeat of his party. Weed had no such
backers and associates as the editor of the Argvs, but he
found a ready and able coadjutor in Mr. Seward, who just
at the period of his removal to Albany entered upon his
pubhc career. There were men of intellect and ability in

228 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct.7

other parts of the State associated with thenii but they
were not of Albany nor at Albany, and a mistrust and dis-
trust of Weed which was general, the odor of corruption
attending his acts, his trickery and deception, made him
suspected and failed to win confidence. But similar infirm-
ities in the Argiis, the frailties of its editor and the failure
of Marcy on the financial measures which were then the
absorbing and test questions of party, enabled the con-
glomerate of anti-Masons and Federalists imder the name
of Whigs to trimnph.

Mr. Seward was elected Governor and with Weed and
some newer personages established a sort of Whig Regency,
where Weed was both corrupt and despotic and governed
the heterogeneous organization with almost arbitrary
power. Successive defeats and successes followed. Dissen-
sions and enmities prevailed in each of the parties, which
each constantly labored to reconcile and conceal.

Marcy's defection did not cause immediate and entire
estrangement, but it was instrumental in the defeat and
ultimate prostration of Van Buren and his friends. Wright
was sacrificed, and for a time implacable and violent hos-
tilities existed. Marcy, though in a small minority of the
Democrats, did not identify himself with the Whigs and
by an adroit and skillful intrigue was brought into Polk's
Cabinet, where he in a measure regained strength, and by
similar services under Pierce became again a prominent
but not fully trusted leader.

In the mean time Seward, pressed forward by Weed and
his associates as the ostensible chief of the Whigs, became
conspicuous in national politics as a Senator and repre-
sentative of that party in the great State of New York.

Tilden in these movements was, although a younger man
than Wright, a very active and sincere friend and supporter
of Van Buren in the Regency, went with the Barnburners
or Free-Soilers in the great break-up, and opposed Marcy
and the Hunkers, as that branch of the party was called.
It was a contest of great acrimony, in which both factions

18671 NEW YORK PARTY POLITICS 229

suffered, and the effect on the leadmg politicians when th^
finally effected a reunion was to make them more intensely
partisan and warmer adherents to organization.

To maintain the ascendancy in national affairs and
regain influence at the South, the Democrats of New York,
who climg to the organization without planting themselves
firmly on immutable principles, became the apologists of
the Secessionists, without, however, to any considerable
extent adopting that theory. The consequence was the
overthrow of the Democratic Party when Lincoln was
elected, but the extreme men, determined to preserve the
organization, while they did [not] subscribe to Secession,
opposed the Administration, which struggled to put down
that heresy and maintain the national existence.

When the War was over, and the question [arose] of re-
instating the States which had imdertaken to secede in the
Federal Union, with harmony and fraternal feeling, a Radi-
cal faction sprang up among the Republicans to prevent it,
who taking '^stand outside the Constitution,'' denied the
equal political rights of the States and put imder the ban
of proscription the whole people of the South. President
Lincoln, and President Johnson, who succeeded him, were
Union men, but the former was assassinated early in that
contest. President Johnson, an original Democrat, enforced
the doctrine and principles which Lincoln had initiated.
They were the views of the Democrats everywhere and of
all Republicans who were not of the Radical faction ; but
the Democratic organization, with Seymour and Tilden as
leaders, failed to support and identify themselves with the
Administration. Paxty was with them paramount to
coimtry. They did not oppose President Johnson, but they
held off and declined to be recognized as his supporters.
They approved his views and principles, but they had not
voted for him and their opponents had.

October 8, Tuesday. In a dispatch to Van Valkenburg,
which Seward read to-day in Cabinet, he instructed the

230 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES "[OCT.8

Minister to remonstrate with the Japanese Govemment
in regard to their treatment of Christians. The sentiment
was well enough as a sentiment, but I asked if there was
any improper treatment of our countrymen or foreign
Christians or whether it referred only to their own people.
He said it was only the Japanese Christians that were
harshly treated, and they not so severely as formerly. I
questioned the propriety of pressing upon that govemment
too far in a matter which belonged exclusively to them-
selves, — we as a govemment and people are not religious
propagandists. They may have a national religion, and if
so, might deem our interference in their domestic affairs
impertinent and offensive. As his letter was a remon-
strance, I suggested that it might be well to cite oiu: non-
interference and oiu: tolerance of all religious beliefs as an
excuse for presentmg our views. Seward, who dislikes
prompting, perceived the applicability of the suggestion,
said he should have introduced that point but for the fact
that Van Valkenburg had made mention of it.

An application from Mr. Seddon * of Richmond for a
pardon was presented by the Attorney-General. Seddon
says he had opposed extreme measures, was in retirement
when invited to the War Department of the Confederacy,
did what he could to mitigate the calamities of war whilst
in that position, made himself unpopular thereby, had
taken the Union oath, etc., etc. Seward thought it best
to postpone the subject imtil after the election, when it
might be well to grant the pardon, for Seddon was a harm-
less old man * and imdoubtedly true to the Union.

I said that I had no spirit of persecution in me; that
two and a half years had passed since the Rebellion was
suppressed, and I thought it imwise and unjust to con-
tinue this proscription; I was, therefore, ready at any time
to consider favorably such an application as Mr. Seddon's.

* James A. Seddon (1815-80), Confederate Secretary of War.

* Mr. Seddon was only fifty-two at this time, but he had been in feeble
health.

18«7I SEDDON APPLIES FOR PARDON 231

General Grant said very curtly and emphatically that
he was opposed to granting any more pardons, for the
present at least. This seemed to check the others, who
expressed no opinion. I remarked, if as a matter of policy
it was deemed expedient to delay three or four weeks until
the November elections had passed, I would not object,
but I thought the time had arrived for the display of some
magnanimity and kindly feeling.

A year since, General Grant expressed to me very dif-
ferent views from those he now avows. Said he was ready
to forgive the Rebels and take them by the hand, but
would not forgive the Copperheads. He is pretty strongly
conmiitted to the Radicals, — is courting and being
courted.

After the Cabinet adjourned, Stanbery, Browning, and
myself remained with the President and had twenty min-
utes' talk on the condition of affairs. Browning said that
Governor Cox ^ was spoken of as a suitable man for Sec-
retary of War, provided he would take the place. Stan-
bery said he had not before heard Cox's name, but he
thought it would be an excellent selection. Grant being
ad interim, it was important the change should take place
and Stanton be removed. Cox would hold on to the close
of the session. I inquired if he was firm and reliable, and
if he would stand by the President against Congress and
General Grant if they resorted to revolutionary meas-
ures, which from certain indications are not improbable.
On that point neither of them was assured. I named Frank
Blair as a man whom Grant respected and Stanton feared,
who, with some infirmities, had courage and energy to
meet any crisis, and who would be a fearless and reUable
friend of the President and of sound constitutional prin-
ciples. Browning responded favorably; Stanbery said
nothing.

The President, after the others left, expressed himself

^ Jacob Dolson Cox, Governor of Ohio (1866-67) and afterwards Secre*
taiy of the Interior under Grant.

232 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct.s

favorably to Blair. I urged the point farther. Told him
Seward would be likely to object, but that, I thought,
ought not to influence his action. I did not hesitate to
tell him my apprehensions of Sherman, — that if Grant
opposed the Administration, Sherman would be likely not
to support it. Something had been said of Tom Ewing,
senior, for a Cabinet officer, but he is too old and clumsy
for such a period as this; but I thought him right on
present questions, and if here, he might have influence
with Sherman, who had been his ward and who married
his daughter. I doubted, however, whether he would de-
tach Sherman from Grant. The President spoke of Sher-
man^s superior intellect to Grant. I acknowledged that
he had more genius and brilliancy, but had not the firm-
ness, persistency, and stubborn will which are the strong
points of Grant, who is not a very enlightened man. When-
ever the two are associated. Grant's obstinacy will make
his the master mind, and if there were to be antagonism
with Grant, the President might have to depend on some
other man than Sherman.

The President said that Grant had gone entirely over
to the Radicals, and was with Congress. I told him that
was my opinion, and I was fearful he was so far involved
that he could not be withdrawn from mischievous influ-
ences. The elections of to-day may have their influence,
however, in this matter.

October 9, Wednesday. The President showed me to-
day General Sickles' letter demanding a court of inquiry,
with Grant's favorable indorsement and the draft of a
reply. The latter did not suit me, and I suggested
changes.

The returns of the Pennsylvania and Ohio elections show
most extraordinary results, and indicate the overthrow
of the Radicals and the downfall of that party. The
reports are hardly credible.

Montgomery Blair called this evening and is jubilant

1887] GRANT AND SHERMAN 233

over the election news, but expresses his mortification
and chagrin that the President should have called Sher-
man home, whom he denoimces as a Radical, — treacher-
ous, ambitious, and no friend of the President. Blair's
prejudices are deep and often mar his general good
sense.

October 10, Thursday. I wrote the form of an indorse-
ment to be put on Sickles' application, or demand, for a
court of inquiry, which I handed to the President. He
was pleased with it, and it was certainly preferable to his
extended document.

I took the occasion to again express my distrust of
Sherman as his reliable friend for such an emergency as
was anticipated; and advised most earnestly that he should,
if he had not already, have a frank and imreserved con-
versation with Grant. The time, I assured him, had arrived
when this subject should receive prompt and decisive
attention; there could be no impropriety, but it was a
matter of duty on his part, to have a thorough imder-
standing with his immediate friends, and especially with
his Secretary of War and General-in-Chief; that I knew
not how freely he had communicated with Grant, but
I thought G. loved office and was pleased with his posi-
tion, was gratified with confidence and attention. There
are indications that he is under Radical influence; if com-
mitted to these, we should know it. I reminded him that
on one occasion he had persuaded, or convinced. Grant
that he was wrong, and caused him to recede and with-
draw his letter.

I reminded him also that Grant occupied, after himself,
the most important post in the coimtry; that he was and
would be a tower of strength to any party; that without
him the Radicals and Congress could do nothing. I ad-
mitted that he had not as enlarged and intelligent views
as was desirable on political and governmental questions,
that he was too much under the influence of little and un-

234 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [OCT. 10

worthy men, but I trusted, though selfish, he was at heart
honest, patriotic, and desirous of doing right. If so, and
his views were correct without political aspirations, kind
attention, persuasion, argument, and truth from the Pre-
sident would not be lost upon him.

The President listened attentively, received my sug-
gestions kindly, thanked me for them, and assured me
he would have an interview with Grant, — to-morrow, if
possible, though to-morrow is Cabinet day.

October 19, Saturday. Time has been wanting for some
days to enter occurrences. The President informs me that
he called on General Grant in pursuance of my advice.
He went to the War Department last Saturday, a week
to-day, and consulted in a friendly way with General
Grant ; told Grant he could not be ignorant of the schemes
and threats that were made, and must be aware that it
was his (the President's) duty to be prepared to vindicate
the rights of the Executive and maintain the Constitu-
tion, and resist invasions and usurpations. Should an
attempt be made to depose or arrest him before trial or
conviction, — if impeachment were attempted, — he de-
sired to know if he would be sustained and whether officers
in high position would obey his orders.

He says Grant met him frankly, seemed to appreciate
fully the question and the object of his inquiry; said he
should expect to obey orders; that should he (Grant)
change his mind he would advise the President in season,
that he might have time to make arrangements.

Under these declarations the President thought he
might rely on General Grant. He could, after this avowal,
press the point no farther.

In this I think he was correct. Grant will make good
his word, and act, I have no doubt, in good faith. I so
said to the President, and expressed my gratification that
the interchange of views had taken place. At the same
time I requested him to continue and increase his intim-

18671 GRANT AND THE RADICALS 236

acy with Grant, who is not intelligent, — seems to be
patriotic and right-minded, but the Radicals of every
description are laboring to mislead him. Defeated in the
recent elections, and with public opinion setting against
the obnoxious measures, the scheming intriguers begin to
rally around Grant, — speak of him as their candidate
for President, — not that they want him, but they are
fearful he will be taken up by the Democrats.

October 23, Wednesday. Randall says that Boutwell
disavows any intention of arresting, or attempting to
arrest, the President before impeachment and convic-
tion. Says it cannot be done, and does not favor the
scheme of Stevens to that purpose. If this is so, the con-
versation of the President with General Grant is already
having its effects. Boutwell is a fanatic, a little insin-
cere, violent, and yet has much of the demagogic cun-
ning. He has been, and is, for making Grant the Radical
candidate for President. He has the sagacity to see
that with Grant opposed to them the Radicals would be
annihilated. Grant had therefore, I infer, admonished
Boutwell that he cannot be party to any movement for
arresting the President before trial and conviction, and
will not be an instrument in such a work. This accoimts
for Boutwell's declarations to Randall. I so stated to the
President this afternoon, and he seemed struck with my
explanation.

When the Cabinet adjourned yesterday, the President
requested me to remain, and submitted to me a letter
of some length addressed to the heads of Departments.
It made mention of the condition of public affairs, the
attempt that was to be made to arrest him, etc., etc., and
concluded with requesting of each member his opinion on
the subject, and in what manner each would advise him
to proceed. I told the President the subject was important
and that I thought he would be justified in ascertain-
ing the opinions and views of his Cabinet fully and ex-

236 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [ocr.M

plicitly, especially if the subject was pressed. I suggested
that in this stage of the proceedings, it was perhaps better
to put the subject hsrpothetically than to make a positive
assertion of what the Radicals intended. Their intrigues
may be checked or miodified, or abandoned. He concurred,
and will hold the matter under consideration.

i c

LIV

Cabinet DiseussioD of the Question of Arrest — The PresldeDt's Message —
The Judiciary Ck)mmittee of the House reports in favor of Impeachment
— The President's Message to the Senate giving Reasons for suspending
Stanton — The Alabama Claims discussed in Cabinet — A Complaint
from Alabama against General Pope's Oppresaon — Grant's President-
ial Aspirations — Senator Nye Introduces a Bill to establish a Board of
Survey to supervise the Naval Bureaus — Admiral Porter thought to be
behind it — Porter's Services and Ambition — Thurlow Weed moving
for Grant — The Retirement of Captafai R. W. Meade, n.S.N., called
up for Revision — Raymond and the Philadelphia Convention.

November 30, Saturday. A long and serious illness has
prevented me from recording some important events*
Yesterday, though weak and debilitated, I for the first
time in four weeks attended a Cabinet-meeting. When last
at the council room I was quite ill; came home and went on
to my bed, which I did not leave for twenty-one days,
except once, on the seventh, for a few moments, which
did me no good. Thanks to a good God, my health is
restored, for which I am indebted to the faithful nursing
of the best of wives and the kind attention of my physician.

Little of interest was done in Cabinet yesterday. The
President and all the Cabinet manifested great pleasure
on seeing me. Each of them has been friendly in calling
during my illness, the President sometimes twice a day.

To-day the President laid before us his Annual Message.
A soimd, strong, good document. After its perusal, and
running criticism, he submitted a letter addressed to the
Cabinet, stating the condition of afifairs, — the proposed
impeachment and the proposition to suspend the President,
or any officer when impeached, until after his trial, and
judgment by the Senate. There was great xmcertainty
of opinion on the subject in the discussion.

That the President should submit to be tried if the House

238 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [nov.80

preferred articles was the opinion of all. That he should
consent to, or permit himself to, be arrested or suspended
before conviction was in opposition to the opinion of each
and all.

General Grant said it would be clearly ez post facto to
pass a law for suspension in the case of the President, and,
unless the Supreme Court sustained, it ought not to be
submitted to. If Congress should pass a law directing
that officers should be suspended whenever the House
impeached the officer, that would be a different thing.
Then it would be the law, known in advance.

I agreed with General Grant that a law in the Presi-
dent's case would be ex post facto and therefore to be re-
sisted, if attempted. But I went farther and denied that
Congress had authority to suspend the President, — the
Executive, a coordinate branch of the government, — on
the mere party caprice of a majority of the House of
Representatives.

Mr. Randall was very emphatic in denouncing such a
movement as destructive to the government.

General Grant said he thought a mere law of Congress
would not justify suspension or authorize it, but that there
should be an amendment of the Constitution to effect it.

We all assented that if the Constitution so ordered,
submission was a duty, but not otherwise.

A few days since, the Judiciary Committee, who have
been engaged by direction of the House to search the
Union, ransack prisons, investigate the household of the
President, examine his bank accounts, etc., etc., to see if
some colorable ground for impeachment could not be
foimd, made their several reports. A majority were for
impeachment. Until just before the report was submitted,
a majority were against, but at the last moment, Churchill,
a Member from the Oswego, New York, district went over,
without any new fact, to the impeachers. Speculators
and Wall Street operators in gold had expected that a re-
solution for impeachment would cause sudden rise in gold.

1867] COMMITTEE REPORTS IMPEACHMENT 239

Unfortunately for them, no rise took place, but there was
a f allmg-off . If Churchill was influenced by the speculat-
ors, as is generally supposed, his change did not benefit
them, and in every point of view was discreditable to him.
Boutwell, who made the report to the House, is a fan-
atic, impulsive, violent; an ardent, narrow-minded parti-
san, without much judgment; not devoid of talents, with
more industry than capacity, ambitious of notoriety, with
a mind without comprehension nor well trained; an ex-
treme Radical, destitute of fairness where party is involved.
The report was drawn up by Thomas Williams of Pitts-
burg, a former partner of Stanton's, a rank disorganizer,
a repudiator, vindictive, remorseless, unscrupulous, re-
gardless of constitutional obligations and of truth as
well as fairness, who was put upon the Committee because
he had these qualities. The other three gentlemen of the
majority may be called smoothbores, — men of small
calibre but intense partyism. The report and its conclu-
sions condemn themselves, and are likely to fail, even in
this Radical House. Whether such would have been their
fate had the elections gone differently is another question.
The voice of the people has cooled the Radical mania, and
checked their wild action.

December 3, Tuesday. There was a brief session of the
Cabinet to-day. The Message is generally well received
notwithstanding its decision and firm tone. Some of the ex-
treme Radicals are angry and excited by reason of the calm
and imanswerable argmnent of the Democrats. I have
been surprised that some of the Radical journals have
received the Message so meekly. They try to excuse or
relieve themselves by declaring that the President is ir-
ritable, ill-tempered, and that in opposing the military
governments and schemes to establish negro supremacy
he is putting himself in antagonism to Congress.

^ December 10, Tuesday. Am slowly recovering strength.

240 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES tDBCijO

Little of special interest was done in the Cabinet. We ate
receiving shocking accounts of earthquakes and storms in
the West Indies. Two of our naval steamers, the Monon-
gahela and the De Soto, are reported to have been wrecked,
— thrown ashore and left high and dry by the receding
waves. Over a hundred shocks of earthquakies are said to
have taken place. Oxu: accounts are by telegraph and not
entirely reliable.

December 12, Thursday. The President requested me by
note to call on him at eleven to-day. Stanbery and Brown-
ing were also there by invitation. The President sub-
mitted a message to the Senate, communicating some of
his reasons for suspending the Secretary of War. (No
removal has yet taken place.) It is an able docimient.
He first asked my opinion, and I so stated, but in view of
the traits and peculiar attitude of Grant, in whom the
President had not lost all confidence, suggested that it
would be well to inform the Senate that the Secretary dd
interim had performed the duties acceptably, and that the
reforms he had made and the economy he had practiced
were of benefit to the country. He says he has dismissed
some forty supernumerary clerks. Both S. and B. con-
curred in the suggestion. S. said it was a wise suggestion.
A brief statement was accordingly added to the close. I
should have made it more full and declared that General
Grant had my confidence thus far in administering the
office, if such is the fact, and thus have hitched him to
the Administration. It would have made an issue between
him and the Stanton Radicals.

Governor Dennison, who is here, tells me that when
Stanton was suspended, he coaxed and wheedled the com-
mendatory letter from Grant, when taking possession of
the Department, but did not make the return which Grant
expected.

December 13, Friday. After disposing of business in the

18671 DISCUSSION OP ALABAMA CLAIMS 241

Cabinet, spoke to the President in regard to the commun-
ication to the Senate concerning Stanton's refusal to re-
sign. He said he by no means intended it should be with-
held from the public. I suggested that the Radicals did
not intend his commimication should appear until Stanton
could reply and in some way weaken or stave off the effect
of his statement.

Some days since, Seward submitted his last correspond-
ence with Lord Stanley relative to the Alabama claims.
Stanley declines to submit the action of the British Govern-
ment to arbitration. Seward insists that everything shalji
be included. Mr. Stanbery inquired whether we had not
a case strong enough without insisting on the second point.
Seward said, whether we had or not, he wanted that point
should go with the other. Stanbery asked if we were not
weak on the second point. Seward thought not. Some
discussion took place in regard to the Queen's Proclama-
tion and the recognition of belligerent rights, which Seward
denoimced. Stanbery could not recall the facts. I stated
that the declaration of blockade, which was an interna-
tional question, instead of a closure of the ports, which was
a domestic question, was claimed in accordance with the
views, and a justification of the action, of the British Gov-
ernment. ''That is the distinction," said Stanbery, ''the
point that was in my mind."

December 17, Tuesday. The President to-day read a
communication which he proposed to send into Congress,
commending Hancock for the views expressed in his gen-
eral order and his deference to the civil law. Should he
send it in, he will exasperate the Radicals, but it may have
the effect of inducing a contrast between the action of
Hancock and the other military generals now at the head
of departments.

December 19, Thursday. Having dispatched some busi-
ness to-day with the President, I was £Jx>ut leaving, when

242 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [dbc.w

he requested me to remain. He had, however, nothing
special to commimicate, but evidently desired a few mo-
ments for conversation. We ran over several subjects*
His commimication respecting the suspension of Stanton,
I took occasion to compliment, and [I said I thought] that
its e£fect on the public mind was good. He spoke of his
message in regard to Hancock, which he evidently thinks
is a skillful movement. I spoke of it as less effective than
the other, and [said] that the Radicals, finding themselves
weak with Stant<m, would make fierce attack on this; but
that would lead to criticism on the other viceroy generals
to their disadvantage.

Yes, he added, and would bring out before the country
the weakness of General Grant, who, he was sorry to per-
ceive, was becoming identified with the tyrannical and
oppressive measures of the military commanders. This is
true, and I have no doubt that this consideration had its
effect in producing the Hancock Message. He told me,
what he has before repeatedly said, that Grant had ex-
pressed his dislike of Stanton, yet he had been induced to
write him (the President) that improper letter, which has
just been published. I informed him that I was satisfied
that Grant had been seduced by Stanton to write that
letter. Governor Dennison had told me of the letter and of
Grant's regret that he had been persuaded to write it, —
a fact which had reached him through some of Grant's
staff by way of Garfield. In no other way could D. have
known of such a letter, for he gave me this information
some time before Grant's private letter was published.

December 20, Friday. Whilst in Cabinet-meeting, the
President handed me a letter from Forsyth of Alabama,
imploring him to grant and extend to the people of that
military district relief from the malgovemment, oppres-
sion, and outrage of General Pope. He subsequently
handed the letter around to some others. I heard Stanbery
say to Browning he was glad to see this; that the true course

1867] GENERAL POPE IN ALABAMA 243

was to let it go on ; that the country would overwhelm Rad-
icalism as soon as it could be reached. Seward, Grant, and
Randall left immediately on the completion of the necessary
official business. Stanbery and Browning had put on their
overcoats and taken their hats to leave, when I felt that
there really should be something said respecting the con-
dition of things in General Pope's dominions, and asked
the gentlemen if they had read Forsyth's letter. Stanbery
promptly replied that he had; that everything was working
well; that the President must not move a finger; let the
Radicals have their own way, they are killing themselves,
eto. To all this Browning assented. I inquired what in the
mean time was to become of the people of Alabama. We
were not bearing their suffering. Is the President dis-
charging his duty, and we ours, if we quietly witness these
wrongs, these palpable violations of constitutional rights,
and the subversion of society and government, without
trying to prevent it? Both S. and B. insisted that it was
b^t and most politic to let these enormities go on ; the
indignation of the coimtry was rising. I said the indigna-
tion of the suffering South, but the non-suffering North
were not indignant.

McCuUoch said there were two sides to the question. He
had his doubts whether the President should remain pass-
ive, and, alluding to a remark of mine that the President
should always do right, — that he must not permit or do
evil that good might come, — McC. said he had been
alarmed when the President removed Sheridan, a meas-
ure which I advised but which he and others opposed;
that he had apprehended the measure would be disastrous
to the Administration, but it had not injured, it had
strengthened, the President and damaged the Radicals.
In view of the effect in that case, he was not prepared to
say it was not best to deal in like manner with Pope. Stan-
bery amd B. were vehement and earnest in their protests;
claimed the responsibility and odium was wholly on the
Radicals. I again asked, if the President could relieve

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. -• i -•".•Lzi^i. zm^^. "367 aaf- x -yriiiti be in^uidiigiuqSy and

» n: inner: -yrri, ^e reoe >&ss I ab m nA

Ij^^^r^h^ Z-L T'unfirj. A ?»▼ Ks±«s rf CongreaB le-

cj^j ii'j •JjKi. izri -ir Mizz-trr ffioi Tbe ^ieetioos of the

7*ar ar.d rijt -'•sr^wv.v eri-iaMe oc eoadonnatioii bj

rh^ >i*'-P*j^ biv-r y—rjs^^ ±sz- be: there is not among
•h^n the patriotfsi. ±z IiTy. and ci-iepeidHioe toextricate
tr.^rrjf^Tef? frcir. 'i*? ciintrcl c: intriguing eoQ^intcwBi
who by 5*»cr*=r: cauriics Lire zn^de it impossiUe for them
to r<jrra/?e th-?ir rr^r^. &nd try to do ridit. Among the
IU/'i>:aLr rhere L? little st&tesnianship. They are striving
to retain their usurped power by outrageous measuieB and
vioIer.ee.

Chief Jui-tice Cha-se still aspires to be the Radical candi*
date for President, but few, however, of the Radicals aie
fl'inpf^fA to gratify his aspirations. Among bankeiBi
KrK;culators, and a certain class of capitalists he finds sup-
pr;rt/;rH, and he has a quasi strength among the Southern
KfidicalH and negroes. The Republicans, or the conserva-
1 ive (*\orrumt of what was the Republican Party, are favop-
U)fc (MouoTfi] Grant. Comprising the largest segment, they
will \)o likoly to control party action to the disgust of the
I'fi rncsf I{adir»alH, who, however, dare not oppose the move-
in«*fif . ( Inini himHolf is not only willing but grows daily
inorr itiid tworr. aiixiouH; his aspirations, although he strives
to roiuM*fil Mhum, are c<iuul to and even surpass those of the

ifiCTi GRANT'S ASPIRATIONS 246

Chief Justice. His reticence is all a matter of calculation;
he fears to commit himself on anything lest he should lose
votes. But popular opinion moves him. A year since he
believed that the coimtry was fully committed to Radical-
ism, and under that conviction he became identified with
the Radicals, changing his previously expressed opinions
and acting with them until the recent fall elections. Those
results astonished no man more than Grant, and he has
felt uneasy under his hasty committals, while striving to
be reserved. Stanton, whom he dislikes, has managed
to get him committed, which he would not have done had
Grant better understood public sentiment. But in Wash-
biune and other little Radicals he has had surroundings
that controlled him.

I am becoming impressed with the idea that Grant may
prove a dangerous man. He is devoid of patriotism, is
ignorant but cunning, yet greedy for office and power. In
discussion, from time to time in Cabinet, when he has been
necessarily to some extent drawn out, this shadow of mili-
tary absolutism has crossed my mind. It struck me more
forcibly to-day when the military government of the South
was under consideration. General Hancock thinks he shall
want another regiment or battalion of white troops. Gen-
eral Canby writes a doleful account of destitution and
need of help for the poor. General Ord wishes to be relieved.
I could see that Grant was not displeased that Hancock
called for more troops, and also that the wish of Ord met
his approval. He gave Ord the credit of being very hon-
est, but unsteady and fond of change. Thought it best to
send him to the Pacific and recall McDonald to supply his
place. In the mean time, General Gillem would discharge
the duties. The President asked if Gillem could not as well
fill Pope's place as Ord's. Grant, who knew the President's
pmpose, grinned and said he did not know how that was.
On the necessity of feeding the freedmen, especially re-
ferred to by Canby, and alluded to by the others, with a
very telling letter from General Gillem on the condition of

246 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dbcm

affairs, there was much said, a good deal of which was not
pertinent. Grant remarked he had seen General Howard^
who had some funds which would hold out until Congress
came together, when, undoubtedly, provision would be
made. Stanbery said the people of the South were in a
deplorable state, and he could see no permahent relief for
them except from the Treasury, which the people would
not long stand.

Seward said there were always disturbances in times of
scanty provisions; that this was always felt most in the
cities and often ran into riots. He told a story of a man
who wished on a stormy night to send a message and prof-
fered a guinea, the usual fee, to the messenger, who wanted
two. This he refused to give, and the two parted in higji
anger with each other. After several hours the gentleman
gave in, tendered the two guineas, and the messenger, who
wanted the money, accepted it and did the duty. The
planters and negroes, he guessed, would after a while feel
the need of each other and come together.

I expressed dislike of the views taken, for only temporary
and superficial rehef was talked of, or proposed, for an en-
during evil. The whole fabric of civil government, indus-
trial employment, and social society has been overthrown,
upturned, and prostrated by the penurious, partisan l^is-
lation of Congress, and the talk of relief by feeding the lazy
and destitute negroes for a few weeks was an absiu-dity.
There was no probability that the planter and the negro
would come together and act harmoniously while the Fed-
eral Government was exerting its power to make them an-
tagonistic. Grant once or twice interrupted me, and I could
see did not like my remarks. So also with Seward, who is
always a temporizer, but Grant is acting with a purpose,
and in concert with Radicals and the military.

I see by the paper that Stanton has returned. He has
been in Washington but little since his suspension. It is
said he fears personal chastisement from persons whom
while in office he has insulted and wronged. This, I thinks

18671 NYE'S BOARD OF SURVEY BILL 247

can hardly be the case, for he knows hunself to be still in
office. He cannot do otherwise than make some answer to
the President's conmiunication respecting him.

The President informed me a few days since that Stan-
ton's bull against Sherman for the treaty with Johnston
was without his authority or knowledge. That being the
fact, it was a piece of arrogance and impudence which at
the time ought to have been rebuked. Supposing it to have
been issued with the sanction of the President, I had with
others submitted to it as an administrative measure and
attempted to justify it.

The House of Representatives soon after Congress met
passed a resolution to curtail work at the navy yards. It
came opportimely, for we were about issuing orders to
reduce work, which always creates distress at this season.
I was not unwilling that Congress, which is captious
towards the Department, should take its share of respons-
ibiUty when its resolution was \mcalled-f or and passed for
self-glorification. As I expected, the dismissed workmen
are full of complaints and suffering, and to some extent
have annoyed the Members.

Senator Nye introduced while I was sick a bill to estab-
lish a Board of Survey, in other words a Board of Admir-
alty, to be composed of the Admiral, or Vice-Admiral, as
president, and two rear-admirals. This Board is to super-
vise and control the bureaus, and virtually supersede the
Secretary, It is to perform no labor and to be exempt
from all responsibility. I have no difficulty in tracing the
origin of this bill to Vice-Admiral Porter, who is imeasy,
scheming, ambitious, wasteful in expenditure, partial and
prejudiced as regards officers, a most unfit administrator
of civil affairs, though brave and full of resources as a com-
mander. For two or three weeks he had charge of the
Bureau of Detail, and his action was demoralizing and
injurious.

As Superintendent of the Naval Academy he has been
efficient, because there has been much to do, and he has

248 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec.m

been enabled to make large expenditures. But I have been
compelled to check, lunit, and to some extent regulate
these matters. I am held accoimtable for expenses; he
derives credit for whatever is done. This is right enou^, if
rightly imderstood. I have allowed him to have his selec-
tion of officers, almost without restraint, and cliquism is
the result. His officers are, in his opinion, the only good
officers in the service, and tifiose who have been associated
with him and under his immediate conmiand he com^
mends indiscriminately; and, in violation of regulations, he
ffYes them individually, one and all, indorsement, to the
great embarrassment of the Department.

In war and afloat, Porter is, though always presuming,
(me of the best officers in the service and gallantly won his
position. I have always given him full credit for his services
and shown my appreciation of him as an officer. At the
Naval Academy he has done well because there has been
much to do, but, as the work is being completed and he is
relieved from employment, he grows restless and desires
action in a sphere to which he is not adapted* This crude
bantling of his, which Nye has introduced, is a miserable
contrivance to get place and power for himself at Wash-
ington. During the War, when we were building a hundred
vessels yearly, had five hundred vessels in commission, and
fifty thousand seamen in service, no such board was
needed; they would have been a positive drag and hin-
drance. Now, when we are building no new vessels, laxmch-
ing but two or three a year of those commenced and on the
stocks, the idea of such a board is absurd. Our Admiral
and Vice- Admiral will be wanted on active duty in war,
when such a board, if of any use, would have most to do.
It is bureaUf not navaly service that is sought.

December 27, Friday. Great complaints of distress and
suffering at the South are made, not without cause. Gen-
eral demoralization is the result of vicious partisan legisla-
tion. There can be little doubt that General Grant, though

18671 WEED MOVING FOR GRANT 249

secretive, is fully, and probably irretrievably, committed to
the Radical policy, and there are unmistakable indications
that he was in the original movement to overthrow the
States and establish martial law by Congressional enact*
ments. General Ord asks to be relieved from his place in
Mississippi and Arkansas. General Grant says he has
asked this repeatedly for four or five months past, and he.
Grant, now advises and urges that he may be relieved.
Why Grant should be so extremely urgent now, while he
has never before mentioned it, I cannot tell. The President^
while he seemed not anxious to relieve Ord, who appears to
be conscientious, said he must get rid of Pope. This Grant
did not oppose, but he did not readily concur in or advise.

J. F. Babcock of New Haven gave me some days since an
accoimt of an interview he had with Thurlow Weed on the
day preceding the Grant meeting at the Cooper Institute.
Babcock and Weed have been old friends for more than
thirty years, personal and political. The two met in New
York, and W. asked B. to call upon him, which he did, and
foimd W. busy giving directions to persons in regard to the
meeting, enjoining the necessity of having Stewart to pre*
side, — that it must be personally seen to, etc., etc.

After the others had left, the two entered upon political
matters, — the Grant movement, the meeting, etc. Weed
said he had taken up Grant as he did General Taylor; had
told him, as he told Taylor, to make no declarations, to
write no letters, and, if he strictly followed his advice and
directions, he would elect him. B. asked if the coimtry was
not getting tired of the military, — if the military govern-
ments of the South were not sickening the nation. For his
own part, B. said, he was tired of generals for civil service,
— wanted some other material for President. Weed be-
came excited, accused him of being misled, etc., etc. I am
reminded of this by seeing a call for Grant meetings by
Stewart and others of the Cooper Institute meeting. The
call says they wish to take the Grant movement out of the
hands of politicians. Yet the whole proceeding is com*

260 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES |i>Ba27

menced, fed, and carried on by the most scheming, intrigu-
ing, and imscrupnlous partisan politician in the country,
who has cunningly contrived to persuade Stewart, Vander-
bilt, Moses Taylor to be used without their knowing who
used, or is using, them.

December 31, Tuesday. The retirement of R. W. Meade *
was called up to-day for revision. The Attorney-General
had his law-books and documents, was anxious to find
some book or authority to justify the President if he would
order a review or reexamination of the case. He made
quite an argument ; went into specialties on certain sections
of the acts of 1862 and 1864; thought the President could
exercise authority, etc., etc. I could perceive from certain
promptings and suggestions of the lS*esident that he and
the Attorney-General had been in consultation on the sub«
ject, having been urged thereto, not only by Captain M.
and his family, but by his brother-in-law. Judge Meigs, and
especially by his brother. General Meade.

It was the old question over again of favoritism and
family influence at the expense of good administration
and established usage. I told them that Captain Meade
was retired by law; nevertheless the President could, if he
chose, order a reexamination, but after all I did not see
how it could afifect the case, or how it would if another
board had immediately been ordered. Should we now have
another board, let the result be as it might, whether like
that of the former board or opposed to it, a commodore is
to be appointed, for there is a vacancy. Meade is not at
the head of the list. The President must either nominate
him in opposition to the report of the board or he must
override their report and pass Meade for the next man.
The Senate is to act on the case, and I have little doubt
what would be its action. I should be sorry to see the usage
of the Department set aside in any case, very sorry to see

* Captain Richard Worsam Meade was a brother of General George G.
Meade. He had been retired on Deoember 11.

18671 THE CASE OF CAPTAIN R. W. MEADE 251

it in such a case as this, which has really no merit or claim
whatever. It would be a bad precedent, which the Presi-
dent would have cause to regret. These exceptional cases,
whatever might be the influence of family or friends,
should not be permitted.

But the result, which I foresaw from the first was to be
the case, was a reexamination by order of the President.
The Attorney-General, instead of rightly advising the
President, has been flattered by General Meade's atten-
tions and solicitations and those of others. So it was in
Goldsborough's case. The Administration loses respect by
giving way when its duty is plain to stand firm.

After Cabinet-meeting, the President intimated a wish
that I would remain. The subject of the removal of Pope
and the manner in which it has been received was talked
over.

I asked the President if he had seen Raymond's letter
in regard to the Philadelphia Convention and his subse-
quent action. He said he had. I remarked that it did not,
as he knew, disappoint me to learn that Rasnnond had
helped destroy the good effects of that convention and that
he relapsed into Radicalism.

Doolittle and others were deceived in that matter. I was
satisfied of it when the call was issued. Postmaster-Gen-
eral Randall was the tool of Seward, who was himself in-
fluenced by Weed, to mislead those who commenced in
good faith. Cowan and Doolittle were with me in their
convictions. But Randall, with a set of fellows, tools of
Seward and himself, whom I never before or since met
with in any consultation, carried their point. Doolittle
thought it a great thing to secure Rasnnond and the New
York Times y and, to get him enlisted, the call was softened,
principles were omitted, and in the end Raymond and
the Times directed us, having first duped men who should
not have been deceived.

Senator Grimes wishes to reorganize the Engineer Ck)rp6 of the Navy —
Jealousy between the Line Officers and the Engineers — The Indian
"War'' — Stanton's Case in Congress — Charles Francis Adams re-
signs the Ministry to England — The President considers appointing
General McClellan to the Place — John Sherman's Instability — Grant
leaves the War Department — His Explanation of his Course, made in
Cabinet — Will Stanton resign? — The Naval Estimates and Uie House
Committee on Appropriations — Grant keeps away from the White
I House — Mrs. Welles's Reception — Grant's Interview with Stanton —
The Political Situation in Connecticut — Grant writes the President
denying the Reports of his Action in abandoning his Position as Secre-
tary of War ad interim.

January 1, 1868, Wednesday. Mrs. Welles and myself
paid respects with the rest of the Cabinet and the Judiciary
to the President at eleven this morning. The arrange-
ments for reception at the Executive Mansion not very
well systematized, but better, I think, than last year.

The morning was unpleasant, and after the severe snow-
storm of yesterday, the streets were not in good condition.
About noon the weather came off pleasant.

Received company xmtil nearly 4 p.m., commencing at
twelve. Some four hundred calls. Found myself very tired
and exhausted at the close, not having fully recovered
my strength after my recent illness.

January 2, Thursday. Some talk with Senator Grimes
of a general character concerning naval matters. He is in-
tensely hostile to Isherwood and the whole Engineer Corps,
being stimulated by Porter, and has in view the prepara-
tion of a bill for the thorough reorganization of the corps.
I do not find, however, that he has any well-defined plan.
Thinks there are too many engineers. Says there are fewer
in the French service; but the French have an auxiliary

1868] GRIMES AND THE ENGINEER CORPS 253

force called mechanicians who answer the purpose of our
second and third assistants.

Grimes has imbibed all the prejudices of certain line
officers against the engineers, who are becoming a formid-
able power and rivals with the line officers in the service.
His nephew Walker, now attached to the Naval Academy,
influenced by Porter, is the moving spirit with Grimes.
The dififerences which are growing up between the line
officers and the engineers, fostered by Porter, who has but
little administrative capacity or sense, can be prevented
in but one way, and that I have suggested in my reports
two and three years since. The officers must themselves
become engineers as well as sailors, — be able to direct the
motor power below as well as above the deck.
. This proposition did not meet with favor on the part
of most of the line officers. I hardly supposed it would,
for they had become too old to learn, or had no talent for
mechanism or learning. Still, the necessity of the case
I hoped would lead to sensible conclusions. The engineers
were as averse to being absorbed as the officers to absorb-
ing them.

It is, I think, the only true solution of a great difficulty,
but to accomplish it time, energy, perseverance, and will
are requisite, backed and sustained by Congress and by
better coimsel than Porter's among naval men. A younger
man than myself must embark in this conflict, and the
policy, once commenced, must be carried forward by suc-
ceeding Secretaries. I should have pressed the subject,
which I had initiated, but, besides encountering the op-
position of officers and engineers. Congress became so
constituted and other questions so interwoven, that the
subject could not at this time be successfully carried for-
ward.

I have no idea that Grimes can present a successful plan.
He may reorganize the Engineer Department, sift it of
some of its old and trashy members, but he cannot have
a steam navy without engineers, and they are, and wiU be.

254 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [janTj

a body to be in constant rivalry and collision with the
naval line officers.

January 3, Friday. Little of interest in Cabinet.
Dined with Mrs. W. at the President's. The dinner was
complimentary to General Sherman. Only he and his
daughter, his father-in-law Thomas Ewing, Stanbery and
lady, who were old township acquaintances of Sherman's,
were present, except the President and his daughters. It
was a pleasant party. General Sherman says it is the first
time he has ever dined at the Executive Mansion. The
President is desirous of making close friendship with Sher-
man, and may succeed, but he cannot detach him from
General Grant, even if disposed. Although the two men
are unlike, there is between them close identification.

January 7, Tuesday. After council, at which nothing of
special interest occiured, some conversation took place
relative to the banquet to-morrow evening. The Attorney-
General concludes to go and come out squarely. I had
previously advised it, and told him I made no secret of my
position. He said, "We are all aware of that."

I have this evening written a brief letter to the banquet.
These letters are always troublesome, but the committee
made special request, and I perceived that the President
wished it.

January 10, Friday. Browning submitted and read ex-
tracts from the report of the Indian Commission, which
has been in session, composed of Generals Sherman, Har-
vey, Terry, etc. It shows that the Indian war was no war
at all ; that our people, not the Indians, were in fault ; that
in the struggle which took place in the Cabinet months
ago between Stanton and Browning, the latter was right,
— that Stanton really desired an Indian war. After
aggressions on the part of the whites, the Indians killed
a number, and our army succeeded in killing six Indians.

1868] STANTON'S CASE IN CONGRESS 255

This war will cost the country scarcely less than fifty
millions. The people will in due time learn the value of
"Camot," the divine Stanton. Senator Howard has pre-
pared an elaborate reply to the President's conmnmication
stating the reasons for removing Stanton, which he calls
a "Report." This he has given to the public before either
the Senate or his committeehas seen it. He now complains
that certain newspaper correspondents have been guilty
of breach of confidence. But he is the first and chief crim-
inal in this matter. His argument states a falsehood in re-
lation to the New Orleans telegram. He asserts that "at
once" was interpolated. This is not true; I have seen the
telegram which Stanton sent the President, and it contains
these words.

January 11, Saturday. Senator Doolittle called at my
house early this morning and says the Radicals are de-
termined to press a vote in Stanton's case to-day. The
Committee, except himself, adopt Howard's argument, and
exhibit an unwillingness to give him an opportunity to
reply or permit a minority report. He asked me to go with
him to the President and have an immediate interview.
The President promptly received us and heard D.'s state-
ment calmly. I thought he did not seem displeased that
the Radicals were hasty and violent. "But," said he,
"does the Senate propose to proceed in this matter with-^
out submitting the argument and statement of Senator
Howard?"

I suggested to D. that he had best present a resolution
that Howard's docimient, or a copy, should be sent to the
President for any comment he might be pleased to make.
This both considered proper. D. says that they have
struck out that portion which related to the mutilation of
the New Orleans telegram; but they must not be let oflf so.
Howard's falsehood has gone abroad to the country, and
should be officially corrected. The President brou^t for-
ward the original telegram given him by Stanton, and also

256 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [jan.ii

a certified copy of what was received at the War Depart*
ment, containing the words allied to be interpolated.

Doolittle had to hurry away to meet his committee.
McCulloch came in just before he left, and while we were
there a telegram was recieved by the President from Gov-
ernor Jenkins of Georgia to the effect that General Meade
had ordered him to issue a warrant on the Treasurer of the
State for the payment of the bogus Convention, and threat-
^ling the Governor with removal in case he refused. I ex-
pressed my astonishment and a hope that Meade would be
asked to show by what authority he issued such order and
by what authority he assimied to depose the Governor of
a State. McCulloch said nothing. The President was morti-
fied and chagrined that he should have been disappointed
in Meade, who follows in the wake of Pope. These generals
show their unfitness for civil position, and their ignorance
and disregard of constitutional obligations and civil and
individual rights. This is, I am satisfied, current among
these generals and a secret moving power behind them.

As McCulloch and I were leaving, the President re-
quested me to remain. He said he wished to inform me
that Mr. Adams had sent in his resignation as Minister, to
take effect on the first of April, or May, he was not certain
which, and asked me who I thought would be a proper per-
son for the place. He had, he said, an individual in his
mind, and his object was to see whether my mind took the
same direction. I remarked that the subject took me by
surprise, but his intimation that he had a person in his
mind made me think of Mr. Seward. Not that Mr. Seward
would be my selection were the field open, but, talking
with him frankly and without reserve, we both knew that
Mr. S. was a weight upon him, and that the Democrats
would not give their confidence to an Administration
which retained him in the Cabinet. As a political move,
I thought it might be effected, provided S. was willing to
take it, which was, perhaps, imoertain.

Before I had concluded, I saw by the expression of his

18681 C. P. ADAMSES RESIGNATION 257

face and by his manner^ that our mmds were not in ao-
cord, — that Seward was not the man whom he proposed
to appoint ; and he said S. was not the man whom he had
thought of. Running hastily over prominent characters,
no one struck me as particularly fit, whom the President
would be likely to appoint, and I so told him.

He asked me what I thought of General McClellan.
I told him I had not had time to consider the subject in
all its bearings, but it appeared to me a bold stroke and
perhaps an effective one. [I said that] he had received the
votes of nearly one half of his coimtrymen for Chief Ma^a-
trate, which was an indorsement not to be treated Ughtly;
that he had the affection of the Army at one time mote
devotedly than Grant or any other oflBcer; that he had
education and abihty; that his nomination, whether con*
firmed by the Senate or not, would be conciliatory and
particularly acceptable to a large portion of the people who
were now on the Union side. His dilatoriness as a general
would, perhaps, commend him as a diplomat, but it would
be urged against him; and his unfortxmate letter from Mai*
vem Hill to Mr. Lincoln was not to be excused ; but none
are exempt from error. I then told him of a conversation
I had with General Sherman at Admiral Dahlgren's
nearly two years ago, which I noted in my journal at the
time, and which was an extenuation of McClellan's tardy
movements. The President said he had mentioned the
subject of Adams' resignation to no one. Mr. Seward
knew it. The resignation came through him, and he had
named two or three for the place, the most prominent of
whom was Hamilton Fish. I told him such an appoint-
ment would not be objectionable, but would have no
significance except for Mr. Seward, who was willing from
personal considerations to honor Mr. Fish.

The President wished me to consider the subject of
McClellan's appointment, and communicate with him soon.
In the mean time he wished it a confidential matter be*
tween us, for he had not named McC. to Seward even. \

258 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan.u

Some farther communication took place in relation to
J. P. Hale, Cassius M. Clay, Burlingame, and others, who
he said had all better come home.

January 13, Monday. The Senate did not get to a vote
on Stanton's case on Saturday, but they doubtless will to-
day or to-night from what I learn. There is little doubt the
whole subject is concocted and xmderstood by the Radicals.
Some of them may dodge, like Sherman and Williams,^
who are committed by speeches which they made on the
Tenure-of-0fl5ce Bill. It would matter little with Sher-
man, however, who often makes an argument and votes
against it, is not steadfast in principle, lacks stability, and
is unreasonably partisan in his votes.

In the House, imder the discipline and stimulation of
the Radical leaders, there is manifested a revolutionary
and violent spirit. Part of the conspiracy is a scheme
to change the character of the Supreme Court, which
Stevens and his fellows find is against them. A new Recon-
struction bill, an act to legislate Hancock and Rousseau
out of office, is among the topics which were before that
body. Strict party tests were applied and enforced, and
from this I have little doubt that Stanton will have every
party vote of the Radicals in the Senate. I cannot but think,
from what I see and hear, that General Grant is acting
in concert with them, though the President on Saturday
was xmwilling to believe that Grant was false and was de-
ceiving him. McCuUoch expressed his belief on Saturday
that Stanton, if reinstated, would immediately resign. I
took issue with him, for I have no doubt Stanton will strive
by every means in his power to retain the office. He may
get up some hollow pretext of willingness to resign, but
it will be untrue, a mere pretext. Stanton wants the of-
fice, which he will recklessly and unscrupulously use, to
keep himself in power. And the funds of the nation will
enter largely into the elections. Had Stanton been in the

^ Senators John Sherman of Ohio and George H. Williams of Oregon.

1868] GRANT LEAVES WAR DEPARTMENT 259

War Department last autumn, election results would prob-
ably have been materisdly different. Grant did not, and
would fear to, use money that Stanton would use without
hesitation.

January 14, Tuesday. General Grant attended the
Cabinet-meeting to-day, but stated it was by special re-
quest of the President- The Senate had notified him last
evening that the reasons for suspending Mr. Stanton were
insufficient, and he had therefore gone early to the War
Department, locked the doors, and given the keys to the
Adjutant-General. Subsequently he had sent General
Comstock to the President with a letter and a copy of the
resolution of the Senate, and had received a request
through General Comstock when he returned to be pre-
sent to-day, and had therefore come over, though he was
now at the Headquarters and considered himself relieved
of the duties of Secretary.

The President asked if this proceeding conformed to
previous understanding, etc. General Grant, without
answering directly, said he had promised sometime ago
that he would give the President notice before relinquish-
ing the office ; but that he had not then examined closely
the second and fifth sections of the Tenxu'e-of-Office BilL
He was not willing to suffer five years' imprisonment and
pay ten thousand dollars fine, but preferred to give up the
office.

The President asked why, when he had read the sec-
tions and come to the conclusion to leave he had not in-
formed him as agreed and remarked that he would under-
go the whole imprisonment and fine himself, which might
be adjudged against General Grant and said he so told
Grant on Saturday when he spoke of apprehensions.

The General said he was not aware of the penalties
in the Tenure-of-Office Bill, until he saw the discussion in
the papers; did not know when he had his first talk with
the President; and he came over on Satimlay expressly

260 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [jan.m

to take up this subject. Had spoken of these difficulties
at that time, and expected to see the President again on
Monday, but he was busy with General Sherman, and
had a good many little matters to attend to. He did not
suppose the Senate intended to act so soon.

" Was not our imderstanding — did you not assiure me
some time ago, and again on Saturday, that if you did not
hold on to the office yourself, you would place it in my
hands that I might select another ? " said the President,
j" That," said Grant, " was my intention. I thou^t
dome satisfactory arrangement would be made to dispose
of the subject. Mr. Johnson (Reverdy) and General Sher-
man spent a great deal of time with me on Simday. Didn't
Mr. Johnson come to see you? I sent General Sherman
yesterday after talking the matter over. Did n't you see
Sherman?''

The President said he saw each of them, but he did not
see what the interview with either had to do with giving
back into his hands the place agreeably to the imderstand-
ing. "Why did you give up the keys to Mr. Stanton and
leave the Department? "

General Grant said he gave the key to the Adjutant-
General and sent word to the President by General
Comstock.

"Yes," said the President, "but that, you know, was
uot our understanding."

Grant attempted some further apologies about being
very busy, stammered, hesitated, said Sherman had taken
up a great deal of his time, but he had intended to call on
the President on Monday; asked to be excused, and left.

This is, as near as I recollect, the substance of the con-
versation as it occurred. I do not claim to give the pre-
cise words, though in many instances I probably have done
so. My intention and wish is to do injustice to neither,
but fairly present what took place and the remarks of
both. I write this on the evening of Tuesday, the 14th,
while the subject is fresh in my mind.

ILYSSES S. GRANT

1S6SI GRANT'S DEFENSE OF HIS COURSE 261

The President was calm and dignified, though manifestly
disappointed and displeased. General Grant was humble,
hesitating, and he evidently felt that his position was
equivocal and not to his credit. There was, I think, an
impression on the minds of all present (there certainly
was on mine) that a consciousness that he had acted with
duplicity — not been faithful and true to the man who
had confided in and trusted him — oppressed General
Grant. His manner, never very commanding, was almost
abject, and he left the room with less respect, I apprehend,
from those present than ever before. The President,
though disturbed and not wholly able to conceal his
chagrin from those familiar with him, used no harsh ex-
pression, nor committed anything approaching incivility,
yet Grant felt the few words put to him, and the cold and
surprised disdain of the President in all their force.

After Grant had left, the President remarked that it had
been said no man was to be blamed for having been once
deceived, but if the same person a second time imposed
upon him the fault and folly were his.

He said that Reverdy Johnson and General Sherman
had called on him, after the consultation with Grant
alluded to, and wanted him to nominate Governor Cox
of Ohio, whom they had selected to be /lis Secretary of
War. They thought the Senate might be induced to
consent that he might have Cox, and in that way dispose
of Stanton.

There is no doubt that Grant has been in secret intrigue
in this business, acting in concert with and imder the di-
rection of the chief conspirators. He did not put the ofiSce
in the President's hands on Saturday, because the Senate
had not acted, but he anticipated, as I and others did,
that they would. If, therefore, the subject was delayed
imtil Monday it would be too late. But the Senate came
to no conclusion on Saturday, as he expected ; he therefore
avoided seeing the President on Monday, as he promised.
On Tuesday he yielded to Stanton.

262 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. u

All the members of the Cabinet present were astonished
and declared themselves unqualifiedly against both Grant
and Stanton, except Seward, who was very reticent, but
expressed an opinion that no action should be taken hastily.
On grave and important questions he always preferred
to take a night's sleep.

January 15, Wednesday. The President informs me
that Grant and Sherman called on him this morning.
Grant is disturbed with an editorial in the Intelligencer of
this morning, which describes occurrences of yesterday
and the equivocation and bad faith he exhibited. He
attempted to explain, but, the President says, only
reaffirmed the fact that he had not been true to the un-
derstanding and his pledged word.

January 17, Friday. No allusion was made to Stanton
or Grant during the session of the Cabinet. After it closed,
some general conversation took place. Seward hastened
away. I had put on my overcoat to leave, when Colonel
Moore brought in a scrap-book and whispered a word
to the President, who requested us to be seated. He de-
sired to ascertain if the recollection of the members of the
Cabinet in regard to the interview between himself and
General Grant on Tuesday corresponded with his own.
His impressions were embodied in an article in the InteU
ligencer of Wednesday, which he requested Colonel Moore
to read from the scrap-book. Each of the gentlemen
present — McCulloch, Randall, Browning, and myself
— concurred in the correctness of the statement, which
was a compend rather than detail. Browning said he had
a more full report, which, however, corresponded with
the statement in the IrUelligencer. He farther volunteered
to remark that he was accustomed to make a record of
what occurred in Cabinet-meetings. I stated I had also
a memorandum of what took place on Tuesday, made that
evening.

1868] WILL STANTON RESIGN? 263

January 18, Saturday. The proceedings of the Sen-
ate in reinstating Stanton, Stanton's obtrusions, and
Grant's conduct are none of them well received by the
country, and I think all concerned in the company are
dissatisfied.

There appears to be a general belief and expectation
that Stanton will resign. To this I am not a convert, un-
less he becomes convinced that the Radical Senators will
not sustain him. They will come to no such conclusions.
Morgan, Fessenden, the Morrills, Patterson, and other
limber-backed Senators have not the independence to
demand such a step. Senator Sherman, whose brother,
General Sherman, has been insulted and wronged by Stan-
ton, has not self-reliance, self-respect, and strength of mind
sufficient to do his duty.

. It is reported that Generals Grant and Sherman have
said to Stanton that he must resign. They may have
done this together, but I doubt if Grant has taken such
a stand by himself, for he is cowed and submissive before
Stanton. Sherman, if he has had an interview, would- be
likely to have expressed himself with some freedom and
boldness.

The President told me on Wednesday that Seward said
to him: "You observed my reticence yesterday. I was
silent because I believed you would before this [Wednesday
noon] have had Stanton's resignation." This remark of
Seward has, I think, an influence on the President, who'
is daily looking for a fulfillment of Seward's prediction.
Seward probably wishes Stanton would take himself out
of the way. He may say as much to Stanton, but if the
latter bluffs him with an oath and rough expression, there
will be no further remark, for Seward droops at once imder
rebuff from the ''divine Camot." Yet the President re-
lies much on Seward; is inflamed by his od captaruium
assertions and flippant prophecies, which are blundering
guesses and mistakes. It was an error to suppose Stanton
would resign, cowardly to keep silent. -

264 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan.m

January 20. Doolittle called last evening and read me
the concluding portions of a speech which he proposes to
deliver on Wednesday if he can or soon thereafter. The
speech is very well got up.

Colonel Babcock called a little later and spent two hours
on various matters. Wanted my views on the subject
of Senator. Says Dixon is anxious. I advised that the
subject should not be agitated until after the election. ^ |

I said the same to A. E. Burr yesterday. Burr is here,
and speaks confidently of carrying Connecticut for the
Democrats by an increased majority, and of securing a
majority of the legislature. Others are alike confident,
and I trust their expectations may be verified, for our
coimtry is in an unhappy condition, and I am not without
apprehension of a civil convulsion. There is among the
Radicals neither statesmanship, sagacity, nor sense. Hate,
revenge, thirst for power govern them. To oppress and
persecute the white population of the Southern States
is their delist; to place negro governments over them by
the aid of the miUtary is their intention.

January 25, Saturday. The week has been a busy one,
and I have foimd little time and less inclination to open
this book. A venomous and malignant spirit actuates cer-
tain of the Radical leaders, and I and the Navy Depart*
ment come in for our share of their spite. The naval esti-
mates, made out when I was sick in bed, for the ensuing
year are large, imusually large; but when submitting them
I had no expectation that the appropriation would reach
the amoimt of these estimates, nor would I have advised
it. But the Bureaus really in that way made their sugges-
tions for improvements as well as for current expenses,
and I, erroneously and sick, allowed their presentation to
go forward without curtailment, expecting to review the
whole when well with the Naval Conmiittees. The es-
timates for men and supplies were larger than is reqiiited,
and I intended should be reduced in the appropriations;

1868] THE NAVAL ESTIMATES 265

but I was sick and confined to my bed and thought best
to submit the whole to Congress. In so doing, however,
I gave the petty demagogues an opportunity to attack and
misrepresent me, and it is right I should be rebuked even
by them for putting myself in a false position.

The House of Representatives in November passed a
resolution to stop work on the vessels which are building.
The Naval Committee informed that the force would be
limited to 8500 men, — a reduction of nearly one half, —
that they are opposed to farther improvements in the
navy yards, etc. Under these circumstances I have re-
viewed and reduced our estimates nearly one half, and
have sent in this revised estimate with a letter to the
Speaker. It seems to have caused E. B. Washbume great
unhappiness. He had been at work, without data or facts,
slashing our original estimates, but had not perfected
his onslaught when our revision went in. A day or two
later he presented his proposition, or report, in the form
of a bill from the Conunittee on Appropriations, and in
doing so let off a little pent-up self and party glorification
as to what a Republican Committee of a Republican Con-
gress had done when compared with a Democratic Secre-
tary of a Democratic Administration. Spaulding of Ohio,
a Republican member of the Appropriation Committee,
corrected and quietly rebuked him for his injustice to the
Department.

Went one evening for an hour to Mr. J. A. Griswold's,
there being a gathering by invitation to witness the pre-
sentation of a watch which belonged to Roger Sherman to
General W. T. Sherman. It was, in a measure, a Connecti-
cut affair, and all passed off very well. General Sherman
was not very near kin to Roger Sherman, who was a third
or fourth cousin of Daniel Sherman, the grandfather of
the General. It was the first time I had gone out of an
evening since my illness, or since October.

"^ Jannary 28, Tuesday, After dose of official matten in

266 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan.»

Cabinet, and some little conversation of a general character,
Mr. Seward remarked to the President that if there was
nothing further he would leave. I suggested that he had
better remain imtil we all left, for, having gone a Httle in
advance of the others a few days ago, he failed to get his
name into a discussion when he as well as the rest of us was
cognizant of the facts. *' Ah, yes," said he, '*I read in the
papers that there had been consultation here when I was
notinvited." ''Well,then," said I, "remain now. Iwanted
you to bear testimony to the interview which we all wit-
nessed, and as you have read the statement, to aflirm
whether it is, or is not, substantially correct." He evaded
a direct answer, hoped he should be present when the sub-
ject was again discussed. I told him this would not answefi
and unless he controverted, or questioned, the statement
or some part of it, he must be considered as affinnmg it.
Without making any reply, he went for his overcoat. The
President remarked with a smile, after Seward left, that
I was not inclined to let Seward go without showing his
hand with the rest. He said he had not seen Grant since
he returned from Richmond. Whether he felt that he
had not done exactly right, or that he did not want an
interview imtil he advised Stanton to resign, or from what
cause, he could not say, but he had absented himself. The
President then related the interview between himself and
Generals Grant and Sherman, also produced a letter from
the latter, apologizing for not having seen Stanton as pro-
mised, because he was obUged to go to Annapolis to fulfill
an engagement and Grant was obUged to go to Richmond,
but the subject should receive attention when they re-
turned.

• •••••••••

^ January 29, Wednesday. The first general reception of
Mrs. Welles took place last evening. There was a large and
pleasant company. All appeared to enjoy themselves. The
Fkesident and his daughter, Mrs. Stover, with ladies visit-

1868] GRANT'S INTERVIEW WITH STANTON 267

ing at the Executive Mansion^ were present. Foreign Min-
isters, Senators, and Representatives, as well as Cabinet
Ministers, were among the crowd with ladies, comprising
the ton of Washington society. All seemed and declared
themselves pleased, which made the occasion pleasant
to us, who wished to entertain them.

JaniLarySO, Thursday. Congress is malignantly Radical.
The party-servers are all-potent. Not a man of the party
has sufficient independence to act on his own individual
opinions and convictions. Some of them will whisper in
confidence their disgust and dissatisfaction, but yet when
the test is applied they succumb.

Senator DooUttle's speech has greatly disturbed the
whole Radical nest, who are hissing and snapping like vipers.
Evidently they are not satisfied with themselves. I hear
that some of them are incensed with Stanton because he
does not resign. They expected he would at once leave on
being reinstated.

General Grant is disturbed; feels bad; has made a fool of
himself; is afraid of Stanton and overawed by him. He
wishes Stanton out of the way; dislikes him; has pro-
mised to see him and advise him to resign, but there are yet
no evidences that Grant has fulfilled his promises in this
respect. Am told he went to see Stanton ; that S. had some
information of his intention, and was in apparent rage
when Grant called. After waiting some time for Stanton
to subside, Grant left without daring to make known the
object of his mission.

The State Convention yesterday in Connecticut re-
nominated the present ticket and passed some pretty good
resolutions. Governor English made, or read, a good speech,
which some one has prepared for him. Affairs are looking
very well in Connecticut.

January 31, Friday. After the close of the Cabinet-
meeting the President submitted some letters from Gen-

268 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [jan.si

end Grant which confirm more fully his duplicity and sub-
serviency to Stanton and the small politicians. He wanted
a verbal order of the President reduced to writing, but when
he received it, cavilled and said Stanton had not been noti-
fied. He also wrote a long letter to the President, denying
his words and acts in abandoning his position as Secretary
ad interim. To this the President had prepared a reply
which was in its rough state a recitation of the facts. Some
suggestions and modifications were made by the members
severally, and Seward indorsed the whole, making the five
Cabinet members who were present at the interview with
the President imited. There was no mistake as regards the
conversation. Grant was confused and embarrassed, hesi-
tated, and was conscious of his bad faith towards the Pre-
sident, — which perhaps caused him to disremember. This
is the most charitable view.

LVI

Grant's Treachery — Conversation with the President on the Subject of
Preparation for an Emergency — Proposal to make Washington a
Military Department and order Sherman to it — Excitement over the
Correspondence between the President and Grant — Grant's Account of
his Interview with Stanton — Grant's Dislike for and Subjection to
Stanton — His Indifference to Human Life — Stanton goading the
Radicals to Impeachment — He dreads being out of Place — The
President sends to the House the Account of his Interview with Grant,
with the Statements of the Cabinet Members — Hancock remonstrates
against an Order of Grant's — General Lorenxo Thomas ordered to re-
sume his Duties as Adjutant-General at Washington — A New Military
Department created at Washington and Sherman placed in Command

— Sherman asks to be excused from coming to Washington — The
President removes Stanton — McClellan nominated as Minister to
England — Excitement in Congress over Stanton's Removal — Ad-
jutant-General Thomas arrested — The President nominates Thomas
Ewing Secretary of War — Stanbery an Honest Lawyer and Faithful to
the President, but too Dependent on Precedents in an Emergency —
Jeffries, Register of the Treasury, advises the President to use Strong
Measures — OflBcers summoned from an Evening Party — General
Thomas's Unfitness for the Place of Secretary of War ad interim — The
Question of the Tenure of the Four Hold-over Members of the Cabinet

— The House votes to impeach the P*resident — Conversation with John
Bigelow on the Situation — Repugnance of the Conservative Senators
to the Possibility of Wade's becoming President — General Lorenio
Thomas arrested and then discharged — Suggestions as to the Demo-
cratic Candidate for the Presidency — A Nitro-Glycerine Scare in Con-
gress — Stanbery considers resigning to devote himself to the President's
Cause.

February 4, Tuesday. A resolution was introduced yes-
terday by Hubbard of West Virginia, calling for corre-
spondence between the President, Secretary of War, and
General Grant. The resolution was introduced about an
hour before the last letter of Grant reached the President.
The whole shows an intrigue and conspiracy on the part
of Stanton, Grant, and certain Radical leaders. The Presi-
dent to-day submitted to the Cabinet the correspondence.
It is throughout highly discreditable to Grant's integrity,

270 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [fbb.4

honor, ability, and truth. He is in this matter the tool of
Stanton and the victim of his own selfish aspirations. He
has vulgar cimning, is deceptive {uid imreUable. . . .

The correspondence shows that he played a false and
treacherous part with the President throu^out. From the
first, he has studied to deceive the man who trusted him.
This he virtually admits; says he was afraid the President,
in selecting his military adviser, would choose a man not
acceptable to the Army. Denies that he agreed to see the
President on Monday, the 20th, although he twice ad-
mitted it on Tuesday in Cabinet-meeting and made his
excuses and apologies for not fulfilling his promises. Pre-
varication and downright falsehood, with deception and
treachery towards his chief, mark the conduct of U. S.
Grant.

These things and other occurrences fully convince me
that there is a conspiracy maturing for the overthrow of
the Administration and the subversion of the government
and our federal system. The Radicals are using Grant as
their tool; he is prepared to use them for his purpose. As
a general he was reckless of human life and witnessed the
slaughter of his countrymen with composure ; he is equally
callous as to all the sympathies and moral and friendly
obligations which endear man to his fellow man, and
make society dear. It will not surprise me, should cir-
ciunstances favor him, if at no distant day he strives for
military dictatorship and empire.

February 5, Wednesday. The President showed me this
P.M. a reply to Grant's last impudent and insubordinate
letter. It was very well, provided he thinks best to con-
tinue the correspondence. I so said to him, reminding him
at the same time of what I had said yesterday, viz., that
I would direct the Private Secretary, Colonel Moore, to
inform General Grant that his last letter was of such extra-
ordinary tone and character that no further commun-
ication or correspondence could be had with him on that

1868] THE CONTROVERSY WITH GRANT 271

subject. The President said he thought it best on the
whole to reply. He also deemed it advisable that all the
members of the Cabinet who were present at the last Cab-
inet interview with General Grant should state their own
impressions.

Colonel Moore called at my house this evening with a
note from the President to this effect. I asked if he had
called on the other members of the Cabinet. He said he
had; that he had just come from Mr. Seward, who had de-
tained him long and dictated an answer while he was there.
I asked to see it, but Colonel Moore said Seward was to
have it copied and sent to the President. McCulloch and
Randall, he said, would make brief repUes; Browning would
probably answer at length. I doubt if he has got anything
definite from Seward; shall not be surprised if Seward per-
suades the President to give up these answers. In some
way he will be likely to evade and get rid of a frank and ex-
plicit statement, or I shall be mistaken; although he is fully
and unequivocally committed, orally, to the President's
statement of the conversation.

Saw the President this evening; told him I would
make my reply to his note brief, or detail my recollection.
He told me to do as I pleased, but a short reply would be
sufficient.

I took occasion to express my apprehensions of public
affairs, and of threatening impending calamities which
were to be met. I reminded him that it was a duty for us
all, and particularly for him, to be prepared for approach-
ing extraordinary emergencies; reckless, unprincipled men
in Congress had control of the government, were usxirping
executive authority, and would exercise these powers to
extreme, and evidently beyond constitutional, limits.
They had contrived to get General Grant, not imwilling,
I apprehend, in their interest. He had entirely changed
his ground. Having been suddenly elevated to position
without much culture, with no experience, knowledge; or
correct information of the principles of government. Grant

272 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [fbb.45

was intoxicated with his success and beginning to believe
that with the Army he could make himself permanently
supreme. The Radicals consider him an instrument in their
hands. He thinks they are puppets in his. They are act-
ing together; however^ at this time, and will imtil the crisis
comes.

I asked the President if he was prepared for that crisis.
Should they attempt to seize the government, — to arrest
him, — had he determined the course he would pursue?
Such a step is, I know, meditated and discussed by some of
the extreme Radicals. They have intended, by any meas-
ure, no matter how unprincipled and violent, to get pos-
session of and to exercise the executive authority. Grant
would help them. Congress, unmindful of the C!onstitu-
tion, will place the Army at his disposal instead of the
President's. Who, I asked the President, had he got in
whom he could confide, if a collision took place?

The President became somewhat excited, arose, and
walked the room. I had evidently touched on topics which
had been in his mind. He spoke of Sherman as having been
more emphatic in his language before he left, and sug-
gested that Washington might be made a military depart*
ment and Sherman ordered to it. Sherman, he knew,
would take it.

I expressed misgivings as to Sherman if Grant were to be
his antagonist. He is friendly disposed, but would yield,
I feared, and follow Grant rather than the President. I
admitted that he was a man of superior intellect and of a
higher sense of honor than Grant, but their military asso-
ciation and the ties and obligations of military fellowship
and long personal intimacy and friendship would attach
him to Grant, thou^ I hoped not to the overthrow of the
government.

February 6, Thursday. Gave the President my answer
to his note about eleven this morning. It was brief and
direct. I again told him I would make it more extended if

18881 THE CJONTROVERSY WITH GRANT 273

he wished, for I had pretty full notes; but he was satisfied
with this. I asked if any others had sent in their answers.
None had yet been received. Seward had promised, and so
had the others. I shall not be surprised if Seward prevails
on the President to omit signed testimonials from the Cab-
inet. If not, he will be likely to have a diluted and indirect
reply, with many words and inoffensive and guarded com-
mittals. Browning will, the President thinks, give a de-
tailed statement. Says he made a full record of what took
place at the time.

February 7, Friday. The Cabinet-meeting was brief.
Stanbery and McCulloch were not present. After business
was over I asked the President if he had answers from the
five gentlemen relative to Grant's conversation. He said
he had, from all, but as he did not continue the conversa-
tion or offer to submit them for perusal, I made no further
remark. Browning asked me before I left if I had seen the
letters. I replied I had not. He said that was the case with
himself, but he thought we ought to see and compare
them. He remained when I left, and may then have seen
them.

February 8, Saturday. There has been, and is, and will
continue to be much excitement over the correspondence
between the President and Grant. In reading it, my appre-
hensions and suspicions of Grant's duplicity and full com-
mittal to the conspiracy are confirmed. ... It is evident
he has been in collusion with the Radicals, intriguing with
them, and false to the President who has trusted him.
Stanton he does not like, but yet, in the plot or intrigue
against the President, he is Stanton's instrument and tool.
Stanton's manner — bluffness and arrogance — subordin-
ates Grant, who fears him, — dreads him.

Randall said, a few days since, that Grant went to seQ
Stanton and try to have him resign, but Stanton, knowing
his object, put on an imperious and angry look, and spoke

274 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [feb. s

loud and violently of some matter that offended him; which
completely awed Grant, who sat and smoked his cigar, but
preserved his remarkable quality of reticence for half an
hour, when, without saying a word, he quietly left. I did
not give much heed to the story imtil I saw the corre-
spondence, and find that Grant states he ''did have an in-
terview alone with Mr. Stanton, which led me to the con-
clusion that any advice to him of this kind [resigning]
would be useless.'^ He was, as usual, speechless.

While Grant dislikes Stanton, he is subjected to and
controlled by him, — more overawed throu^ others than
directly, perhaps, for Stanton understands his man. The
Radical politicians, some of them very small ones and oth-
ers sharp and cunning, if not great, are Grant's advisers.
These Stanton uses. Washbume, who is godfather to
Grant and for his own selfish piuposes has constantly
pushed him in Congress, has narrow, contracted, and
grovelling ideas and is reached by Stanton through others,
which throws off suspicion on the part of both Grant and
Washbume. Bingham, a shrewd, sinuous, tricky lawyer,
Stanton has extolled to Grant as an extraordinary legal
mind, and of course, what is said by B. is received as
conclusive by Grant.

The resolution calling for this correspondence was of-
fered by an obscure and dummy member, Hubbard of
West Virginia, an old lawyer acquaintance of Stanton
when he practiced in that section. How comes he to know
anything of a correspondence with the President and
Grant? How came Stanton or any one acquainted with the
fact? Grant had intrigued with tiie Radical Members and
with Stanton, had tried to entrap the President imder their
direction, and wrote his insolent letters at their instigation,
to irritate and provoke, if possible, the President into the
commission of some rash or indiscreet act.

. . . Grant ... is destitute of the feeling of real
friendship; is wanting in sympathy and the finer sensibil-
ities. The slaughter of his soldiers he viewed with indif-

1868] GRANT'S INSENSIBILITY 275

ference, and the sii£fering of our men in Southern prisons
did not excite his compassion. Mr. Fox, Assistant Sec-
letary, reported to me three years ago that Grant made
use, to him, of the inhuman expression that we could not
afiford to exchange healthy Rebel prisoners for the skele-
tons at Andersonville, etc. His march from this [city] to
Richmond was really a succession of defeats, and has been
characterized, indeed, as a bloody swath. It has been said
he made a macadamized road from Washington to Rich-
mond, which he paved with the skulls of Union soldiers.
In a conversation among the Cabinet officers one day be-
fore the session commenced, on the subject of population,
he asserted that the country had lost no population in con-
sequence of the War, — that many were killed, but others
had come forward to supply their places, so that there
were as many Uves to-day in the country as if there had
been no war. Whether the assertion be true or not, I stop
not at this time to discuss, but the positiveness and indif-
ference to life with which the remark was made, struck me
at the time most painfully. I thought of the charge that
he was a butcher, which had been so freely made. So far
as my observation extends, there was among the soldiers
none of that enthusiasm or warm attachment for Grant
that was shown towards McClellan, Sherman, Sheridan,
and other generals. The feeling was less marked as regards
the officers.

February 10, Monday. The Radicals continue vindictive
and are beating about without aim or intelligent purpose
to get rid of the President. Their great object is, and has
been, from the time they found that President Johnson
would not give up his conviction of duty to the demands
of party, to possess themselves of executive power, and
they are not scrupulous as to the means by which to obtain
it. Stanton is goading them on to impeachment, but quite
a number still hesitate. They have constituents behind
them ; he has none. His past violent and arbitrary conduct

276 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [pbb.10

has made him enemies everywhere, and he dreads bemg
out of place. In place he is tolerated, courted, and extolled
in a measure by many who hate and detest him, while the
extremists applaud and encourage him as ''Camot," the
great War Secretary.

February 11, Tuesday. The President this day sent in
his letter with the statement of the members of the Cab-
inet, to the House, in answer to a call. My letter was the
first reply, and appears first of the list. It is the most brief
and direct, and on the whole I am most pleased with it.
McCulloch's is almost as brief. Randall's is direct, but
recapitulates, which I thought imnecessary. Browning's
is fiill and explicit. He made memoranda at the time.
Seward has a great many words, is diplomatic and ambi-
dextrous, and, on the whole, weakens rather than strength-
ens by trying to steer between parties. As we all had the
letter of the President to Grant read to us twice when to-
gether, and each and all criticized, suggested, and assented
to the statements, it is imgenerous and almost untruthful
on the part of Seward to now equivocate. He distinctly,
emphatically, and unequivocally declared on the 31st ult.
that he recollected the remark of General Grant that he
"did not expect the Senate would act so soon." I know
that remark was made. The others recollect it. But Sew-
ard says in his letter that he is not certain whether Grant
made the remark or he (S.) had it in his own mind.
Pshaw! the doubt is put to conciliate Grant, and help
himself. It is characteristic. He is never reliable in a
crisis, and is not always as direct and truthful as he
should be.

Grant has written a letter which came while we were at
the President's, in reply to that part of the President's let-
ter which speaks of his insubordination, disavowing such
intention, etc. I presmne he is surprised at his own folly
and errors, and will, if he does not already, regret them.
But he is now under the management and control of vicious

18681 HANCOCK AND GRANT 277

and very bad men, who are using him for vicious purposes,
and he assents with bad intent.

February 12, Wednesday. Mrs. Welles has had her last
reception for the season. It was largely attended by the
notables and the fashionables, the old and yoimg. It is
spoken of as the largest and pleasantest party which has
yet been held this season, except perhaps the President's,
which exceeded ours in numbers, and probably General
Grant's, which were publicly advertised, and the whole
public were invited through the papers without cards of
invitation.

The tone and excitement of the Radicals have moder-
ated. They are less boisterous and they evidently find
difficulty in rallying their men to extreme measures.

How far Grant's prospects as a candidate will be affected
by recent developments and publications remains to be
seen. With candid and thinking men he has sxmk im-
measurably, but partisans do not think, and have not can-
dor. An acknowledgment on the part of the General of oiur
armies, who should exhibit all the better qualities of the
soldier and be the soul of honor, that he had deliberately
and purposely deceived his superior, and accepted place,
and imposed himself on the confidence of the man who
trusted him, in order to cheat and deceive him, that man
being the President of the United States, is humiliating
and demoralizing.

The President showed me to-day a telegram from Han-
cock, who has dismissed some negro aldermen in New
Orleans who were elected imder an improper and illegal
order from Sheridan. General Grant has ordered Hancock
to restore these negroes, — which he [Hancock] mildly
remonstrates agamst, and if the order is persisted m, re-
quests to be relieved. I apprehend that Stanton is in this
thing. It is a Radical movement. But Stanton means evil,
and, while pushing Grant forward, intends to profit him-
self by the General's weakness and baseness. I can hardly

278 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [pbb.12

suppose that Grant can rouse himself and recover from the
delusion imder which he now labors and which exhibits
traits as bad almost as Stanton. Both have been treacher-
ous.

February 13, Thursday. There is an attempt to estab-
lish a Radical ton, or condition of society, in Washington.
General Grant, Stanton, Colfax, and others have shown
signs of this. As Stanton is tabooed by the President and
Cabinet, he is excusable in tabooing them in return. Per-
haps Grant has something of the same ailment since the
letters of the President and Cabinet were received, but
his position is really unlike Stanton's, and he lets himself
down by imitating him. The two attended the last weekly
reception of Colfax; the two were last night at Senator
Chandler's. Neither of them attend receptions at the
President's or members of the Cabinet. Stanton cannot,
for he is not invited. It is different with Grant, though I
have attended none of his receptions, and could not with
my lame knee and restrictive orders of my physicians
in regard to evening exposure. I have only been to the
President's this season. But were it otherwise I would not
go to the publicly advertised jams of Grant. As regards
Colfax, he is light timber and would be glad to be sociable.
If I went out to general gatherings, I might and probably
should have called upon him, though I do not subscribe
to Seward's dictmn that he is the third officer of the
Government. I know no such officer.

I am told Grant looks dejected and dispirited. I have
not seen him for a fortnight. His course with the Pre-
sident I cannot reconcile with my previous opinion of him.
I thought him truthful and as unselfish as could be ex-
pected, — though somewhat coarse, low-mannered, and
devoid of very refined feelings, — but he confesses him-
self to have been false and faithless to the President. He
has not a high appreciation of public intelligence ; has no
deference to, or [regard for, the Constitution, which he

i«»J ADJUTANT-GENERAL THOMAS 279

considers less obligatory than lej^riative enactments; has
fellow-feeling with the factions majority of Congress
because he considers them with him.
' I suggested to the President on Tuesday that it would be
well to have a gentleman in the Adjutant-Greneral's of-
fice who is true and faithful to him and not in fear of, or
under the control of, Stanton. General Townsend, the
Assistant Adjutant-General, is a worthy and estimable
inan, but stands in dread and awe of " Camot," who dom-
ineers over him. In fact, Stanton has taken all manhood
out of Townsend, and I have often been pained to see with
what humiUty the subordinate stood before the imperious
tyrant. I spoke to the President of the importance of the
oflSce, through which military orders of the Department
passed. He caught promptly and at once to the suggestion,
and said General Thomas^ i^ould be ordered to his old
position. I asked if he had not better see him before giving
the order. He said he probably should, but he knew Thomas
to be right-minded. That is my impression; he is right,
but not strong, and there are so many who wilt down in
these days, or whom we misimderstand, or who are weak
or imreliable. Between Stanton and Thomas there hlus
been a difference for five years. General Fry * is another
under the power of the great intruder.

To-day I learned that orders were yesterday issued for
General Thomas to resume his position and duties as
Adjutant-General. Orders have also been issued to es-
tablish a new department. Sherman has been nominated
Brevet General. The President has two or three times
spoken to me of creating a new department and putting
Sherman in command. I have always asked if Sherman
could be depended upon in opposition to Grant. In other
respects I consider him right. The President thinks he
can rely on him. He can, doubtless, if Sherman enters
upon the subject imderstandingly, but unless he fully

^ General Lorenso Thomas.
* General Jamte B. Fry.

280 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [FifiB.18

consents and agrees in advance, he will be likelyi from old
military associations, to cling to Grant.

February 14, Friday. Some convasation took place in
Cabinet to-day on the subject of commmiications to the
Secretary of War. I asked, " Who is Secretary of War? ''
The President looked at me significantly and said, ''That
matter will be disposed of in one or two days."

He then brought up the subject of removals and of
authority on his part to assign the duties of one Cabinet
officer to another. I asked him if he had seen a bill reported
by Senator Trumbull on this subject, which was before the
Senate yesterday and, from indications, I thought would
)be rushed through Congress. Of course, there is an object
in this bill and this haste. None had seen the bill, which
was published in the Republican^ and on getting the paper
and scrutinizing its provisions and preceding laws, it was
evident it was another hedging-in of the President, which
t diould hardly have expected of Trumbull, thou^ he is
becoming extremely partisan.

I think the President is prepared to take decided action
with Stanton, and if he will do it promptly, all may yet
be well. He should have removed Stanton before this,
since his last intrusion.

February 15, Saturday. Dined with the President yes*
terday. The Cabinet were all there with their families,
and several Senators and others. It was a pleasant meet-
ing, and the first state dinner-party of the season. All was
pleasant and passed off cheerfully.

Many calls to-day. Got off an elaborate letter to Pike
and the Naval Committee, on the subject of appropria-
tions, and, incidentally, of estimates and the Navy gen-
erally. In the hands of a good chairman of the Conunittee
the paper would be effective, but Pike is lasy and uncer-
tain. Tries to be shrewd ; is devoted to party more than
to the service or the country; and there is consequently

18681 SHERMAN'S BREVET APPOINTMENT 281

no certainty how much be will do. I intend, however,
if the Navy is broken down, or impaired, that Congress
shall be responsible for its act&

February 17, Monday. Senator Doolittle called at my
house last evening and read me a prepared speech which
he proposed to deliver on Reconstruction. It is well cal-
culated for effect among the people, and will be a little
annoying to some of the S^:mtors, who have changed their
votes on this subject and on negro suffrage.

Attended reception at the President's this evening.
A very full and general attendance, except of ultra Rad*
icals, a few of whom were there, lliere is much spiteful*
ness and hate among these men.

February 18, Tuesday. No great matters of interest
were to-day before the Cabinet. I did not know but that
the President might commimicate something in regard
to the conferring of a brevet appointment on General
Sherman and assigning him to the command of this depart^
ment, but nothing was said. It is rumored that Sherman
refuses the brevet, and that he has written his brothetr.
Senator Sherman, if it is insisted upon, he will come to
Washington -and throw up his commission. I do not
credit this, but he is erratic and uncertain. Not unlikely
he declines the brevet, for he expects, if Grant is elected
President, to be made his successor; probably he may also
wish to have duty elsewhere than here, because, as It
friend of Grant, he wishes to avoid any conflict; but I shall
be disappointed if General Sherman has, as the Radicals
represent, committed anything approaching incivility
towards the President. In any matter personal between
the President and Grant, Sherman will endeavor to stand
aloof, for he respects the President, while intimate and
friendly with Grant; but, if compelled to take part, his
leanings will favor Grant. The lS:esident flatters himsdf
otherwise, but he is, I think, mistaken.

fi82 DIARY OP GroEON WELLES [feb 18

In their war upon the Court, the Radicals, under the
lead of Trumbull, have under consideration an act prohib-
iting the Court from passing judgment on political ques-
tions, and they have now a bill declaring what are political
questions. These usurpations and intrigues strain our
government.

February 19, Wednesday. The President informs me
this P.M. that he received this morning a letter from
General Sherman which was sent to him through Head-
quarters, where it has imdoubtedly been read. He sayB
the letter is friendly and respectful, but he (S.) wishes
to be excused from Washington, and if he is detailed to
command this department, asks that he may be permitted
to have his headquarters in New York.

In view of all the circmnstances, — the rumors, which
were not without some foundation, of his having tele-
graphed his brother Senator Sherman, his corresponding
with the President, who is Commander-in-Chief, through
General Grant, and his disinclination to come here, — the
President says he telegraphed to him at once, relieving
him of the order and directing him to remain in his present
command. The President thinks that, in communicating
with him through Grant, Sherman aims to keep in with
both sides and that he cared more to conciliate Grant than
anything else.

It is well these matters have taken this shape, perhaps,
though it is dilBScult to come to any satisfactory conclu-
sion in regard to the President's movements and inten-
tions. Indeed, he does not declare his intentions, and there-
in fails, I think, in sometimes coming to the best decision
that is to be attained. Perhaps the impeachment move-
ments and threats are over, but he certainly was not well
prepared for a crisis such as some of us apprehended and
some of the extremists intended. He could not, it is now
evident, have relied on Sherman, had there been a necess-
ity to resort to military measures. Yet he has persuaded

18681 ADMIRAL PORTER'S INTRIGUES 283

himself that Sherman would be his staff and reliance if
Grant failed. How far he could have relied on General
Emory as military conmiander of the district, I do not
know ; nor does the President, I apprehend. My impression
is that E. is not to be depended on in civil matters, but
he will be f oimd where he thinks the power is.

February 20, Thursday. The reports of the Conmiander
and the Engineer of the Wampanoag are gratifying. Isher-
wood has exerted himself wonderfully to make his engines
a success and has been sustained by the Department in
that effort. On the other hand, he has been vehemently
and persistently opposed and denoimced by a clique imder
Porter. There have been doleful predictions of failures of
this vessel, but the predictions have proved false. I am
glad, on Isherwood's accoimt as well as on my own and that
of the service, of this favorable result.

Vice-Admiral Porter is indulging in many intrigues
against Isherwood and the engineers and staff generally,
and is scheming in a way that is not creditable to bring
himself uito position in Washington. With some good
qualities as a naval officer, he has some great faults and
is wholly unfitted for administrative duties or place here.
In his restless, suggestive nature, the Department would
experience detriment and the coimtry infinite evil. He
should be kept afloat and in active service, but with a
taut rein.

February 21, Friday. Seward read a letter to-day in
regard to the employment of O'Conor or Brady ^ to go
out to England to defend the Fenians. He and the Pre-
sident have had an imderstanding on the subject, which
has been up once or twice before. I question the propriety
of sending out coimsel in these cases. Still, there may be
justification.

^ Charles O'Conor, who had been counsel for Jefferson Davis, and
James T. Brady, who had defended General Sickles in his trial.

284 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb.21

^ After disposing of regular Cabinet business, as we weM
about rising, the President informed us he had this mom*
ing removed Mr. Stanton. He had, he said, perhaps de-
layed the step too long. At all evente, it was time the dif-
ficulty was settled.

Some one, I believe myself, inquired who was to be his
successor. The President said General Thomas, Adjutant-
General, would officiate ad interim and until a regular
Secretary was appointed.

I asked if Stanton had surrendered up the place and
General Thomas taken possession. The President said
General Thomas had called on S. and informed him of his
appointment; that Stanton seemed calm and submissive;
that some little conversation had passed between them as
to removing his books and papers, and S. was willing that
Thomas should act his pleasure.

Browning said he had been informed that Stanton
intended sending in his resignation to-day or to-morrow.
A few remarks took place on this subject. I wholly dis-
credited it, and expressed the belief he would under no
circumstances resign, except on the single contingency
of an assurance that he would not have Radical support.
I was surprised to hear that he had quietly surrendered
to General Thomas, and should be glad to hear that he
had left and that General T. was in the rooms, in pos-
session.

McCulloch said he doubted if Stanton had resigned, or
intended to. He and I had once differed. He had thought
Stanton would resign as soon as reinstated. I then said he
would not. The result McCulloch said had proved that
I was right and he was wrong. He now concurred with me.
Browning said he gave no credit to the rumor which he
had heard. It came to him through Cox, his Chief Clerk,
who caught everything afloat.

The President said he had also brevetted Major-General
G. H. Thomas to be lieutenant-General and General, or
rather that he had sent in these brevets to the Senate.

18091 STANTON^S REMOVAL 289

He had also nominated General McClellan as Minister to
England, in place of Mr. Adams.

These acts of the President will excite the Radicals^ and
the violent ones will undoubtedly improve the opportunity
to press on impeachment. Impulse, rather than reason
or common sense, governs them. The President is vigor-
ous and active, but too late, and has attempted too much
at once.

February 22, Saturday. There was great excitement and
many rumors last evening in regard to the President
and Congress and others. Stanton, on getting notice of his
removal, immediately sent it to the House of Represent-
atives through the Speaker, and fire and wrath were
exhibited. The movement was not imexpected. The com-
munication was at once referred to the so-called "Recon-
struction Committee, '^ with a resolution from cunning but
illiterate old Covode to ''impeach the President."

The Senate were promptly informed by the President
himself of the removal of Stanton, and the appointment
of Thomas ad interim. That body at once stopped all
business and went into executive session, where a fierce
and protracted debate took place, extending far into the
night. A resolution was finally adopted by a strict party
vote, except Edmunds, who, though a central partisan,
has a legal mind, that the President had no constitutional
or legal power to remove the Secretary of War and appoint
another, thus giving an opinion m advance of unpeach-
ment on a point for which the President may be presented
to themselves for trial.

A committee of Cameron, Cattell, Conness, and Thayer
was appointed in a Radical caucus, hastily convened while
the Senate was in session, who proceeded to the War
Department, and counseled and conspired with Stanton,
how to resist the Executive, and they afterwards called
on General Grant, who was inclined to be ''reticent."

This morning General Thomas was arrested, on a writ

2g6 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [pbb.22

issued by Judge Cartter, a tool of Stanton, on a complaint
by Stanton that General T. had violated the Civil Tenure
law in accepting office against requirements of that law,
which he, Stanton, had himself emphatically declared as
unconstitutional.

General Thomas readily submitted to the arrest and
gave bail to appear next Wednesday. Stanton remained
at the Department all night with a parcel of Radical Sena-
tors and Representatives, and is there now and has been
all day, most of the time locked up.

It was impolitic for Thomas, who is a subordinate and
not an independent or self-reliant man, to have given
bail. Better to have gone to jail and sued out a writ of
habeas corpiis. Better still, it seems to me, if he had first
got out process against Stanton. The people still have
great deference to law and to legal proceedings.

I called about noon on the President. He was in the
library with the Attorney-General. We had a brief con-
versation on affairs, when the Attorney-General proposed
to the President to ask my opinion on the subject they were
discussing when I entered. The President said that was
his intention, and I was asked what I thought of Thomas
Ewing, Sr., for Secretary of War. I asked if a person of his
years was the man for the occasion, — the crisis was im-
portant. The President said he was sound and right on the
questions before us, trustworthy, and, he believed, reliable.
I still hesitated and debated the subject, — his former
standing, his relationship to Sherman,^ his great age, etc.
Stanbery said McClellan had just been nominated Minis-
ter to England from the Democratic side, if we now name
Ewing from the old Whig ranks the two will go well
together. The President smiled assent. I remarked that I
thought it would be well to get a nomination in early. The
President said if we two approved, he would send in Mr.

^ Thomas Ewing was both adopted father and father-in-law to General
Sherman. He was seventy-eight years old at this time and he had been
Searetary of the Interior under Taylor and Fillmore.

1868] STANBERY A MAN OP PRECEDENTS 287

Ewing's name at once. I said if that was his view, I should
acquiesce cheerfully; he was unquestionably the man who
should select his own advisers.

The President directed C!oloneI Moore to immediately
write a nomination, which he at once signed and sent to
the Senate. But the Senate, although it had assigned this
day to a speech from Senator Doolittle, met and adjourned
without doing any business, so that when Colonel Moore
reached the Capitol the Senate was not in session. The
day, I imderstand, was consumed by the Radical Senators in
secret caucus. The Attorney-General, although a very good
lawyer, is not the best adviser for administrative and exec-
utive service in such a time as this. There is a conspiracy
against the Executive by Senators who are to adjudge
him, and he, the Attorney-General, searches for precedents
and authorities, when action, decision, and novel questions
require a stand to be taken and a path to be stricken out
with promptness. In the little conversation we had, and so
on some former occasions, he seemed bewildered for pre-
cedents and undetermined how to act from the absence of
previous authorities. In the mean time, whilst he is hesi-
tating and groping aroimd among the books for precedents,
the Radicals are acting regardless of precedents or law.

The President needs, at this time, resolute and energetic
surroimdings, — men of intelligence and courage as well as
of caution and prudence. With them he should counsel
freely and without reserve. I apprehend he has not suf-
ficiently fortified himself with such men. In his Cabinet,
he has an honest lawyer in Mr. Stanbery, who will be
faithful to him so long as he has law and precedent, but
when new questions arise he is at sea and knows not how
to steer. He is not, like Seward, calculating, imreliable, and
selfish, but he will take no new step, nor enter into any
untrodden path. In the mean time the Radicals are break-
ing over constitutional law and all legal restraints, and
will, if they dare, arrest the President and his principal
friends and imprison them. I do not anticipate this, yet

288 DIART OF GIDEON WELLES (FEB.as

•

the scheme is agitated by leading conspirators and I shall
not be surprised at any movement they may make.

Returning from an evening ride, I called upon the Presi-
dent; hoping to find him alone, but McCulloch and Jeffries ^
were with him. Jeffries was advising strong measures.
Thought if the President were to send a conmumication to
the Senate, or to Congress, saying he wished the constitu-
tionality of the Tenure-of-Office Bill and the Reconstruc-
tion acts decided by the courts, — that he would submit
the laws to them, and if they should decide against him, or
that the laws were constitutional, he would resign, — such
a proposition, J. thought, would carry the coimtry with
the President. If Congress would not acquiesce in such a
submission or reference, but were to proceed to extrem-
ities, then resist, seize the principal conspirators, etc.
Fifty armed men would be all that were necessiary. The
President made no reply, nor did he enter into any conver-
sation with J. on the subject. I merely observed that these
theories would not be carried out, however plausible they
might seem when not commenced. Congress would con-
sent to no reference of their laws and proceedings to any
court. That would be a trial of the Legislature as well as
the Executive by the Judiciary; it was the purpose of the
Legislature to try the Executive themselves. And then, as
to the fifty military men, what could they do? Here was
the General of the armies in the conspiracy, secretly urging
it on. He might be arrested if insubordinate, but who was
to do it? Emory is in coromand of the District. Can the
President depend on him in an emergency? I have but
little confidence in him, but the President ought to know
him, and I presume does. He should have the best friend
he has got in the Army in that place.

On asking the President in regard to Emory, he gave no
satisfactory answer, but it was evident he did not fully
confide in him. Jeffries, though a Marylander, knew little
of E., but said Colonel Bowie, a true man, has great faith

^ Noah L. Jeffries, Re^ster of the Treasury.

1868] GENERAL THOMAS'S UNFITNESS 289

in him, believes him true, etc., etc. I remembered he was
false to the Union and pursued an equivocal course at the
comimencement of the Rebellion, and though there was en-
treaty and importunity to reiiBtate him, with many state-
ments and explanations of his error and pledges of his future
fidelity, I had little faith in him then, nor have I much now.

I called on the President this morning in consequence of
an incident which took place at a party given by Mrs. Ray
last evening. After the company assembled, an orderly
appeared, requiring all officers of the Fifth Cavalry to
appear at Headquarters. Shortly after, another orderly,
requiring all officers \mder General Emory's command to
appear at Headquarters. Both orders came from E. I
asked the President if he had made preparations, — had
issued orders to E. He said he had not. ''Some one," said
I, ''has. Who is it, and what does it indicate? While
you, Mr. President, are resorting to no extreme measures,
the conspirators have thehr spies, — have command of the
troops. Either Stanton or Grant or both issued orders
which were proclaimed aloud and peremptorily at this
large social gathering."

The President was disturbed, but said very little. It is
an error with him that he does not more freely commun-
icate with his Cabinet and friends. This whole movement
of changing his Secretary of War has been incautiously
and loosely performed without preparation. The Cabinet
was not consulted. His friends in the Senate and House
were taken by stuprise, and were wholly imaware of the
movement.

General Thomas proves himself imfit for the place of
Secretary of War ad interim. He is like a boy, ready to
obey orders, but cannot himself act with decision or direct
others, — is a mere child or worse in Stanton's presence.
Instead of taking upon himself the duties of Secretary of
War and commanding Stanton, he submits to Stanton's
orders, and is locked out of the Department, laughed at,
and treated with contempt.

290 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [fbb. 22

I am told he was weak and foolish enough last evenmg
to attend a mask ball; was at Willard's Hotel, . • • that he
talked openly and loudly of his being Secretary of War, —
that he should to-day take possession, open the mails, etc.
But he is snuffed out.

February 24, Monday. Senator Doolittle and Attorney-
General Stanbery called on me last evening. Their object
was to ascertain my recollection of what took place in
the Cabinet when the Tenure-of-OflSce Bill was \mder con-
sideration, especially on the point which related to the
four first secretaries, who were appointed by Mr. Lincoln.
I recollect that they were considered as holding office by
a different teniue than the others, who were appointed
by Mr. Johnson, but the remarks of the several members
I could not recall. There was entire unanimity as regarded
the imconstitutionality of the bill itself, and this absorbed
the minor questions. The distinctive point now alluded to
was, I remember, discussed. Mr. Seward, I think, alluded
to it, and I well recollect that Mr. Randall made remark
to the effect that the law appeared to carry out the four
members by legislation, or there was a question if it did
not. The Attorney-General said it could have no such
retroactive effect, even if the law was good for anything,
but he was emphatic and decisive in pronoimcing the law
absolutely and beyond all question unconstitutional.
Stanton was quite as emphatic, and I think every member
declared his readiness to surrender his place, whenever the
President should express a wish to that effect.

Each of these gentlemen, as did also McCulloch, who
called on me earlier in the evening, regretted that the
President had not in this and other instances been more
free and communicative with his friends, and advised with
them without reserve. While reticent towards those
with whom he should be most intimate, he has been hold-
mg free conversation with newspaper correspondents, and
givmg them his opinions, and an account of his actions

1868] RADICAL ALARMS 291

on the most important subjects of administration. I have
long lamented this condition of things, but I know of no
remedy. The President has his peculiarities in this respect,
as he had in speechmaking when ^'swinging roimd the
circle."

I have sometimes been almost tempted to listen to
the accusation of his enemies that he desired and courted
impeachment. Yet such is not the fact. He is courage-
ous and firm, with great sagacity and wide comprehen-
sion, yet is not in many respects wise and practical. It
may be that he is willing the Radicals should make them-
selves ridiculous by futile assaults, but he hardly could
have expected this fliury for so peaceful and justifiable
a movement.

The Radical leaders have for some time striven to alarm
and agitate the coimtry by whispers and insinuations
that the President was intending to make himself dictator,
and Senator Thayer ^ pledged his honor as a Senator that
the President was about to assume regal power or some-
thing of the sort, in a public speech last summer or autumn
at Cincinnati. Forney, Secretary of the Senate, as deep in
the conspiracy as the chiefs will permit, in his paper the
ChronicUy which is the Radical organ, gave out that
the President, with Governor Swann, was organizing the
militia of Maryland to secure for himself absolute power.
Others have tried to alarm the popular mind by similar
silly and absurd falsehoods.

I this morning called on the President. There were
many waiting. Randall and Mr. Ross were with him,
but both soon left. Stanbery was in the library, writing
and revising a message, which the President sent to Con-
gress in a few hours, vindicating his course and removing
Stanton. I had called because Mr. Stanbery and myself
had an understanding to that effect last evening, beUeving
it best the President should see all his Cabinet on the sub-
ject of his message or communication. But the President

^ John M. Tliayer, of Nebraska.

292 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [peb-M

said he thought it unnecessary to see any others than
Stanbery and myself.

The House this afternoon decided by a vote of 126 to
47 to impeach the President. The alleged cause of impeach-
ment is the removal of a contumacious, treacherous, and
unprincipled officer, who intrudes himself into the War
Department \mder the authority of a law which he himself
denoimced asimconstitutional, a law to fetter the President
and deprive the Executive of his rights.

The impeachment is a deed of extreme partisanship,
a deliberate conspiracy, involving all the moral guilt of
treason, for which the members would, if fairly tried, be
liable to conviction and condemnation. If the President
has committed errors, he has done no act which justifies
this proceeding. The President is innocent of crime; his
accusers and triers are culpably guilty. In this violent and
vicious exercise of partyism I see the liberties and happi-
ness of the coimtry and the stability of the government
imperiled.

The President has a reception this evening, and thoug}i
neither my wife nor myself are well, and the night is in-
clement, we shall, with all the family, be present.

February 25, Tuesday. There is, I think, less excitement
to-day. The weather, which is damp and dreary, perhaps
contributes to it. A feeling of doubt and sadness per-
vades the minds of sensible men. Some of the less intense
Radicals are dissatisfied with their own doings. A little
routine business was transacted in the Cabinet, princi-
pally from the State Department. The President, though
calm, is not without sensibility and feels the wrong and
outrage of the conspirators, although he makes no com-
plaint.

The debate which has taken place on the subject of
impeachment is disgraceful, wicked, and malicious. E. B.
Washbiune, the . . . man of little work for Grant, was
mendacious and villainous. •

• •

:Mk

1868] JOHN BIGELOW ON IMPEACHMENT 293

John Bigelow,' late Minister to France, spent an hour
with me this p.m. He has been here some ten days, a
looker-on, and is a good and honest observer. The pro-
ceedings at the Capitol have greatly interested him. He
complains, and perhaps with reason, that the President
was in fault in not commimicating to his friends in Con-
gress his purpose in removing Stanton, that they might
have been prepared for the contest. The President's mea-
sures, he thinks also, should have been taken with delibera-
tion ; he should not have permitted himself to be foiled by
Stanton; Thomas, or the man who was to take the place
of Stanton, should have ejected him at once. All this is
very true. It is easy, now that the matter has passed, to
say, that so great a scoundrel, so treacherous, false, and
deceitful a man should not have been treated like a gentle-
man. The President has, from the first, extended to Stan-
ton a consideration and leniency that has surprised me, for
he knew him to be false, remorseless, treacherous, and
base. I expressed my disbelief in his quiet retirement last
Friday, when the President announced his removal and
T.'s appointment.

Bigelow is confident, or rather has high hopes, that
impeachment will fail in the Senate. Says that the large
conservative force in the Senate, with the Chief Justice,
look with repugnance and horror to the accession of Wade,*
and would prefer to continue the President. Unless,
therefore, Wade will resign and allow some good conserv-
ative Senator to be made President of the Senate, he
thinks impeachment will be defeated.

I encouraged his hopes, while I have very slight expect-
ations. This is a party scheme, a conspiracy on a large
scale, more offensive and reprehensible than that of se-
cession, but the conspirators, having taken the fatal
plunge, cannot recede. There are Representatives who
have qualms, but these very men will stimulate hesi-

* A^President pro tern, of the Senate, Senator Benjamin F. Wade of Ohio
was next in line of succession to the FnadaaBjm

. •■■].?*:*■■'

294 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [pbb.25

tating Senators to do as they have done, — get into the
same boat with themselves. Radicalism will not only be
dead, but will rot if theyfail. They know this as well as we
know it, and, knowing it, they "give up to party what was
meant for mankind." I fearno moral courage will be found
among the Radical Senators, no individual independence;
but shall wait events, calmly I hope, though it is difficult
to restrain giving utterance to one's indignation at de-
Uberate villainy.

February 26, Wednesday. General L. Thomas was ar-
rested last Saturday morning at the instigation of E. M.
Stanton, on a writ issued by Cartter, Chief Justice of the
District Court. General T. gave bail in $5000, and the
case came up to-day, when he was prepared to submit to
imprisonment, with a view of suing out a writ of habeas
corpuLS and getting a decision from the Supreme Court on
the constitutionality of the Civil-Tenure Bill. This the
Radicals and Stanton dreaded, and after various twistings
and turnings, General T. was discharged.

Cartter, in this whole proceedmg, from its inception
to its close, showed himself a most unfit judge. He has
secretly visited Stanton at the War Department, and his
associate Fisher has spent much of his time since Thomas'
arrest, with Stanton.

A summons was issued for Stanton to appear as a wit-
ness for Thomas to-day, and to produce his conunission,
but the quondam Secretary refused to appear.

I, yesterday, and again to-day, suggested, not to say
urged, that Judge Curtis ^ should be one of the President's
counsel in the impeachment. The President assented to
my suggestions, but whether he will engage C. is another
question. Something will depend, without doubt, on the
disposition of the Attorney-General, and perhaps Black
will also have a voice.

The Democratic National Conunittee has been in

1 Beniamiii RoblnDs Curtis.

» 1B681 PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES 295

seBsion here, and, from what I learn, have not been over-
wise, but somewhat conceited and weakly and foolishly
partisan. Bigelow tells me that the intention is to make
Horatio Sejrmour the Presidential candidate. Tilden thinks
Sejrmour will run stronger than any man in New York,
and that is a great State, — he does not look beyond it.
I said to B. that it was important that Democrats should
have a ticket which would draw recruits and not repel
them; that Sejrmour was not an acceptable candidate out
of the pale of party and not strongly popular within it.
It might be possible, under the mad conduct of the Rad-
icals, to elect a strict party candidate, but not certain. He
asked who there was that could be taken up. Said that
Tilden assured him Doolittle would not be acceptable
in New York. I named Hendricks, Hancock, or, if they
would go in for a man for the coimtry, and relax as re-
gards party, there was Charles Francis Adams. He would
be the third of the name and family, and would be at-
tacked for that reason, but the fact had also its strong
side. There would be many who would, especially in these
turbulent times, be glad to have peace and stability, such
as the country had forty years ago imder his father. He
has not the popular element, would not be acceptable
to the Fenians, and therefore would not be a party can-
didate; but the country would have in him a good pre-
sidentf but with some family infirmities. There is some
mihtary feeling which might be made available for
Hancock, who is better liked than Grant.

Febmary 27, Thursday. The feverish excitement has
abated. Impeachment as a sensation has had its day.
When the trial comes on in the Senate, it will be revived,
perhaps, but with less intensity.

Woodbridge of Vermont, one of the Judiciary Commit-*
tee, who always opposed impeachment, came to see me
to-day. He spoke deprecatingly of the movement; re-
gretted that he was compelled to vote for it under party

206 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [feb.27

(kmands, but his colleagueB from Vermont all went for
it, they and the party at home were violent, and it would
have been death for him to have resisted. He voted with
reluctance and against his wishes and convictions, for the
President he knew to be honest and patriotic; and he so
said to me. It is melancholy to witness such things*
Woodbridge is but one of many who are guilty of this wrong.
A moral infirmity or weakness. They dare not act in
accordance with their convictions. A fear of party os-
tracism controls them. But their acts forfeit their self-
respect for the time, and sooner or later will lose them the
respect of others.

The whole impeachment scheme is a piece of party
persecution, which, if successful to party, will be ruinous
to the country. It is a deliberate and wicked conspiracy
from its inception.

Fehraary 28, Friday. Mr. Seward read to-day one of
his strange, unstatesmanlike, and improper dispatches.
It was addressed to Mr. Stillwell, our Minister at Vene-
zuela, in relation to certain of the crew of the Hannah
Grant, a whaling-schooner, who were unlawfully detained
in that coimtry. The dispatdi was objectionable as a
state paper, and was offensive because wanting in proper
courtesy to the naval officer who might be ordered to
La Guayra. Mr. Stillwell was told that a naval vessel would
be sent (without any reference to the Secretary of the
Navy), that the naval office would be directed to commit
no hostile act without his (Stillwell's) direction, etc., etc.
In other, or plain, words, the Minister and naval officer
were authorized at thdr discretion to declare war, or make
war, on Venezuela.

Mr. Stanbery took exception to this part of the dispatch,
in which I joined. Seward was annoyed by the criticism and
objection, but finally professed to put in some pencil
alteration. He would not presume to send a dispatch of
this nature to Russia in regEird to the recent outrages in the

18681 A NITR(MJLYCERINE SCARE 287

Sea of Okhotsk ^ nor to England in regard to the Feniaiis,
nor to France, but he can be arrogant to feeble Venezuda.

I am inclined to think that a claim which his pet
Sanford, our Minister to Belgiimi, has against Venezuela
may influence him in asking for a man-of-war at Curasao,
as much as the seamen of the Hannah Grant.

Some laughter took place, after Cabinet coimcil, oyer
the fortification and intrenchment of the War Depart-
ment, and the trepidation of Stanton, who has this mom*
ing doubled his guard. Kennedy, Chief of New York
police, sent a letter to Speaker Colfax, that some nitro-
glycerine had disappeared from New York, and that
shrewd, sagacious, and patriotic functionary knew not
where it had gone, unless to Washington.

The chivalrous and timid Speaker at once laid this
tremendous missive before the House, and the consterna-
tion of the gallant band of Radicals became excessive. A
large additional poUce force had been placed aroimd the
Capitol, but as it was still considered imsafe, an immediate
adjournment was called for. Stanton, unfortunate man,
could not adjoiun. There was no refuge for him, save in
the War Department, which is surroimded and filled with
soldiers to protect against an inroad from old General
Thomas. As Stanton, Grant, and the Radical Congress
have assumed the entire control of the military, to the
exclusion of the President, who is Commander-in-Chief,
the apprehension seems to be that the Adjutant-General
and his friends have resorted to nitro-glycerine.

Browning inquired whether there should not be more free
communication and interchange of opinion among the
members of the Cabinet in regard to the measures before
Congress. Seward promptly and in a manner that was
intended to put a stop to this said the President would, he
suppose, consult any member he pleased on any subject;
that this matter of impeachment belonged more particu-

'* A Russian sloop-of-war fired on an American vessel in the Sea off
Okhotsk in December, 1867.

298 ^ DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES fPEB.28

larly to the Attorney-General, and he proposed they (the
President and the Attorney-General) should do what they
thought best; he might, he continued, be called as witness,
and it was best to ward off any charge of conspiring, etc.,
etc. I dissented wholly from this view, as did the Attorney-
General and indeed every other member. I regretted
that we had not been more free in expressing our views
to each other at all times, — though it was felt we could
not, so long as Stanton was with us, be frank and friendly.
McCulloch took the same view. Browning said he had,
perhaps, done wrong in bringing the subject forward;
it was not his intention to intrude on the President, but
the times demanded the imited counsel of all. Seward,
after remarking that ''too many cooks usually spoiled
the broth," expressed his readiness to meet and consult
at all times.

The subject of counsel in case of a trial was then intro-
duced. Every man advised the retention of Judge Curtis.
O'Conor was mentioned. McCulloch objected that he
was counsel for Jeff Davis, and that party antipathy would
counteract his ability. Evarts was noentioned and rather
pressed. I admitted his ability, but feared his want of
heart in the measiue. He had united himself with the
Radicals when their cause seemed strong; it must have
been from no mental and moral workings of such a mind
as his; in that act he was not true to his nature and to
what he knew to be right.

Seward, who has always heretofore been steadfast for
Evarts, gave in to the correctness of my remarks, but said
he knew not how far he had gone with the Radicals. He
was a very cold man. After further talk it was agreed we
would come together on Saturday evening at half-past
seven.

Grant has overruled General Hancock, and reestab-
lished, or reappointed the negro aldermen in New Orleans.
He is impUcated in the conspiracy against the President,
— a willing party to it. ... .

1868] STANBERY CONSIDERS RESIGNING 299

February 29, Saturday. The impeachment committee
have printed ten articles. Nine of them contain a mount-
ain of words, but not even a mouse of impeachment ma-
terial. The tenth is even weaker than the other nine, and
has a long tail from General Emory. I never had faith in
the firmness and honest stability of this man, who was
false in 1861, and whimpered back into the service which
he had deserted. His willing, volimteered testimony has been
evidently procm^ and manuf acting, and yet is nothing.
The President had sent for him on the 22d in conse-
quence of information and suggestions from myself, and
questioned him. Emory puts the questions in the form of
averments by the President, and throughout exhibits him-
self a Radical partisan for the time being.

Mr. Stanbery says that Judge Curtis will be here on
Tuesday evening next. There is, Stanbery thinks, an
intention on the part of the managmg Radicals to exclude
him from taking part in defense of the President before
the coxirt of impeachment because he is Attorney-General.
He queries whether he had not better resign forthwith,
and devote his whole time to the case. To this we were
each and all opposed, or to any resignation imless he were
compelled.

A writ of quo warranto is to be sued out, but with the Court
in the District wholly under the influence of the Radical
conspirators, action will be delayed as long as possible, for
there is nothing they so much dread as a decision of the
Supreme Court on their imconstitutional laws.

There is no ''high crime or misdemeanor" in these ar-
ticles that calls for impeachment, and those who may vote
to convict upon these articles would as readily vote to
impeach the President had he been accused of stepping on
a dog's tail. But any pretext will serve imprincipled and
unscrupulous partisan vengeance. He would not lend him-
self to a series of imconstitutional measures and to get
rid of him is imperative.

LVII

Preparations for the Impeachment Trial — The Notice of Impeachment
eerved on the President — Selecting the President's Comisel — Stan-
bery determines to resign his Cabinet Position before undertaking Uie
President's Case — Stanton fortified in the War Department — Radical
Victory in the New Hampshire Election — A Sketch of New Hampdiire
Politics — Stanbery hands in his Resignation — The President's Ill-
considered Talks with Newspaper Men — Senator Sherman widbes a
Naval Lieutenant court-martialed for using Disrespectful Language of
Congress — The President's Uncommunicativeness — Judge Black on
Seward's Handling of the Alta Vela Affair — The Impeadmient Pro-
ceedings open with Little Excitement — Judge Black withdraws from
the President's Case — Probable Reasons for his Course — A Spirit
of Mischief in the Hawaiian Islands — Black's Letter to the President
withdrawing from the Case and denouncing Seward's Conduct in the
Alta Vela Matter — Wilson and Sumner and the Naval Appropriation
Bill — General Butler's Opening in the Impeachment Trial.

March 3, Tuesday. The journals of the day and pub-
lished proceedings will be a record of what occurs in mat-
ters of impeachment. I do not, therefore, record details of
official transactions, but such only as seem to me proper
with individual movements. The spirit which has led to the
impeachment movement and its consummation in the House
is strange and various. A considerable portion of those
who voted for it did violence to their own convictions.
There is another large element which had no convictions,
but are mere shallow, reckless partisans who would as
readily have voted that the President should be himg in
front of the White House as that he should be impeached
in the Capitol, provided their leaders — Stevens, Bout-
well, and others — had presented papers in form for that
purpose. Another and different class, like Boutwell, seek
and expect notoriety and fame. They have read Macau-
lay's interesting history of the trial of Warren Hastings,
and flatter themselves they are to be the Burkes and Sheri-

m^ PREPARATIONS FOR THE TRIAL 301

dans of some future historian. Malignant party hate and
unscrupulous party thirst for power stimulate others.

A shameless, brazen effrontery and villainy mark certain
Senators. Howard and Chandler of Michigan, Sumner,
Cameron, Conkling, and others have already made themr
selves parties against the man whom they are to adjudge,
— have some of them, if not all, connived in secret to urge
on impeachment. They have broken down the barriers
of the Constitution, while the President has striven to de-
fend them, and for his defense he is to be tried and oon«-
denmed by these violators, conspirators, and perjmers.

March 4, Wednesday. Chief Justice Chase has sent a
letter to the Senate which disturbed the Radicals. It was
not of great moment, and will be swamped by leading im-
peachers who are anxious to hurry on their work. Stevens,
with his arrogance, insolence, and vicious despotism,
threatens every Senator who shall dare to vote against
his party; tells them they are conmiitted by their votes.
It must shame and mortify some of the intelligent minds
in the Senate to be held in subjection and compelled to
receive the excoriations and threatening? of this wicked
and bad man, but it is questionable whether they have the
moral courage and independence to do right, when the
terrors of this party tyrant are before them.

Seward and I met in the council room, and, while wait-
ing for the President, allusion was made to our meeting
seven years ago yesterday, and of events which have since
transpired. He says it is nineteen years this 4th of March
since he entered the service of the United States, seven
years since he became a Cabinet Minister. ''How few of
all the men,'' said he, "with whom we have been associated,
have proved faithful ! — how many have disappointed us 1 *'
This was said in connection with present transactions,
and had particular reference to Stanton.

The Cabinet met last evening at half-past seven instead
of at noon. But little official business was done. We had

302 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [maAch 4

a two hours' talk of the condition of public affairs, and
especially of the great question now before the country.
Judge Curtis was expected to-day. He is associated with
Mr. Stanbery as one of the counsel of the President. Other
names were talked of, but no conclusion come to.

McCuUoch expressed a hope that the President would
go to the Senate on the first day, but not afterwards.
Seward said if he went the whole Cabinet ought to ac-
company him. I objected to either. It would give dignity
Bnd imposing form to the proceedings, which the conspira-
tors wished, but we did not. The managers undoubtedly
desired that the President should exhibit himself there,
and if surrounded by his advisers it would make the scene
more imposing. Men, and women too, would come from
a distance, and gather at the Capitol to see the victim,
if he should consent to gratify them.

March 5, Thursday. The Cabinet met this evening.
Seward brought forward the removal of Timothy Picker-
ing from the oflSce of Secretary of State in May, 1800, by
John Adams, as a case in point. His clerks had himted up
this precedent, and if Congress was in session, as Seward
says, it is in all respects like the present case, except that
the Temu-e-of-OflBice Law had not then been enacted.

The movement which had been made by the Republican
Senators in 1862 to prociu^ the removal of Seward was
brought under discussion. At that time, these Senators
called on President Lincoln to make his Cabinet a unit
by removing an objectionable minister, as they considered
him.

Judge Curtis has arrived. When I went to the Presi-
dent's this evening, no others of the Cabinet were there, but
I foimd Mr. Groesbeck ^ of Cincinnati with him. He was
and is most earnestly opposed to this conspiracy and with

* William Slocomb Groesbeck, a liberal Republican who had been a dele-
gate to the Philadelphia Convention. He was retained as counsel for Pro-
ddent Johnson.

■... i-'

18681 NOTICE OF IMPEACHMENT SERVED 303

the President, and there has been mention of his name aa
one of the junior counsel for the President. His bdng
here, however, at this time was accidental, — was for
other and business reasons.

David D. Field was spoken of complimentarily l^
Browning from the repree^itation of others. Seward did
not concur; said Field was Uie greatest small man he had
ever known.* Stanbery thought he spread himself too
largely, had too many [>ointa, was a book man, not an
original.

March 6, Friday. A brief Cabmet-meeting. Browning
brought his diary, detailing occurrences and remarks ill
the Senatorial Republican Caucus of 1862 for removal of
Seward, he being at that time a Senator from Illinois.
General Thomas was preset at the Cabinet-meeting this
evening, but no business was transacted, nor was thrae
a disposition to have much free discussion while he re-
mained. I was sorry the President invited him, unless it
is necessary to carry out explicitly the ad iTiterim ap^
pointment.

March 7, Saturday. The Preeridoit was served with
notice of impeachment this evening. I was at the White
House a few moments after the copy was left. We had
a Cabinet-meeting this evening. I was the fiist who ar-
rived. The others came in soon.

Mr. Stanbery is senative on the subject of retaining the
office of Attorney-General while defending the President.
Thinks exception may be taken to his appearance by ex-
treme partisan Senators, and proposed to anticipate their
movement by a res^piation. Says that it will involve the
necessity of wholly giving up all attention to official bxisi-
ness during the trial, for that and that alone shall occupy
bis mind. But this can be got along with by turning over

F 1 1 David Dudley Field, the eldest of four distingniahed btothen, wm ft
vo^ large man phjrsicaUf.

804 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES |maech7

current official matters to his Assistant. He is, however,
sensitive to any imputation from any quarter, and is pretty
much determined to resign. All the members preferred he
should not. I think, and said, if he found it a point to be
met, he could, when challenged or when decision was
had by the Senate, present his resignation. The effect, it
seems to me, would be good, if so presented. Let the Rad-
ical Senators sitting as judges hound down the President,
— object, if they please, to his having one of his political
family, his legal selected adviser, to defend him.

In the consultations which have been had by the coimsel
thus far, Stanbery, Curtis, and Black have participated.
At the last meeting, Stanbery says. Black suggested that
his (B.'s) appearing might prejudice the case, and while
he was extremely solicitous to participate he would by
no means act if it were supposed his doing so would be
injurious to the President. Both S. and C. had appre-
hensions it might be unfortunate, but desired the Cabinet
to express their views, and, above all, that the President
himself might decide on this subject.
\ ^ McCulloch promptly expressed his opinion against the
retention of Black as one of the counsel. Said that Senator
Hendricks had said to him it would be injudicious; that
the Democrats in the Senate would all be right, he had no
doubt, but that the Republicans were hostile to Black.

Seward was inclined to believe that this was the case,
and perhaps some one as capable and not so obnoxious
might be found. Several names were suggested.

I asked if it would be wise or politic to exclude from the
managing counsel any pronounced Democrat whatever.
It appeared to me important that there should be one such
lawyer among them, and while I had no great intimacy
with, or partiality for. Black, I knew of no one who was,
under the circumstances, in all respects his equal. We
wanted something more than a mere lawyer for such a
case as this, — a poUtician and statesman, one who made
the Constitution and public affairs a study. Still, if Black

1868] SELECTING COUNSEL 305

was personally or by reason of his party entanglements and
associations so offensive as to alienate any of these Sena-
torial judges, I would not press him. But no man was fit
to be a Senator or a member of the court, whose judgment
would be biased by his personal or party dislike of counsel.
I cautioned them to remember, howev^, that the friends
and supporters of the President were ahnost all Demo-
crats, and the ground-swell of public opinion would have
its influence on the Senators.

There was a general opinion that the third man should
be a Democrat, and Thurman of Ohio was named. Seward
favored him, and McCulloch also. Stanbery complimented
him but did not explicitly commit himself for him. Brown-
ing inclined to Black, if not so objectionable as to injiire
the cause before the Senate. I stated my opinion of Thur^
man was favorable from what I had heard of him, but he
had no such national reputation as Black.

March 9, Monday. I called on the President this morn-
ing and informed him I had reflected much on the subject
of his counsel, and although there was opposition to Black,
it appeared to me he ought not to give way to it, provided
B. had his confidence. He thanked me and said the re-
tention of Black was not an open question and he had so
informed Mr. Seward who called last evening and wished
to dissuade him. The President attributed the hostility
of Seward to the fact that Black had been opposed to
Seward in the Alta Vela matter.^ I have understood that
Thurlow Weed was interested in that question, and his
interest in that questionable transaction was in conse-
quence of his intimacy and well-known infiuence with the
Secretary of State, and I so informed the President. For

1 This was the clcdm of Patterson and Murg^endo for damages on ao«
eount of the sdzure by the Dominican Republic of Alta Vela, a guano island
off the coast of the island of Hayti. The island was occupied in 1850 or 1860
hj United States citizens and taken possession of in the name of the United
Slates, and the seiiuie was regarded by some as a oottis ftetti. The claim was
finally dismissed.

306 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march 9

a little matter, Seward has nxanifested the deepest anxiety
in the Alta Vela business. I do not think he has any
pecuniary interest in it, but he is solicitous for his friend
Weed, who has. The President asked me if I knew Swett *
of Illinois. I do slightly, but am not particularly favorably
impressed with the idea of his being one of the counsel.
I thought neither his abilities nor standing in the country
would justify such a selection. The President said he knew
very Uttle of Swett, but Seward urged him because he was
the special friend of Mr. Lincoln, and to retain him would
gratify Mr. L.'s friends. I besought him to be influenced
by no such representations, and expressed my regret
that they had been made.

' We had a Cabinet-meeting this evening. In a desultory
conversation at the beginning of the session, some one,
I think Browning, stated some fact in regard to Chief
Justice Chase which indicated his opposition to impeach-
ment, and that his influence would be against it. Seward
denied that Chase had any influence; there was not, he said,
a Senator, or a press, or a community where his opinion
w^ghed a feather, or was of the slightest consequence.
He went on in one of his rambling, dogmatic dissertations,
which seemed to astonish and awe Browning. I took ex-
ceptions and insisted that Chase had official, political, and
moral influence, that should not be lightly thrown away.
Seward became excited. "Name a man — name a Sena-
tor — whom he dan influence." I mentioned Fessenden,
at which S. phev>ed, — said he had more influence with
F. than Chase had. I congratulated him on his good
opinion of himself with F., but assured him that / knew
he was mistaken. The truth is, Fessenden has great
admiration of Chase, but v^y Uttle respect for Seward.
. No one sustained Seward, who went on dogmatizing and
prophesying. He claims to know how both the New York
Senators feel on the subject of impeachment.

^ Leonard Swett, an intimate friend of linoc^'s and during hia Admin-
Sstration employed on government cases.

18681 SELECTING COUNSEL 307

The question of the counsel of the Resident was dis-
cussed. Stanbery, Black, and Curtis were decided upon
favorably. Seward informed the President that he had
telegraphed for Evarts, who would be here to-morrow
morning. The President looked at me, and saw perhaps
that I did not respond to that selection with alacrity, and
said to Mr. Seward, ''His coming here does not insure
that Mr. Evarts will be retained." ''No/' said Seward,
hesitating, "but you cannot do better." All conciured
in that opinion but myself. I admitted his high standing
as a lawyer, his intellectual capacity, his fidelity, if he
engaged in the cause, but this cold, calculating, selfish
man was destitute of enthusiasm, magnetic power, or
political influence; had abandoned the Administration
with which he had been associated without cause and gone
over to the Radicals. Ought such a man, though unsur-
passed as a lawyer, technical, legal, but in his politics
a mere calculator, to be selected in such a case as this?
In deserting the Administration when he did, he exhibited
weakness, — with all his legal lore, — want of conscience,
want of fidelity to principle. Seward admitted Evarts had
taken a strange course. I named Samuel Glover, of St.
Louis, as a lawyer and orator, if the President was intend-
ing to select another Western man. He said Mr. Seward
had named Swett, and others had spoken of him. I asked
Browning, who knew them both, as to the two men. He
said they were not to be named together, — that Glover
was incomparably superior. I asked Seward what were
the particulars of Swett's California transactions, — there
were imputations upon him coincident with those matters.
McCuUoch said Blair told him that Swett was a tool of
Stanton's. Seward denied this, and said the hundred
thousand dollars which Swett obtained was his (Seward's)
doing; that Swett was such a man as the President wanted;
everybody knew of his intimacy with Lincoln, and it
would bring them into good relations with the President
were he to retain Swett, .

308 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES IMabch9

No one seconded Seward in this matter. He evidently
is using the occasion for his own personal benefit more than
the President's. I should almost think he is in Stanton's
interest. Evarts and Swett he has imposed on the Pre-
sident in sly interviews.

After an hour and a half s discussion, we went below
to the President's evening general reception, which was
well and fashionably attended.

March 10, Tuesday. At the Cabinet-meeting this noon,
Mr. Stanbery named, as the coimsel who would probably
be retained, himself, Black, Curtis, Evarts, Groesbeck, and
Nelson of Tennessee, whom the President has invited
here, and who was introduced to us. Field seems to be
excluded, which is Seward's doings, and will be a disap-
pointment to many, — as much as the retention of Evarts.

I spoke freely o{ Evarts, and the objections to him.
It may be, however, that he will acquit himself with credit.
I shall be disappointed if he does not, for he has abilities
and the occasion is a great one.

Mr. Stanbery says he must resign his place as Attorney-
General in order to devote his whole time to this case. He
is unwilling to be trammeled, or have his mind disturbed
by any oflScial duties, obligations, or embarrassments, and
says it will imdoubtedly be urged against him that, as the
prosecuting officer of the Government, it is his duty to
sustain rather than oppose the articles of impeachment.
I am not impressed with his views. As the constitutional
legal adviser of the President, — one of his civil house-
hold and officially and personally a part of the Government,
— I think he would find no difficulty in sustaining him-
self before the Senate, and the very fact of opposition to
him on account of his being a member of the Cabinet,
the legal adviser of the Administration, would have a
good influence before the coimtry. I so expressed myself.
But Mr. Stanbery is sensitive and timid. Herein, I fear,
he will fail before the insolent, reckless, and audacious

WILLIAM M. EVARTS

1868] NEW HAMPSmKE POLTTIGS 309

Radical Managers and conspiring Senators who are to sit
in judgment. Stevens and Butler will take pleasure in
bluffing and insulting, and he is too courteous, gentle-
manly, and dignified to meet and boldly rebuke them.

Stanton is still making himself ridiculous by intrench-
ing his person in the War Department, surrounded by a
heavy guard. This is for effect. He is, it is true, an arrant
coward, but can have no apprehension of personal danger
requiring a military force to protect him. Some of his
wise Senatorial advisers, doubtless, in their conspiracy
to defeat executive action, counseled and advised the
redoubtable Secretary to hold on to the War Department
building, and to fortify himself in it. Thayer, ConnesSi
and Cameron would have minds for such work.

March 11, Wednesday. The election in New Hamp-
shire yesterday resulted in the success of the Radical ticket
by probably about the same majority as last year, on a
great and unaccountably increased vote of both paities.
The effect of this will be to elate the Radicals, far more than
it will discourage the Democrats, for the former have no
faith in their cause while the Democrats are full of con-
fidence in the rectitude and ultimate triumph of their
principles.

The popular element in New Hampshire is pretty stable
and fixed. People do not easily change their party relations.
For a long series of years the men of the Isaac Hill class
of politicians had a controlling influence in the Granite
State. Their principles were sound, and the management
of the State was judicious. A younger set of men of the
same politics came forward and took and were awarded
high official position by the country in consequence of the
firm and persistent political character of the State. But
they have not the qualifications of their predecessors
and seniors. The firm foimdation laid by Ifill, Harvey,
Woodbury, and others continued to uphold the party for
years; but at length it was undermined and gave way.

310 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mabchii

Pierce, Atherton, and Burke were mere politicians, wholly
incapable of building up or maintaining a party. Their
weakness and impracticability led to vigorous antagonism,
and events favored their opponents, who had been schooled
in adversity. Pierce, a vain, showy, and pliant man, was
made President by Jeflf Davis, R. J. Walker, Gid Pillow,
and others, and by his errors and weakness broke down
his Administration, and his party throughout the country.
How could such a man and his associates impart strength
and vigor to any party anywhere?

In the mean time, a set of younger men of opposite poli-
tics came forward and established an efficient and energetic
organization in New Hampshire, which swept the State,
The repeal of the Missouri Compromise, the swindling
villainies in Kansas, the flagrant disregard of the principles
of their party, their debasing subserviency to the arrogant
and insolent assumptions of the imperious Southern leaders
— even to countenancing and affiliating with the Seces-
sionists— demoralized and broke down the Democratic
Party, which for a quarter of a century had held suprem-
acy in New Hampshire. The rising young politicians of
the opposite party assimilated with those Democrats who
opposed central aggressions and availed themselves of the
advantages which the feeble and weak Democrats who
clung to organization regardless of principle threw into
their hands.

Chandler, Assistant Secretary of the Treasury; Rollins,
Revenue Commissioner; Rollins, Member of Congress;
Ordway, Sergeant-at-Arms of the House of Representa-
tives ; Fogg, late Minister to Switzerland, and others have,
for the last dozen years, been as efficient and powerful
as Isaac Hill and his associates in other days. Their or-
ganization and the discipline of party have prevented the
State from securing its rightful position at this time; but
the change is upon them. The Radicals are extremists or
disunionists, and as much in fault as the Secessionists,
and the rising yoimg Democrats will take advantage of

1868J STANBERY RESIGNS 311

their centralizing and disunion heresies to overthrow the
Republican Party.

March 12, Thursday. At a special Cabinet-meeting the
matter of Stanbery's resignation was considered. The
general wish was that he diould retain the office and act
as counsel; but he prefers to be untrammded, and has
his heart much set on the trial. The President has. re-
cently had a conversation with a newspaper corresixxident
(the World^s) in which he disclosed Pickering's case, who
was removed by John Adaims, — a point on which the
coimsel were relying and which we all had studiously kep%
secret.

Stanbery, having presented his resignation and thd
matter being adjusted, was about leaving, when he stopped^
addressed the President, and resumed his seat, ''You are
now, Mr. President," said he^ "in the hands of your
lawyers, who will speak and act for you, and I must begin
by requesting that no further disclosures be made to news*
paper correspondents. There was in the papers, yester-
day or this morning, what purported to be a conversa*
tion between the President and a correspondent, in which
the Pickering correspondence was brought out and made
public. This is all wrong, and I have to request that these
talks, or conversations, be stopped. They injure your case
and embarrass your counsel."

Mr. Browning followed in the same vein and more at
length. The President was taken aback. He attempted
some apologetic remark. Said the correspondence was in
the books, accessible to all, etc. But no one justified^
apologized for, or attempted to excuse him. He saw that
there was general disapproval.

Some of these proceedings of the President are imaoi*
countable and inexcusable. He seems to take pleasure
in having these "talks" of the President with this or that
correspondent published. It is in his position hardly a
pardonable wes^ess.

- . I

812 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES imabch 12

Seward has gone to New York and will visit Albany
and Auburn before he returns. Why he selects this time to
be absent, I cannot tell. It is not imusual for him when some
erisisi some development, some of his own intrigues are
about ripening to leave Washington for a few days. The
impeachment hearing comes on to-morrow, and, though
a postponement will take place, I know not why he should
be away. He says he will aee friends in New York and
can help the President more there than here.

March 13, Friday. Impeachment was the order of the
day. The reports render description and detail unnecessary.
Of course the President was not there, nor were any of his
Cabinet. The hollow farce has no friends, — hardly any
with the Radicals, beyond mere pretense. An attempt to
proceed forthwith to trial was made, and the Senate had
a Star-Ghamber sitting on the measure, from which all but
Senators were excluded. Little of interest took place at
the Cabinet-meeting.

Senator John Sherman sends me three affidavits, stating
that Lieutenant Day used very improper and disrespect-
ful language against Congress and General Grant, and
demands that he shall be court-martialed. Day is off duty
— on leave — at home among his friends — and in some
discussion at a gathering, cross-roads, or railroad depot,
expressed himself strongly and unbecomingly. Others
may have done the same. Whilst this was reprehensible,
and perhaps may justify admonition and reproof, since
attention is called to it by a Senator, I do not consider it
a military offense requiring a court martial. If all officers
are to be court-martialed for expressing their condemna-
tion of Congress, or any department of the Government,
we shall have our hands full. It is bad enough to bring them
before a court for too free utterance against their su-
periors when on duty, but to attack them for free, though
erroneous and improper, speech at home, when off duty,
in regard to the Government or any department, is hardly

1868] THE OUTLOOK AS TO THE TRIAL 313

to be thought of. Senator Sherman would revise the
sedition law and put a gag in the mouths of his coimtrym^i
— especially its naval and military men — who should
venture to give free utterance to their opinions of the bad
acts of himself and associates. But neither Congress nor
General Grant are above or beyond criticism.

March 14, Saturday. I was confined to my house by order
of Doctor H[orwitz] in consequence of a severe cold which
threatened congestion of the limgs, but went a short time
this evening in a close carriage to the President. Browning
and Randall were there; no others. The President indi«
cated more uncomfortable and imcertain feeling than I had
before witnessed. He has great calmness, great fortitude,
great self-reliance, but it is evident these qualities are
put to a severe test by late proceedings. Browning is also
disquieted, though not prepared to confess it. Randall,
who mixes more with all classes and has better opportun-
ities of feeling the pulse of the public here in Washington
than others of us, expresses the strongest conviction that
the President will be sustained and that the impeachment
will fail. I should have no doubt myself of such a result
in an ordinary case in ordinary times, or were the Senators
above fanatical partisan prejudice and influence, — were
they statesmen and independent patriots. But, I am sorry
to say, I have so little confidence in a majority of the
Senators that I make no reliance upon an acquittal
Should a sufficient number evince moral principle and
independence to discharge their duty honestly, he may
not only be acquitted but have a majority in Ms favor.

I have seen none of the counsel since the session of
yesterday. They asked for forty days to prepare. The Sen-
ate went into secret session and gave them nine. This has
a bad look. Only nine days for so great a cause, affecting
the Chief Magistrate and the Nation itself! Men ^o
would so limit time in so grave a matter, even imder secret
caucus stimulant^ can scarcely be consid^ied worthy to

314 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES IMabch u

sit in judgment in such a case. The charges are indeed
frivolous, contemptible, but, the House of Representatives
having preferred them, the President should have been
allowed ample time for his defense. But a majority of the
Senators have prejudged the case, and are ready to pro-
nounce judgment without testimony.

It is evident that the Radicals in Congress are in a con-
spiracy to overthrow not only the President but the govern-
ment. The impeachment is but a single act in the drama.
Alabama is to be admitted by a breach of faith and by
violence to honest, fair legislation. By trick, imposition,
and breach of courtesy an act was slipped through both
houses repealing the laws of 1867 and 1789, the effect of
which is to take from the Supreme Court certain powerSi
and which is designed to prevent a decision in the McCardle
case.^ Should the Court in that case, as it is supposed they
will, pronounce the Reconstruction laws imconstitutional,
the military governments will fall and the whole Radical
fabric will tumble with it. Only one course can prolong
the miserable contrivance, and that is a President like
Wade, who will maintain the military governments re-
gardless of courts, or law, or right. Hence I have very
little expectation that the President will escape conviction.
His dei)osition is a party necessity, and the Senators have
not individually the strength, abiUty, nor honesty to resist
the Radical caucus decisions which Stevens, Ben Butler,
and other chief conspirators sent out.

March 17, Tuesday. The Cabinet met in the library, the
coimcil room being occupied by the President's lawyers

^ This was a habeoi eorpu8 case alleging unlawful restraint by military
force, appealed by William H. McCardle from the Circuit Court for the
Southern District of Mississippi. The act referred to repealed so much of the
Act of 1867 amending that of 1789 " as authorized an appeal from the judg-
ment of the Circuit Court to the Supreme Court of the United States, or the
exercise of any such jurisdiction by said Supreme Court on appeals which
have been or may hereafter be taken"; and the Court accordingly dismissed
ih9 case for want of jurisdiction.

ises] THE PRESIDENT'S RESERVE 315

preparing for the impeachment trial. There was little of
interest. General Thomas was present as the ad interim
Secretary of War. The President is anxious and more than
usually abstracted. I trust he communicates freely with
his counsel, though always inclined to be reserved. It has
been, and is, his misfortime that he has tried, and still
does, to carry on this great government without confidants,
— without consulting or advising, except to a very limited
extent, with any. It wears upon him, and his measures are
not always taken with the caution and care that wisdom
dictates.

In his movements the President is irregular. Sometimes
he is inexcusably dilatory; sometimes he appears to aofe
from impulse. His best friends expected the removal of
Stanton two years earlier than it was made. So far as he
communicated anything on the subject, I supposed oa
several occasions that change would take place. But he
delayed until Congress passed a law to prevent Stanton's
removal and the President from acting.

The conduct of Stanton was not gratifying to the Rad^*
icals, or to one wing of the Republican Party, the more
moderate. Theywerebecomingtiredof him. A little skill-
ful management would have made a permanent break in •
that party. But the President had no tact himself to
effect it, he consulted with no others, the opportunity
passed away, and by a final hasty move, without prepara*
tion, without advising with anybody, he took a step whidi
consolidated the Radicals of every stripe, strengthened
Stanton, while it weakened his supporters, and brought
down a mountain of trouble on hhnself . Had he imbos-
omed himself to his Cabinet, received their suggestions,
and canvassed fully and deliberately the subject, results
would have been different.

March 18, Wednesday. There is a strange, dull apathy
in the public mind, when measures of great moment are
so imminent. The proposed impeachment of the President

816 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mabghis

creates but little excitement, nor does the wild, heedless,
partisan legislation of Congress appear to disturb even
the commercial interests. The Radical press is vociferous
for impeachment, not because the President has committed
any crime, but for party considerations. The Democratic
press is cool and comparatively indifferent, because they
apprehend that impeachment will ruin Radicalism. The
welfare of the country, the true interests of the government,
the salvation of the Union, the stabiUty of our institutions,
do not affect seriously the discipline of the two great parties.
Neither party means to abandon its organization, but
neither of them realizes the terrible consequences that must
result from the extreme and revolutionary proceedings of
the conspirators.

At a brief Cabinet-meeting this evening, nothing was
done. The President was calm and unconmiunicative as
usual, — perhaps with more than usual reason.

Judge Jere Black called on me this morning and had a
strange talk about Alta Vela. Represents Seward as be-
having badly and to the discredit of the country in that
matter. Told him I knew little of it, that I had been the
confidant of neither party. Black inquired in regard to
the naval vessels, — whether there was not one or more
at St. Thomas which could be ordered to protect American
interests, which Seward was abandoning. I did not like
the direction which Black seemed disposed to give the
affair, — the half threat of making the President ac-
countable and responsible for Seward's errors or mis-
management just at this time. It would be deplorable.
Black said, and I would undoubtedly have an interview
with the President in the course of the day on the subject.
I remarked that nothing would be done, of course, until
Seward returned, as it was a subject within his Depart-
ment, and he had studied it thoroughly, whatever might
be his views. This, I saw, did not suit Black.

^arch 19, Thursday. The President is making some

iseq THE ALTA VELA AFFAIR 817

movements, but the scope and object he keeps to himself.
Perhaps it is best, if he intends extreme measures with the
conspirators. General Hancock is expected this evening.
He has not been treated as he should have been by Grant.

There is a rumor that Hancock will be assigned to this
military department and that Gordon Granger will take
the place of General Emory here in Washington. If such
be the fact, I know nothing of it, nor, I apprehend, do
other members of the Cabinet. The changes, if made,
will be likely to stir up the conspirators, and are made too
late to be effectual. These precautions should have been
taken long ago, if taken at all. I do not believe that the
President, unless personally assailed, intends serioudy
to resort to military assistance to maintain his position;
and military officers who are his friends can now do little
for him, if he even wishes it. The President has a policy
known only to himself. Honest, patriotic, devoted to hiJ9
duties, he has failed to attach to himself a party. He would
not lend himself to the Radicals to exclude the States,
nor to the Democrats to secede from the Union, but has
stood as it were alone on the constitutional policy of
Lincoln and himself. I hope he is frank and confiding with
his lawyers ; he has not been sufficiently so with his Cabinet.

Black called on me again this morning and inquired
if the President had given me any orders in relation to
Alta Vela. I told him no order had been received. He in-
quired if I had seen the Piesident since his and my int^y
view yesterday. I replied that I had, but nothing had been
said to me concerning Alta Vela. Black expressed astonish-
ment, appeared vexed, said the President could not go on
in this way, yet he was sorry to leave him just at this
time. I remarked that he would not. But he turned short
and left. His son was with him. An hour or two after,
S[imeon] Johnson, who writes for the Intelligencer^ but
who is a special friend and admirer of Black's, called on
me in alarm on accoimt of a disagreement betwe^Q the
President and Black. Says the President has not kept his

318 DIAEY OF GIDEON WELLES (mabghm

word with Black, and the latter has told him so. He says
Black will not go on with the trial if the Alta Vela matter
is not arranged. I discredited this and so told Johnson.
The thing looks to me very suspicious. If Black is inter-
ested, as I suppose he is, lai^ly, in the Alta Vela affair
and thinks to take advantage of the Pre^dent's necessities
to effect an object, he is mistaken in his man. The Pre-
ddent is about the last man who would be moved under
compulsion of such circumstances. That Black is deeply
interested and has a large pecuniary stake in the results (^
the Alta Vela affair I am compelled to believe, and there
is something that indicates a like deep interest on the part
of Seward. I have supposed it was Weed who was inter-
ested and who influenced Seward.

March 20. No matters of great moment before the Cab*
inet. Seward is still absent, but Fred represented him.
This is always persistently and particularly done. Fred
is the first on the groimd at Cabinet-meetings and the last
to leave. He hears, sees, watches, and catches all. Bring-
ing his assistant did much to impair the efficiency and con-
fidence of Mr. Lincoln's Cabinet, and so of Mr. Johnson's.
Stanton told me he would never bring forward an important
matter when an assistant was present.

The President has a severe cold and is, I see, affected
by the impeachment. How could it be otherwise? I had
a little talk with him, which gratified him. He asked me
if Black had been to see me. I told him he had, twice.
"Yes," said the President, "he seems to be absorbed with
Alta Vela. Seward has also been devoting a good deal of
time to it." I remarked I had never investigated it
or been asked to. When the subject was up some time
ago, Seward had politely informed us that he required
the attention of no one but the President and Attorney-
General, and I had therefore made it a point to avoid the
question. Here the subject was dropped by the President,
andlleft.

1868] JUDGE BLACK'S WITHDRAWAL 319

March 23, Monday. There was some effort for dramatic
effect and crowded galleries to-day to witness the impeach-
ment trial. But there was no great excitement nor intense
or absorbing interest in the subject. It is one of the re-
markable and sad events of the times that a subject of such
magnitude, an outrage so flagrantly and vindictively par-
tisan, a deliberate conspiracy against the Chief Magistrate
of the nation, should be treated with such indifference here
and elsewhere. There is idle curiosity with many, some
of the busy actors fancying they will be the Burkes and
Sheridans at this trial. The Radicals are so demoralized
and depraved, are so regardless of their constitutional
obligations and of their oaths and their duty, that nothing
good can be expected of them. But there are unmistakable
indications that the Democratic leaders — a set who think
more of party than of country — secretly desire the con-
viction and deposition of the President. Not that they
are inimical to him, not that they believe him guilty of
any crime deserving of unpeachment, not that they will
vote against him, but they look upon the act as perfectly
suicidal to the Radicals. They seem not aware that their
own unwise conduct is scarcely less suicidal and may save
the Radicals from annihilation.

The President's defense is a studied and well-prepared
paper, wanting, perhaps, in power and force in some re-
spects. There was, I am told and from what I read, a great
contrast between the attorney for the President and the
Managers. Black, I perceive, did not appear, and I judge
has abandoned the case. If so, there is something more
than is apparent in his course. Alta Vela is the pretext,
but there is perhaps a deeper cause, a selfish or a party one.
Black has been named as a Democratic candidate for Pre-
sident, and this may have influenced him. Blair said to
me early that Black was strong and ought to be one of
the President's counsel, but that he was in collusion with
Stanton, and could not be relied upon to bring out Stan-
ton's villainies, for he fears Stanton.

820 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES iBfABC?H20

The Judges of the Supreme Court have caved in, fallen
throu^, failed, in the McCardle case. Only Grier and
Field have held out like men, patriots, judges of nerve and
honest independence.

These things look ominous, and sadden me. I fear for
my coimtry when I see such abasement. Fear of the usurp-
ing Radicals in Congress has intimidated some of these
Judges, or, like reckless Democratic leaders, they are will-
ing their party should triiunph through Radical folly and
wickedness.

These are indeed evil times! Seward has on more than
one occasion declared that he controlled Judge Nelson,
Whether he is, or has been, intriguing in this matter, or
taken any part, is a problem.

The New York World of to-day has not a word in its
editorial columns on impeachment, — a question of mo-
mentous importance to the coimtry. It has a variety of
articles on light and insignificant subjects. But the World
has more than once proclaimed that it was in no way iden-
tified with the President nor responsible for his election.
They approve his principles, but he is not their man nor of
their organization. Its editors fear that, if they were to
become the vigorous champions of Johnson against his
persecutors, the people would compel his nomination.
Hence they are putting their cause and professed principles
in jeopardy by failing to do right.

But the most deplorable, or one of the most deplorable
features in all these proceedings is to witness party as-
semblages, conventions, and legislatures in distant States
passing resolutions approving of the impeachment of the
President and urging his conviction, without any fact, or
specification, or alleged crime, or any knowledge whatever
on the subject. Some of these proceedings are sent to Con-
gress and received by the Senate, which sits in judgment.
It is not difficult to see the near downfall of a government
which shall long pursue a course such as the Radicals are
initiating for mere party purposes. ^/

18681 THE Il^tPMCgMENX TRIAL 321

March 24, Tuesday. The iji^pje&Ghment movezDent was
again ^before Congress and the Court. The Managers on
the part of the House were ready with their replication^
and there is reason to suppose it Was prepared before the
President's reply was received. .

On the part of Butler and some others there is an inclin-
ation to play the part of buffoons, and display levity in a
matter of the gravest importanoe to the nation. Sumner
and certain Senators do not conceal their readiness to pro-
ceed at once to judgment and condiemnation without proof
or testimony. In their unfitness. and vindictive partisan-
ship and hate, they would not award the President rights
or privileges granted criminals for the court of errors or
give him time for preparation^ Hiey are really unwilling
to allow him to make defense.

These usmpers and conspirators — for they are such,
truly and emphatically, having arrogated power without
authority, excluded States and people from their constitu-
tional rights of representation —are now dehberately at-
tempting the destruction of another department of the
government by the unlawful exercise of these usurped
powers. Were all the States represented, as they should be,
and would be, if not wickedly and wrongfully excluded
by an arbitrary, usurping faction, there could be no con-
viction, and would have been no impieachment. But the
President is arraigned for doing his duty and striving
to defend the Constitution in conformity with his oath.
The Constitution-breakers are trying the Constitution-
defender ; the law-breakers are passing condemnation on the
law-supporter; the conspirators are sitting in judgment on
the man who would not enter into their conspiracy, who
was, and is, faithful to his oath, his country, the Union, and
the Constitution. What a spectacle 1 And if successful^
what a blow to free govenunenti What a commentary on
popular intelligence and public virtuel

Mr. Seward, having returned after a strange absence at
this critical period, was present at Cabinet-meeting, ae weie ..

322 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mabchm

all the members, including General Thomas, ad interim of
the War. Among the matters submitted by Seward was
a long dispatch in relation to Captain Reynolds and the
Lackawanna, addressed to the Hawaiian Minister. The
positions taken were, I thought from the reading, very
well. There is a spirit of mischief among those Islands,
aggravated, I have little doubt, by Reynolds, and they
have sent here a thick-headed, garrulous Minister who has
no clear and distinct opinions, and who is obviously the
tool and instrument of the Einglish and French intrigues
at the Sandwich Islands.

After the Cabinet-meeting, had some conversation with
the President on the impeachment. Suggested the ad
interim appointments of Mr. Lincoln when Chase resigned,
and also when Fessenden resigned. Congress being in ses-
«ion on both occasions; but an ad interim appointment be-
Msame necessary until a permanent appointment was made,
in order that the current business of the Department and
Government might go on.

I then remarked that Black did not appear among the
managers and asked if he was behaving badly. The Presi-
dent said he had withdrawn from the case, and he thought
was behaving very badly indeed. [He said] that he had a
letter from B. which he wished me to read. It announced
his withdrawal in justice to his clients in the Alta Vela
case; regretted if it should injure the President, whose
course he justified and approved in these persecutions ; de-
nounced Seward's conduct in the Alta Vela matter, whose
little finger was more potent with the President than the
loins of the law, etc., etc. I sidd that from the letter and
Black's career I judged he had undertaken to compel him
(the President) to make hunself a party in a private suit,
and because he would not, he had lost the service of Mr.
Black, and was also so far damaged as the withdrawal of
one of his leading counsel at a' critical moment might in-
jure him in public estimation* The President said that was
true, but it Mr. Black had f6r a moment deceived himself

1868] BLACK'S LETTER OF WITHDRAWAL 323

by supposing that he would deviate a hair's breadth from
his duty in order to retain his services or prevent convic-
tion even, he was a sadly deceived man. As regarded the
Alta Vela, he had not decided against Black's clients; he
had thought there might be merit, or the color of merit, in
the claim. The Secretary of State, whose special tiuty it
was to look into the question, had investigated it and was
against Black, whether rightfully or wrongfully he could
not say. The whole subject, however, had been called for
by Congress, and at this time and under present circiun-
stances he could not take any step, nor was he inclined to
make himself a party in the matter.

I doubted if Black's withdrawal and non-appearance
would operate injuriously to the President before Congress
or the country, — certainly not if the facts were known.

We both thought that Black's political aspirations might
have influenced him in this step. He is very ambitious,
and, as is often the fact, not the best judge in his own case,
though undoubtedly a man of great legal ability and of
strong mind and power. I think Stanton controls him.

March 25, Wednesday. The Cincinnati Gazette, an ex-
treme Radical paper, has a letter from its correspondent,
Reid, from Washington, imputing to General Howard the
scares and alarms which have terrified Stanton and led
Emory to extra vigilance in his commands. He has been
filled with suspicions and frights, which he has commun-
icated to Stanton, who is easily alarmed. Howard, at the
beginning of the War, was a religious man of small calibre,
but has become a pious fraud.

March 26, Thursday. The action of Congress and par-
ticularly the Senate in taking from tne Supreme Court
certain powers to prevent a decision in the McCardle case
is shameful, and forebodes an unhappy future to the coun-
try. There is no exercise of reason, judgment, intelligence,
or patriotism by the Radical majority on any subject

324 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [icabch30

whereby their party is liable to be affected. Truth, justice,
right, law, and Constitution are broken down and trampled
under foot by Senators. I say this in sorrow.

March 27, Friday. Very littie of importance at the Cab-
inet. Every member, I think, considers conviction a fore-
gone conclusion in the impeachment case. The Senate
seems debauched, debased, demoralized, without inde-
pendence, sense of right, or moral courage. It is, to all
intents and purposes, a revolutionary body, subject to the
dictation of Sumner, who is imperious, and Chandler, who
is unprincipled, — botii are disliked and hated by a con-
siderable portion of the Republicans, who nevertheless
bow submissive to the violent extremists.

I cannot come to the conclusion that the Senate, feeble
and timid as it is, will convict the President of high crimes
and misdemeanors and depose him, yet I have no con-
fidence whatever in the fairness or justice of that body.
There is a party necessity to obtain possession of the execu-
tive, in order to put a Radical in the office of President next
year. Fraud and force will be resorted to, if necessary,
to accomplish this end. Hence impeachment is a necessity.
Johnson must be removed, for he will coimtenance no fraud
or wrongdomg. And men will surrender their consciences,
violate their oaths, be recreant to every honest principle
and instinct, and make a victim of an honest man for doing
his duty. It is like slaughtering, shooting down, the faithful
sentinel because of his fidelity in standing to his post.

We are, in fact, in the midst of a revolution, bloodless as
yet, a revolution not of arms but of ideas and govemifient,
more effectual and complete than that of the armies of the
Rebellion. It is a question whether the Union and the
Constitution can be retrieved and restored, though I do not
yet permit myself to despair of the Republic. I have not
faith in the Senate, yet if the President should be con-
victed and deposed, the names of those Senators who shall
declare him guilty will go down in infamy, and be recorded

1868] THE NAVAL APPROPRIATION BILL 826

in history as the betrayers of truth and traitors to justice
and freedom.

March 28, Saturday. The Senate yesterday had under
consideration the Naval Appropriation Bill. Unfortunate-
ly, Grimes, the Chairman of the Committee, and Anthony,
the only two men familiar with the subject, were absent.
Wilson and Sumner betrayed gross ignorance as well as
malignity in the debate. The latter I expected, but there
is no excuse for the former. Both of them and the New
Hampshire Senators professed to be actuated by disinter-
ested and proper motives and were profuse in their denunci-
ations of party appointments, yet those Senators have done
and said more, and importuned me harder, than any and
all other Senators to make party remov6.1s and appoint-
ments. Wilson represented that the masters whom I ap-
pointed were all from the Navy, — old salts, who knew
nothing of the trade of mason, blacksmith, etc., placed
over civilians who were unfit for the duty. Notwithstand-
ing this assertion, no such appointments have ever been
made; the statement is false. In order to prevent any
abuse of that kind, which I have understood sometimes
has existed, I established a regulation that no person
should be appointed until after he had passed an examina-
tion before a competent board.

In giving expression to his party malignity, Wilson said
the administration of the Navy Department for the last
two or three years had been wasteful and extravagant
beyond any other Department of the Government. This
from the Chairman of the MiUtary Committee, where mill-
ions upon millions have been profligately wasted, while I
have been accused of miserly economy in expenditures.
But this is only a specimen of Radical truth and fairness.

Wilson and Sumner are put up to this by General Banks
and his creatures, the chief manager being Simon P. Hans-
com, an oflSce-broker, who professes to, and I believe does,
act with the DemocratSi and who whispered in my ear a

826 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [march «

few months ago, while cooperating with Banks, that the
scheme was Democratic, but that Banks did not know it.
The Natick cobbler is a dupe as well as an ignoramus and
falsifier on naval matters.

Blundering, plimdering Nye,^ without honesty or integ-
rity, but who has some pretensions to coarse humor, got in
a fog and bellowed about the engineers and their rivalry
with the oflBoers. The poor fellow knew not the difference
between the civil engineers of the yard and the steam
engineers.

March 30, Monday. The opening speech of General
Butler in the impeachment trial is variously spoken of.
As he has talents of a certain kind and has prided himself
in getting to be one of the Managers, where there is rivalry,
and as he wants notoriety, he cares but little of what kind,
and as he has impudence and audacity and the employ-
ment is familiar, I presume he made a speech with some
strong and forcible language. As to his facts, his history,
his law, and correct application of principles, there is room
for criticism and doubt. Though a Radical favorite, he is
an unscrupulous and, in every respect, a bad man. The
intelligent Radicals do not seem to be satisfied with his
performance, while the Democrats do not feel that Butler
has made much headway against the President.

March 31, Tuesday. Nothing but current business at
the Cabinet. The President requested us to meet him and
his counsel this evening at eight. Just before leaving I was
subpoenaed as a witness to appear to-morrow at twelve
before the court of impeachment. Seward, after getting at
the President's, said that it was Mr. Stanbery's summons
for myself and others of the Cabinet.

Mr. Stanbery, Evarts, and Groesbeck met us at the Pre-
sident's. Talked over certain circumstances and incidents
in the past. Seward said he knew nothing of Stanton's

> James W. Nye« Senator from Nerada.

1868J MUTTERINGS AGAINST CHASE 327

suspension, was absent at the time. Had early seen dis-
agreement between the President and Stanton, and had
exerted himself to prevent a rupture. This had been his
course, he said, with each and every member of the Cab-
inet from the time he became connected with the Adminis-
tration in 1861. He supposed the President had avoided
consulting him, because of his earnest efforts to retain
Stanton. Had never asked the President before, but did
now. The President did not give a direct and explicit
answer, but yet it was essentially aflSrmative.

A diifference occurred in the Senate to-day, involving
the power of the Chief Justice and his right to decide on
questions subject to the decision of the Senate, in which
he was sustained by ten majority. The extreme Radicals
are greatly incensed, and have mutterings against Chase.

There are growing differences between the Radical and
Conservative Senators. The latter lack courage; the former
lack sense.

LVIII

Gloomy Political Outlook In Connecticut — En^clish reelected, however,
by an Increased Majority — Ciiitifl opens for the President in the Im-
peachment Trial — Consultation as to the Introduction of General
Sherman's Testimony — The Need of a Lawyer who can meet Butler
and Bingham on their own Ground — Sherman's Testimony admitted
— Secretary Welles on the Stand — Manager Wilson's Elaborate Speech
interjected into the Proceedings — The President nominates Gen^^
Schofield as Secretary of War — Senator Grimes on the Impeachment
Trial — Surmises as to the President's Reasons for nominating Schofield
-^ Vice-Admiral Porter said to be fishing for the Secretaryship of the
. Navy — llie Speeches of Thaddeus Stevens and Thomas Williams —
Stanberyy though ill, is confident of Success — Evarts's Speech.

April 1, Wednesday. The aspect of the campaign in
Connecticut does not suit me. Burr writes that we will
carry the State ticket, but probably lose the legislature.
This is a let-down from all previous statements, and I am
apprehensive there may be a further let-down in the re-
sult.. The New York World, the Democratic organ in that
city, has hurt the Democratic Party and cause in Connec-
ticut. When it declared Johnson was not elected by the
Democratic votes, that the impeachment was a contro-
versy between the President and those who elected him,
etc., etc., it damaged the cause and may have lost us the
State. It is easy to perceive that they would not grieve
to have the President convicted, because they believe it
will ruin the Radicals and dispose of Johnson. While if
they made fierce and just war against this Radical out-
rage and persecution, it would, in their apprehension,
enlist public sympathy for the President, who, they fear,
may be a candidate.

Sumner attempted to get a rule established that the
Chief Justice should not vote or give an opinion, but was
voted down by six majority.

18681 THE CONNECTICTJT ELECTION 329

'^ April 2, Thursday. Impeachment progresses, but I do
not see that the impeachers have yet made an impeachable
case. Still it is a question whether there is sufficient
courage in the Senate to do right, under the threats of the
Radical papers, party meetings, etc.

April 3, Friday. My brother, Ck>Ionel Babcock, and
John Cotton Smith write me with confidence in regard to
the election, yet each speaks of the closeness of the contest,
and the efforts being made by each party. The Radical;
papers speak with much more confidence than last yeari
and the editors have, I think, persuaded themselves th^y
will win. This confidence is in itself strength. . • . ,

April 7, Tuesday. Am pressed for time. The Connec-
ticut election has resulted, in the reelection of English by
an increased majority, but the Radicals have both branches
of the legislature, which will give them a Senator in Con-
gress in place of Dixon. It will be a great political battle,
and has cost the Radicals a great amount of money for
speakers, to say nothing of corruption eicpenditure. T^e
result is a great disappointment to the Radical leaders,
here, who had persuaded themselves they should carry'
Connecticut. On the whole, the battle has been hardly
and skillfully fought on both sides. Michigan has gone,,
unexpectedly, against negro suffrage by an overwhelming
majority.

Mr. Stanbery came upon us while in Cabinet-meeting,
and questioned us on many points, and brought his own
recollection and oiu*s to bear on niatters relating to im-
peachment.

April 10, Friday. Many occurrences pass which I have
not time to note down. Am busy till late at night.

Seward gave me, in Cabinet-meeting, papers frbib
Honolulu, forwarded from thAt Government, exposing a'
spy on board Reynolds' vessel, the^Lackawanna. The tspy
is his own private secretary.

330 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april lo

Mr. Curtis opened the case yesterday for the President
and finished to-day. A very finished legal argument, but
I doubt if as effective as might have been made by some
others. Perhaps it is because I am more earnest and in-
dignant over this infamous and infernal villainy, which is
treated so gingerly by the professional friends of the Presi-
dent, and so infamously and audaciously by his opponents.

April 13, Monday. Mr. Stanbery sent me word to meet
him last evening at the President's at eight. Was pimctu-
ally there and f oimd the President's counselors in impeach-
ment matters there except Mr. Stanbery. His wife had
been taken suddenly ill, and he was thereby detained.
Having no occasion to remain, I was about leaving, when
the President invited me to wait. The lawyers were ex-
amining documents most of the time. Judge Curtis and
Evarts read over the letters of General Sherman with
great care. Groesbeck examined certain Department
documents. Nelson sat quietly by, saying little and doing
notiiing.

The conversation was chiefly on the point of pressing
the fmliher introduction of Sherman's t^timony, and es-
pecially the letters which they had just examined. These
letters contamed some expressions which they, Curtis and
Evarts, thought would do as much harm as the letters
themselves would do good. Both these gentlemen thought
the President had a perfectly good case as it stands,
without farther testimony. Judge Ciui;is said he feared
every new witness; that the other side were fishing for
evidence. Evarts concurred.

I was not altogether satisfied with their reasoning or
conclusion, but I am not, of course, as capable of framing
an opinion as these legal gentlemen who are in the case.
It is not, however, a legal but a political question, and
the conspirators are the triers. The Managers have a feeble
ease or no case at all. There are no grounds for impeach-
ment; there were none from the beginning, yet every Bad-

1868] JUDGE CURTIS'S OPENING 831

ical in the town voted for impeachment^ and a large portion
of the Senators are ready to-day to vote to convict. They
were as ready to give the same vote when the trial, as it
is called, commenced. They had caucused on the subject
they were to adjudicate and are still caucusing. The Sen-
ators are many of them incapable of candid judgment, <a
intelligent judgment. Judge C. makes a mistake, I think,
in resting where he is. Were they, the Senators, as good
lawyers as the Judges of the Supreme Court or governed
by any rules, the case might be considered safe. But
Butler gives rules to the Senatorial judges, and tells them
how to vote, and they obey. Unfortunately they are not
legally wise, nor honest, nor candid. They are less safe as
triers than an ordinary intelligent jury. The latter would
give heed to the clear mind of an intelligent and impartial
judge. These Senators are judge and jiuy in a case of their
own, prejudiced, self-consequential, and incompetent.
Such a tribunal, it appears to me, is to be treated pecul-
iarly, and not upon trust. They must have it made to
appear to them that they are in the wrong. Earnest,
vigorous, unwearied efforts are wanted. Scholarly, re-
fined, legal abihty are not alone sufficient with men who
were tested before trial was ordered and who meet in
secret caucus daily.

I made a few suggestions to this effect after the others
left, and stated a few points that appear not to have been,
touched upon. One was that Stanton, for whom the con-
spirators were contending, never had called on the Pre-
sident, met at his council-board, or consulted with him or
others of the Cabinet, since last August, — had been use-
less as an adviser, head of a Department, or executive
officer.

On the suggestion of Judge Ciurtis, I called this morning
on Mr. Stanbery at his rooms in the Metropolitan, and
Judge Curtis was there. He, with Mr. S., went over the
same ground as last evening in regard to Greneral Sherman;
but Mr. Stanbery dissented from his a^ociates j9aid thox^^^b)^

332 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april 18

with me they should, at all events, try to get the General's
testunony. If refused, let the consequences be with them,
and the refusal go out to the coimtry.

Mr. Stanbery questioned me on one or two points;
thought he shoiild not want me for some two or three days,
and said Edgax could go to New York.

I feel the want of a man of different metal from either
of these lawyers on the part of the defense, — one who has
audacity, can meet Butler and Bingham ^ on their own
ground and with their own weapons. Still the courteous
and accomplished attorneys may fight the battle, but before
this tribimal different metal is also wanted.

April 14, Tuesday. There was an interesting time yes-
terday in the Senate, and that body, after vacillating,
finally admitted General Sherman to testify in answer
to Senator Reverdy Johnson, as to the object of the
President in tendering him the appointment of Secretary
ad interim. The remark of the President that he, General
S., need have no apprehension of or from Stanton, who is
cowardly, came out. Mr. Stanbery is sick to-day, and the
Court adjourned over imtil to-morrow in consequence.
Seward and Randall spent last evening with him, when, as
they report, he appeared to be well, but his brain was
active and excited. Browning called at my house this
evening and says Stanbery is better.

It appears to me impeachment has lost groimd in public
estimation during the last few days; still I have no con-
fidence in the partisan Senate. There are men there of
ability suflScient to know what is right, to act independently,
and who should have enough honesty and moral courage
to do right. I trust they will, yet I do not rely on them
in this excitement. As for the crowd of little creatures who
ar^ out of place in the Senate, and who ought never to
have been there, — like Chandler, Thayer, Morgan, Nye,

. } Congressman John A. Bingham of Ohio was one of the Managers of the
tdid on the part of the Hoiise.

1868] ON THE STAND 838

i:MiTV)i

Conness, Cameron, and others, who are neither stal
enUghtened legislators, nor possessed of judicial mmds, —
no one expects from them justice or any approach to it.
But the question is whether the abler minds will be wholly
carried away by chief conspirators who hold in their hands
the great amoimt of partisan small trash.

AprU 16, Thursday. Was subpoenaed to-day as a wit-
ness before the high court of impeachment, and attended
about 1 P.M. I was not, however, placed upon the stand.
Cox and Merrick ' were examined, and cross^ammed
by Butler. More time was consumed by the Managers in
objections to exclude the truth than by witnesses in testi-
fying to facts. At a late hour Butler made a violent, in-
decent party harangue, which disgraced the Senators who
failed to call him to order and listened to his tirade with
satisfaction.

AtptU 17, Friday. At the cornrt of impeachment most
the day and for two or three hours on the stand. Nearly
every question put was objected to and discussed. The
Chief Justice presided with fairness, and the Senators, in
most cases by a majority, voted against the Managers.
About twenty are violent partisans, as much interested in
the prosecution as the Managers, and some of them taking
an active part with them. Cameron, Conness, Howard,
and others manifest this. There is another set of stupid,
stolid creatures, like Morgan, Chandler, etc., — the latter
violent, the former time-serving, — who vote uniformly
and always to exclude all testimony for the President, and
are, and have been, ready from the first to vote to convict.
In point of morality, I put these fellows on a par with
the thief and the murderer. The fear of pimishment and

* Walter S. Cox, a lawyer of Georgetown, District of Columbia, who
had been consulted by the President in connection with General Lorenso
Thomas's appointment, and Richard T. Merrick, a Washington lawyer,
who had been employed by General ThomaB. • —

334 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [apbil it

the opinion and judgment of others will restrain them from
committing those crimes, not any sense of moral justice
or obligation. Morgan has become debased, and, after first
taking a manly stand, has become dragooned by leaders,
fears his associates, whom he now follows Uke a whipped
spaniel. Chandler is more coarse and free-spoken than
Morgan, but quite as contemptible. . . .

As my testimony will appear in the proceedings, I
shall not attempt to here recapitulate it. Should have
•been glad to have been permitted to state my knowledge
on the points, without being restricted to narrow questions
and answers.

I perceived that the Radical leaders, as well as Managers,
were becoming disturbed and discontented by the course
things were taking, and, under apprehension that a pend-
ing question might go against them, there was a concerted
movement to adjourn. A caucus and discipline were neces-
sary. The Managers directed it. I saw it whispered and
passed from one to another. Judges! O what judges!!

April 18, Saturday. The court of impeachment opened
this morning with an elaborate speech from Manager Wil-
son,^ crowded in on an interlocutory question, which con-
sumed over an hour and was read from a carefully pre-
pared manuscript. This, I soon perceived, was the speech
which he had been weeks preparing and hoped to deliver
at the close of the trial, but, being denied the opportimity
by the secret caucus arrangement and decree last evening,
it was here injected into the Senate, or court, proceedings.
My suspicions were at once aroused that there had been
caucusing, or both caucusing and drilling, overnight, to
exclude, after listening to all hearsay evidence and scandal
against him, the President's testimony refuting the lies
and manufactured evidence. The suspicion was fully con-
firmed by the day's action.

Nothing from any member of the Cabmet was permit-

^ Representative James F. Wilson of Ohio.

1868] TESTIMONY EXCLUDED 335

ted, from a conviction evidently that it would exculpate
and exonerate the President. Sunmer, therefore, \(^o has
to this time voted to admit all testimony, because he was
predetermined to convict, absented himself now when
votes intended to cut off evidence were to be taken. Mor-
ton was not present at all. Sherman, Frelinghuysen, and
the equivocal men had been last night whipped in.

I was put forward by the counsel for the President to
receive and answer the test questions, or to be opposed and
rejected. This relieved Seward and yet annoyed him. It
did not displease him that the testimony of Cabinet officers
was prevented. He had, he said, been on friendly terms
with Stanton, and for that reason President Johnson had
not consulted him so freely as others. He claims he was
the confidant of President Lincoln, and advised with him
in certain removals. For these reasons, he declares, he did
not wish to be placed on the stand, though Judge Ciutis
and Evarts apparently wished it. When the Cabinet was
in consultation with the counsel a few mornings since,
I mentioned the particulars imder which the President
annoimced the removal of Stanton and appointment of
Thomas. Seward undertook to say he was informed before
we met, but T. went to the War Department just as we
met, and returned while we were in session. It was not
a judicious appointment, whether advised by him or not.

April 20, Monday. I did not attend the Senate. The
session of the court of impeachment was brief. The fac-
tious Radical majority, regardless of law, justice, and right,
having decided on Saturday to exclude all testimony for
the President, there was little to be said or done. I re-
marked to the President to-day that I thought it would
have been well to place Seward on the stand, that he might
at least testify in regard to the preparation, by him and
Stanton, of the veto message on the Tenure-of-Office Bill,
and that he counseled the selection of General Lorenizo
Thomas to take the War Department^ if such was the fact.

338 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [aprilm

order from Grant to Emory, issued by request of Stanton,
for a guard at the War Department to preserve docimients,
etc., issued on the 22d of February. These conspirators
will have their works uncovered sooner or later. The Pre-
sident yesterday, and again to-day, said this man Emory
ought to be removed from the conmiand of this district.
I said that he ought some time since to have left, but it
might not be judicious at this moment. McCulloch to-day
took the same view.

April 25, Saturday. The argument before the court to-
day by Mr. Groesbeck is highly spoken of by all. The
President yesterday sent in the nomination of General
Schofield for Secretary of War in place of Stanton. I knew
nothing of it until I saw it in the papers, nor do I think more
than one, and perhaps none, of his Cabinet knew of it.
This movement is a concession, and I apprehend has been
prompted from a friendly quarter, but I am not sanguine
that it will be successful.

When Fox was here ten days or a fortnight since, he in-
formed me of a conversation with Grimes, who was to him
outspoken in his disgust at the impeachment. There are
several Senators who revolt at the intrigue, but, from party
faction at home. Grimes said that there was, however,
much embarrassment on the part of conservative men
what to do. Their political friends expected they would
vote to convict, regardless of the merits or demerits of the
question, but if any should not, and were to give an honest,
judicial vote to acquit, they might be overwhelmed by the
President's subsequent acts. C!ould they be assured that
the President would be guilty of no indiscretion, that he
would commit no rash act, would consult with and listen
to the advice of his Cabinet or a portion of it, he thought
there would be little doubt he would be acquitted.

Whilst I am convinced the President would have saved
himself much trouble, and the country also, had he more
freely consulted with reliable friendsi — conmiunicated

18681 GENERAL SCHOFIELD'S NOMINATION 339

and received opinions, — I nevertheless think his impetu-
osity or rashness is much exaggerated. He has good judg-
ment and honest intentions, although subjected to great
noisrepresentation. His indiscretions and errors I do not
conceal, but they are venial.

This movement for Schofield, or the movement which
has resulted in his nomination, has its origin, I conclude^
in some such prompting as that suggested to me through
Fox. Seward, or Randall, probably the former, were more
ready than myself to make an effort, and the President has
yielded. His doing so may bring a friendly return, and it
may not. It is going far on his part, for it is not a week
since he spoke to me of the Radicalism of Schofield, which^
if not as offensive as that of Sickles or Sheridan, was bad
enough.

April 27, Monday. As I was about getting on my horse
yesterday p.m. for my daily evening ride. Senator Doolittle
called, and, after a brief conversation, proposed we should
go to the President. We foimd him alone and had about
an hour with him. Had either of us been alone, he would
doubtless have been more communicative. Certainly
he would have been with me. On the subject of General
Schofield's nomination he talked pretty freely without
conmiunicating particulars or motives beyond a desire to
reUeve himself of Stanton. Schofield would not have been
his choice if he could have made a free selection, but Scho-
field, besides being a military man, occupied that peculiar
position which would be likely to .secure a confirmation.
I cannot suppose, however, nor can he. that the Senate will
act whilst impeachment is pending.

I inquired if he was satisfied Schofield would stand and
not declme the nomination. The President said he appre-
hended no diflficulty in that respect, — that he felt assured
there was, on Schofield's part, no partiality for Stantoii.
General Grant wishes Stanton out of the way, and will so
differ from his associates as to acquiesce in, if he is not

340 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES Iafbil27

gratified with, Schofield, although the latter is not specially
devoted to Grant.

For my own part, I have little confidence in any of the
military governors. This movement is one of that singular
class that has sometimes astonished me, as exhibiting a
want of administrative ability when I should expect en-
tirely different qualities. It is Sewardism in all its aspects,
whether Seward is in it or not.

Doolittle and myself visited Governor Randall after
leaving the President. If R. has had any knowledge of
Schofield's nomination he did not disclose it. I judge he is
as ignorant as myself, but his conclusions are like mine.
He is confident the President will be acquitted, and says
the Radicals are becoming afraid of that result. I have not
that confidence, for a majority of the Senate is composed
of very indifferent men, who will, imder caucus dictation,
vote as partisans, not as judges. He thinks the Senate will
not come to judgment until after the Chicago Convention,
but this, I take it, is mere conjecture. There may be some
talk among party men to that effect, but no such conclu-
sion. Washington is great for rumors at all times, and the
credulous and interested listen.

Vice-Admiral Porter has been here several days," the
guest of General Grant. Rumor sajrs he is fishing for
the place of Secretary of the Navy. This is likely to
be the case, for he is ambitious, restless, and intriguing.
He is a very imfit man for Secretary, and would soon turn
things upside down and destroy all unity and disregard
systematic and practical economy.

April 28, Tuesday. The speech of Thad Stevens yester-
day was characteristically abusive, but displayed less abil-
ity than I expected. I do not think he has injured the Pre-
sident so much as he desired, though he has spent great
labor and time on his speech, which has been three times
rewritten and revised. His nephew, who boards at Will-
ard's with Faxon, told the latter that he was assisting his

18681 STANBERY CONFIDENT OF SUCCESS 341

uncle in reading his third printed proof of what he intended
to say.

Thomas Williams/ who followed, is prolix, a poor
reader, and will not make a favorable impression. . . .
He was, I have understood, a quasi partner of Stanton in
Pittsburg, and has been much devoted to and much used
by him in Congress.

Only necessary current business done in the Cabinet.
Seward, Randall, and Browning expressed great confidence
of the acquittal of the President, but gave no particulars.
McCuUoch is more hopeful than I have seen him since the
impeachment movement commenced. I called last eveniiig
on Mr. Stanbery. He is very feeble. Says he has com-
pleted his argument, but I advised him not to imdertake
to deliver it, and I think he will not. He expresses great
confidence of acquittal, and so, he says, does Evarts.
There could be no doubt of it, were the triers imcommitted,
— honest, candid, and capable men. All depends on the
fact whether there are a sufficient number of such inde-
pendent Senators.

Poor E. B. Washbume cannot sufficiently vent his spite
and venom against the Navy Department. My reply to
Starkweather's resolution disappointed him. He found
a mare's nest and set Starkweather cackling, but the eggs
were addled. To-day he introduced a resolution of inquiry
into the corrupt sale of ironclads. He will find his head in
a bag, or against a stone wall in that matter. I presume
Washbume has heard of my contempt for him and his
mock economy, — his proverbial meanness and the way
in which he lives off Grant, to whom, and for whom, he
toadies. He partakes of Grant's dinners, swallows his whis-
key, smokes his cigars, rides his horses, travels as a dead-
head, and eats and drinks every day of his life at the pub-
lic expense. I have seen and sneered at his penuriousness
and meanness, his little regard for truth, and his many
infirmities. Some Radical go-between has informed him,

^ Of Pennsylvania. .

342 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [april28

I have no doubt, of my expressed and real contempt and
disgust of him, and of his shallow pretensions, and he
means to show proper resentment by l}dng statements in
resolutions concerning Navy management. If the reply
shows its falsity, his misstatements have nevertheless gone
out ahead. The Ue will travel some distance, and get in
some comer where it will not be exposed.

April 30. There is but little doing by Congress. Im-
peachment is the question. Mr. Evarts' speech is interest-
ing and able, and men and women of all parties are greatly
interested in it. There is an impression that the Radical
cause is growing weaker, and indication that the Radical
leaders have apprehensions. The arguments of the Pre-
sident's lawyers have alarmed them, have shown them
they have no case, that though they have deceived them-
selves into the belief that they can deceive the country,
there are truths which cannot be covered up and will en-
danger their future. The conspiracy — for it is nothing
else — is an excess of party zeal and hate, without any
foimdation whatever. It will overwhelm them with in-
famy. In their present state of party discipline, party
power, and party terror, votes may not be changed, but
conviction has struck some of them. Grimes says there
will be no conviction, and he is one of the best judges and
most sensible men in the Senate. But Fox, who is here
for a few days, says that in circulating around among
Senators and others of all parties, he finds the prevailing
opinion seems to be that the President will be condemned.

LIX

A Visit to Mount Veraon — The President's Disappointment at Black's
Desertion — The Outcome of the Impeachment hanging in the Balance

— The Doubtful Senators — The Carpet-Bag Constitutions of Arkansas
and South Carolina transmitted to Congress — Bingham's Closing
Speech for the Prosecution — Congressional Inquiry into the Sale of the
Ironclads Oneota and Catawba — The Case of the Hannah Grant — -
An Exciting Afternoon and Evening in the Senate — Speeches of Sher-
man, Grimes, Trumbull, and Fessenden — Hopeful Outlook — The
Vote on Impeachment postponed — Illness of Senator Grimes — Public
Opinion manufactured in Washington by the Radicals — The Vote cm
the Eleventh Article fails to convict the President — A Call on Senator
Grimes — Attack on Ross of Kansas for his Vote in favor of the Pre-
sident — The Candidates before the Republican Convention at Chicago

— Grant and the Radicals — Rumors of Cabinet Changes — Japanese
Affairs — Grant and Colfax nominated at Chicago — The Acquittal of
the President — The News comes to the Cabinet in Session — Charges
of Corruption — Stanton leaves the War Department — His Character
and Abilities and his Administration of the Department — Schofield's
Appointment as Secretary of War sticks in the Senate — A Seminole
Chief on the Written Constitution.

May 1, Friday. I went with my family, a few visitors,
and a small party of friends to Mount Vernon. It is the first
time I have ever landed there, though I have often passed
the place, and have always intended to perform a pilgrim*
age to the tomb of the Great American Patriot.

We had a pleasant company, and the day was pleasant.
I enjoyed the excursion as an excursion, but it was not the
way and manner that would have suited me to dischargjo
a duty. Alone, or with my wife and children, or perhaps
three or four chosen friends, not more, I should have felt
a melancholy pleasure in such a pilgrimage.

May 2, Saturday. A short interview with the President.
Completed selections to Naval Academy, — always an un-
pleasant and unwelcome duty. After this was disposed of.

344 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 2

had a little talk on general subjects. He says the Alta Vela
letters of Black were not obtained from him or any one
at the White House. They must have been furnished by
Black himself, perhaps through his son or partner. The
conduct of Black has surprised and affected him more than
that of almost any other person. It was unexpected, un-
g^erous, and a betrayal or desertion at a critical period,
and when the President was relying more on Black than
any one else as a counselor, confidant, and friend.

The President is by no means desponding. I think his
faith is in an honest and sincere consciousness that he has
been, to the best of his ability, faithful, that he has done
his duty, and that a good Providence will not permit him
to be sacrificed imder these circmnstances.

While I am reluctant to believe in the total depravity of
the Senate, I place but little dependence on the honesty
and truthfulness of a large portion of the Senators. A
majority of them are small lights, mentally weak, and
wholly unfit to be Senators. They are neither intelligent
legislators, wise statesmen, capable judges, nor good patri-
ots. Some are vulgar demagogues . . • some are men
of wealth who have purchased their positions . . . men of
narrow intellect, limited comprehension, and low partisan
prejudice. . • •

With the party appeals and party demands from the
Radical press and Radical leaders throughout the country,
the narrow views and inexcusable ign^ance of Radic2^
generally in regard to our government, its structure and
scope, their readiness to sacrifice the government and coun-
try for mere party ends, I have but slight expectation of an
acquittal.

May 4, Monday. On Friday and Saturday there was
a disgraceful but characteristic exhibition of Radical not-
ables in the House, — Butler and Logan on Friday, and
Donnelly of Wisconsin and Washbiune of Illinois on
Saturday.

1868] THE DOUBTFUL SENATORS a4ft

Butler was exposed and flogged by Brooks severely.
Washbume was more coarsely and frankly punished by
Donnelly, a brother Radical. Had he been less loose and.
vulgar, his speech would have been more effective. Wash-
bume, though the oldest member, is more universally de-
tested for his supercilious pretensions, manners, insolencei
disregard of truth, and malignity than any man in the
House, and all enjoyed the infliction he received. Bingham
commenced the closing argument in the impeachment case
to-day. It does not appear to have excited much admira-
tion, although there is reported to have been a laxg^
attendance.

May 5, Tuesday. In general conversation before busi-
ness commenced at the Cabinet, Seward taunted Browning
for being shaky on the question of impeachment. Brown-
ing confessed his doubts, said he had expressed them to con-
fidential friends and thought it best to do so. Seward did
not agree with him as to his policy, but said he had no
doubts as to an acquittal, and wished to wager a basket of
champagne, which B. declined, and S. then offered two
to one. McCulloch, who came in just at the close of the
banter but did not hear it, was as decided in his opinion
of an acquittal as Seward, and offered to bet a bottle of
wine with B. I could, however, get no facts to justify the
confidence of the State and Treasury, farther than that
they have talked pretty freely with Members.

It seems to be generally conceded that Fessenden will
oppose impeachment. McCulloch has hopes that Morton
will do the same. I have little expectation in that quarter,
though the hypocrite has sagacity enough to see that a
mistake is made.

Seward quotes Banks for authority, who says Fessen-
den and Morrill of Maine have each written arguments,
have had one interview and are to have another with their
written documents. Much of this Banks gets from the
Maine Members who have tried to influence F. but

346 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may 5

out success. There may be something to base this upon, but
I do not give it the credence which Seward does. Until the
argument is closed and the whole case committed, F.
would not be likely to declare his opinion. I have sup-
posed he would vote against conviction, although a de-
cided Radical, for he has intelligence and a character
which he wishes to preserve. I have had the same opinion
of Trumbull for the same reasons. Both are crotchety and
uncertain, and I therefore do not consider it siu-e by any
means that they will go for acquittal. Other Senators,
like Frelinghuysen, the Morrills, and others, should vote
for acquittal, but it is most likely, from all I hear and
see, that they will abase themselves.

I therefore am less sanguine than either Seward or
McCulloch. The last has, until recently, believed that
conviction was probable. What facts have changed him I
fail to learn. Seward is not to be relied on for accuracy in
such matters; he catches at shadows. Grimes is chairman
of the Naval Committee and strong in his political views
and prejudices, but he has a legal and discriminating mind,
and sincere respect for the President's honesty, though
very little confidence in his tact and judgment. He will
not commit so unjust an act as to vote to impeach, and
Fessenden usually goes with him. Neither of them has
much love for Sunmer or regard for Thad Stevens, which
will strengthen them to act right when others fail. I should
have no doubt of Trumbull if he had not done himself and
his principles injustice on certain test questions. The
Radical Senators continue to hold their secret meetings
at Pomeroy^s to discipline and strengthen each other to
do an illegal and wicked act, while sitting as judges in the
high court.

Seward says Morgan will go for acquittal, provided it is
clearly ascertained in advance that there can be no con-
viction. In this I think S. is more correct than in many
of his oracular assertions. The President was not present
during the greater part of this conversation, which, how-

1888] BINGHAM'S CLOSING SPEECH 84?

ever, was continued after he came in, canvassing many ol
the Senators. Some of them, through friends, had made
known their doubts and perplexities ; the friends of some
were confident that this or that Senator was personally
kindly and senatorially rightly disposed, and would op-
pose the outrage, if certain appointments were made.
The President said he was tired of these things and wished
they were over.

Some conversation took place between McCullochi
Browning, and myself in regard to sending in immediately
the new carpet-bag constitutions of Arkansas and South
Carolina. They urged that it should be done immediately*
I asked what of the actual, existing constitutions of those
States, which Congress assumed to annul. Both took alanxti
hoped the President would not oppose Congress, oppose
the Reconstruction law, etc. I expressed the hope that he
would do his duty faithfully.

The President had come in from the library during the
discussion and seated himself at the desk, my back bemg
towards him. He sent in a brief message which he had
prepared for Congress, merely informing that body he
transmitted such papers as he had received. This avoided
difficulty, for it expressed no opinion. Under the circum*
stances this, perhaps, is the best he can do, and is not
liable to attack.

May 6, Wednesday. General Rousseau called on me.
His visit to Alaska has not impaired his health, and his
quick journey from Oregon has given him a rough and
hardy appearance. He has been here three or four days
and mingled freely with Congressmen and others, and ex-
presses the fullest confidence in the acquittal of the Pre*
sident. Still I get no facts; no names are given.

May 7, Thursday. Bingham has closed the final argu-
ment of the Managers, and at its close there was a scene
in the galleries got up especially for the occasion and a part

348 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [mat 7

of this Radical drama. I have not read all of B.'s speech,
but, from the examination given it, I do not think it great,
and his friends seem disappointed. The subject is post-
poned until Monday/ and the Court has agreed ix) come to
a vote on Tuesday. If the Senators regard their oaths,
and act as judicial officers and statesmen, there will be an
acquittal; if partisan action controls all the Radical Sena-
tors, or most of them, conviction is likely. The movement
has been a partisan one from its inception

Judge Harris, late New York Senator, called on me, and,
discussing the great topic, tells me he had a long conver-
sation with a prominent Radical Senator, a religious, con-
scientious man, who said to him there was nothing against
the President which could be called a crime or misdemeanor,
but the President was a troublesome man, was an impedi-
ment, and he thought the majority would be justified in
availing themselves of a technical advantage in getting
rid of him. Although Judge Harris called no names, I
inferred from his remarks that Frelinghuysen was the
Senator who made these discreditable remarks.

May 8, Friday! The Retrenchment Committee, of which
Senator Edmimds is chairman, held a session at the De-
partment this morning to inquire into the sale of the iron-
clads Oneota and Catawba, under a resolution of E. B.
Washbume, directing inquiry into the "alleged fraudulent
sale." I had directed copies of all the papers to be prepared
so that there need be no delay. The Committee chose to
examine me orally, also Faxon and Lenthall. Not ex-
pecting to be called, I had not given the subject any close
attention, but was willing the Committee should know
every item of the transaction, satisfied there had been no
fraud, but that Congress by its injudicious management had
hurt this sale and probably prevented others. There was
supercilious arrogance and great ignorance displayed by
some of the gentlemen of the Committee, as well as the
general disposition of this Congress to usurp executive andj

1808] THE CASE OP THE HANNAH GRANT 349

indeed, all power. They wished me to stop the sale, to
prevent the boats from sailingi etc. Simpletons! I wish we
could sell all.

At the Cabinet-meeting Seward read a dispatch re-
quiring the Venezuelan Government to make indemnity for
the Hannah Grant, a whaling-schooner, whose voyage had
been broken and some of her crew detained. I said that I
had doubts whether the subject should be pursued; that
the captain and men of the H. G. were perhaps as culp-
able as the Venezuelan coast-guard. Our men could not
speak Spanish nor the guard English, ai>d before they
could come to an imderstanding the H. G. sailed off and
left her men. Seward was taken aback ; said the Veneziie^
ians would be let off lightly, but some notice must be taken
of the difficulty.

Great confidence was expressed by all the Cabinet that
the President would be acquitted; and such also seemed
his impression, but I could get no fact, — perhaps ought
to expect none. It was said Fessenden was in great distress,
— had offered to resign, but the Maine delegation would
not listen to it. The vote of Henderson of Missouri is re-
lied upon through the influence of Miss Foote,^ to whom
he expects to be married. Sprague is coimted upon through
Mrs. S. and her father, etc. These are frail staffs to lean
upon, yet they are taken in the absence of better. There
may be other circumstances, or facts, which are confiden-
tial, but they are not commimicated, if there are such.

Colonel Halpine (Miles O'Reilley) and Mr. Roosevelt
called on me. They are feeling for information, while pro-
fessing to commimicate. I am satisfied they know nothing
certain. Halpine and R. also speak most contemptuously
of Morgan, who seems to have sxmk in every man's esti-
mation.

May 9, Saturday. There is a good deal of deep feeling;
yet no boisterous excitement. The impeachers are less con-

> Daui^ter of Judge EUaha Foote, Gommifldoner of Patents. !

360 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mat 9

fident than they were, yet express full belief in conviction.
Their reliance is on the force, discipline, and necessities of
party, not on crime or misdemeanor on the part of the
President. How far the Radical Senators who have pre-
tensions to statesmanship will debase themselves to party
dictation is the only question. If they are really legis-
lators, judges, and statesmen, men of independence and
moral courage, the President will be acquitted; not other-
wise. More than one half of the Senators are demagogues
and blockheads, party tools, who regard not their oaths
nor the welfare of the country.

Numbers influence party men, so that inferior intellects
often control superior minds. Fessenden and Morton and
Trumbull are fearful of consequences if they boldly and
considerately do their duty. I have no faith whatever in
Morton, though McCuUoch has hopes of him, but McCul-
loch is deceived. His speech at the beginning of the
session exhibited a mind whose moral stamina was
gone. • . .

The President tells me this afternoon that he has no
doubt that Fessenden will vote for acquittal. I did not ask
his newest evidence. Riding out this evening, I met Mo-
Culloch, who assures me, emphatically, of an acquittal.
Says Grimes, Fessenden, Trumbull, and Van Winkle will
vote to acquit, and others also. I conclude he has sources
of information which are reliable. I get no facts. Of Grimes',
Fessenden's, and Trumbull's honest opinions I have no
doubt, but there is a terrible pressure upon them. Of Van
Winkle I know nothing.

May 11, Monday. Dixon came in yesterday. Has heard
the President intends to resign, if it shall be clearly as-
certained that he will be convicted. Told him I gave the
rumor no credit, and he said he would not, but that the
President once made a remark which the rumor had brought
strongly to his mind. In an interview with the President
on Saturday, he told D. he wished to know with certainty

WIIJ.IAM PITT FESSENDEN

1868] AN EXCITING DAY IN THE SENATE 351

the result on Monday. "Why on Monday," says D. to me,
"unless he has an object in view?"

Doolittle called this morning, feeling, as all do, interested,
not to say excited, but craving information. I had none
to give. Neither he nor Dixon has confidence. They have
no facts. Both, like me, believe that several of the leading
minds on the Radical side are against conviction, but
whether they have the courage and moral firmness to do
their duty is a question. Dixon tells me of two conver-
sations he had with Fessenden, who gave him no assur-
ance, but yet talked in a way that left but Uttle doubt oo
his mind, — said he did not wish to do an act which would
disturb him the rest of his life, wanted always to wake in
the morning with a clear conscience.

The afternoon and evening have been exciting. Tb?
Senatorial Court sat to-day with closed doors, the mem-
bers expressing and discussing their views on the articles
of impeachment. As they made their speeches, respectively,
their opinions got outside the doors. Sherman declared
himself opposed to the first article, but would vote for the
second. In other words the President had the right to re-
move Stanton, but no right to order another to discharge
the duties. Poor Sherman! He thinks the people fools;
they know him better than he does them. Grimes boldly
denoimced all the articles, and the whole proceeding. Of
course he received the indignant censure of all Radicals,;
but Trumbull and Fessenden, who followed later, came in
for even more violent denimciation, and more wrathful
abuse.

This evening the Radicals are greatly crestfallen, and
have hardly a hope, while their opponents can scarcely
restrain their elated feelings over the probable defeat of an
infamous and dastardly conspiracy. A marvelous change
has come over both parties.

McCulloch came in overjoyed, and wished me to go with
him to the President's. We foimd he had all the news, but
was calm, though gratified. He showeid us the notes he

852 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [biatii

had from time to time received through the p.m. and
evening.

Groesbeck soon came in; said the work was accomplished,
but there must be no exulting outbreak. Both he and Mc-
Culloch declare there is no question of acquittal. Randall
soon joined us, and is even more sanguine. Says the vote
will stand at least 22 to 32, likely better than that. I would
rather see the votes, though I have no cause to question
his accuracy, except he is not an accurate man.

The Senate is in session this evening; and will be, prob-
ably, most of the night. A motion was made to recon-
sider ihe vote ordering the vote to be taken to-morrow, but
failed. Still I am apprehensive. The Radicals have a
majority and are alarmed, for there are some who refuse
to be disciplined into doing a wrong act.

May 12, Tuesday. The Radicals, fearful of the result
of the vote which they had ordered should this day be
taken on impeachment, have postponed the question
until next Saturday. The excuse for this is the illness of
Howard,* one of their members, who is said to be delir-
ious, — the brain fever, — some say delirium tremens.
I suppose he is really ill, though many think not. Had it
been one of the Senators friendly to the President, there
would have been no four days' postponement, — nor even
with Howard's sickness, had they [not] been limited to a
two-thirds vote. When Attorney-General Stanbery was
taken ill, the leading Ra,dicals would not consent to delay a
day, although he was the principal coimsel of the President.

The postponement did not greatly surprise me. It re-
quired only a majority vote, and very likely a still further
postponement will take place, if the Senatorial conspir-
ators have not suflScient force to convict. There is little
honor, justice, or truth with the impeaching judges. If
by any trick or subterfuge they can succeed, the Radicals
will resort to it, however unprincipled. The President was,

> Jacob M. Howard of Michigan. .

iseg] ILLNESS OF SENATOR GRIMES 863

I think, more disturbed by the postpon^nent than I have
ever seen him, but he soon rallied.

Great consternation prevails among the Radical impeach*
ers, who have never permitted themselves to doubt for
a moment the conviction of the President, whether guilty
or not. It was a foregone conclusion, a party decree; any
one who disobeyed was to be denounced. Such men as the
late Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, Chandler, are
almost frantic. I have long assured McCulloch that Chand-
ler was playing a double game and deceiving him; but McC.
was incredulous, and retained him long in office. ...

Doctor Horwitz tells me Chandler called on him some
dajrs since, and said he had made calls on all the members
of the Cabinet, which he designed as farewell visits, for he
would feel impleasant to call on them after the President's
conviction. I recollect that he called with his wife some ten
days since, and other members of the Cabinet also inform
me that they remember a similar visitation, but they had
no thought of the piu*pose of his visit. It is an evidence
of the confidence of Radicalism.

May 13, Wednesday. There is great rage among the
conspirators and leading Radicals. The Tribune, Chnmr
icUy and other organs, howl over their defeat, and are
very abusive of four Senators whom they denounce as
recreants, apostates, Judases, etc., etc. Their greatest
violence is against Grimes, a man of strong feelings and
acute sensibilities, who was this afternoon struck witii
paralysis. I trust it may not prove fatal or even serious,
but he has for some weeks imdergone great mental excite-
ment in consequence of the estrangement of old associates,
and malignant assaults from his political friends, for a firm,
honest, and conscientious discharge of his duty. This
abuse has been trying to his system. While he has a right
appreciation of these attacks, he is nevertheless sensitive,
and feels it to be a wicked and ungrateful return for many
years of faithful party and public service.

354 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [BiAY 13

The flippant remarks of a class of superficial writers,
who have little knowledge of the government or the proi)er
working of our political system, is disgraceful, and it is
lamentable that so many should be influenced and misled
by them. Veteran legislators and statesmen who have
grown old in the public service, and who have given
thought and mind, and time and labor, to great questions
are libeled and defamed by the slanders.

May 14, Thursday. One of the tricks of the whippers-in
to influence the doubtful Senators is to send abroad for
letters and telegrams favoring and craving impeachment
in order to sustain the party; to get Members of the House
to call on the Senators and urge them to vote to convict,
right or wrong, and in every possible way, by extra means,
to extort a decision adverse to the President. This mon-
strous prostitution of the conspirators is acquiesced in by
the Radicals, who seem to think it proper, so utterly are
they demoralized; and men making pretensions to char-
acter participate in the abuse. Butler, Stevens, and men
like them, taking advantage of prejudices and as yet unfor-
giving hate growing out of the War, do not attempt to
cover up intended villainy. One of tJie schemes now on
foot is to admit the bogus Senators, elected under the
bogus constitutions which the carpet-baggers, aided by
negroes under military dictation, have imposed on the
Southern States. Strengthened in numbers by these inter-
lopers, they hope to carry conviction. How long can a
government stand which is in the hands of such profligate
and unprincipled wretches?

Grimes is no better. I fear the worst. Still I hope he
may recover and that soon. But he is of a family subject,
I am told, to sudden death, and has himself been appre-
hensive that such might be his fate. It was this, I am in-
formed, which led him to decline a reelection. Howard is
reported better. Conflicting rumors and opinions prevail
in regard to tl^e final result of impeachment. I appro-

1868] IMPEACHMENT IN THE BALANCE 355

bend but little is known, and nothing with certainty. The
doubtful men do not avow themselves, which, I think, is
favorable to the President, and the impeachers display
distrust and weakness. Still their efforts are unceasing and
almost superhuman. But some of the more considerate
journals, such as the New York Evening Post, Chicago Tri-
bune, etc., rebuke the violent. The thinking and reflecting
portion of the country, even Republicans, show sjnmptoms
of revolt against the conspiracy.

May 15, Friday. Only pressing and necessary public
business is being done in these days by the Government.
Suggestions or recommendations by the Departments are
received with distrust by the Radical Congress, and useful
and necessary measures are opposed and often rejected
without consideration, so that it is better to be quiescent
than active. The Radical leaders are revolutionary, and
many of their associates of better mind and temper have
become tainted, corrupted, and distempered. They have
called the President so many vile names, applied to him
such vile epithets, that they persuade themselves he must
be in fault, yet they designate nothing, except that he does
not lend himself and the Government to their party
schemes and usiupations. They denounce him as a traitor
because he adheres to the Constitution, holds firmly to his
own belief, and refuses to siurender his own judgment to
their dictation.

The Managers of the impeachment on the part of the
House have summoned witnesses before them to testify in
regard to the views and opinions of the Senators and the
President. This wholly illegal and unauthorized inquisi-
tion, even by this presmning and usurping House, shows
the spirit which prevails, and how personal rights are dis-
regarded. In a very short time these men, if not checked,
would break up the foundations of the government and of
the whole social system. Strange that such men should get
the ascendancy over their associates, but it is by party

356 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [may is

organization and discipline, through secret caucuses, and
the tyranny imposed by the majority rule, sharpened by
the angry remnants of the Rebellion which still linger and
compel the timid, passive, and obedient to violate law.
Constitution, equity, justice, morality, right, and any
and all the fundamental principles of government. Abject
subserviency!

A few matters of current interest were disposed of in
Cabinet. Some conversation on the topic which comes up
in every meeting of two or more, viz., impeachment. The
same general confidence was expressed by Seward, Mc-
Culloch, and Randall of acquittal whenever a vote shall be
taken, but there is doubt whether another postponement
will not take place to-morrow. It is a question whether
the sick men will be then in attendance. Doctor H., his
physician, tells me that Grimes will ride up, though at
some risk, if the vote is to be taken.

I do not yet get from my associates, who express them-
selves so confidently, any positive assurance of seven
Senators from the Republicans. We can count up pretty
sutrely five, perhaps six, but where and who is the seventh
or eighth? Is Anthony, or Sprague, certain for acquittal?
Pretty certain, at least on most of the articles. How stands
Frelinghuysen? How Van Winkle, and Willey? How is
Ross, and how are Corbett and Cole ? Not one is vouched
for when pinned down, though there seems a general im-
pression that Van Winkle and Fowler may be depended
upon.^

To me the result looks exceedingly doubtful, although I
have an inward faith that Providence will not permit so
great a wrong or outrage as conviction to be committed.
There is some good sense, some self-respect, some integrity

* In the final vote Henry B. Anthony and William Sprague of Rhode
Island, Frederick T. Frelinghujrsen of New Jersey, Waitman T. Willey of
West Virginia, Henry W. Corbett of Oregon, and Cornelius Cole of Cali-
fornia went for conviction, but Peter G. Van Winkle of West Virginia,
Edmund 0. Ross of Kansas, and Joseph S. Fowler of Tennessee for acquit-
tal

\m] MANUFACTURING PUBLIC OPINION 357

and patriotism remaining among a few of the Radicals even,
as we see by the course pursued by Grimes and others.
These Senators are being vilified and denounced with im-
sparing malignity by leading Radical presses and politi-
cians, who assume to dictate to them what the party de-
mands should be their vote or judgment in this case. For
a conscientious discharge of their official duty and a regard
for their oaths, the ablest Senators of long experience are
assailed with bitterness as apostates and renegades by the
Secretary of the Senate, Forney, through his two pap^*s,
and by others.

^'*" May 16, Saturday. The day has been one of excitement.
Such was the outside pressure and such the confidence of
the Radical majority, after many secret meetings and
much caucus disciplhie, that the Senate was brought to
vote on impeachment. There has been constant caucusing
daily and twice a day by these triers — these judges —
since Tuesday. Letters and telegrams have been pouring
in, especially to the doubtful, and so-called recreant^ Sena-
tors, all prompted from here. Schenck, chairman of Ways
and Means in the House and also of the Congressional
Radical Committee, has sent off telegrams, — it is re*
ported a hundred, — calling for instructions from Loyal
Leagues to influence the Senatorial judges. Governor
Bumside, the weak and feeble general whose silly and in-
competent orders at Fredericksburg caused the slaughter
of 50,000 men, responded to Schenck, whose telegram was
published in Rhode Island and another, verbatim^ in West
Virginia. They show beyond doubt that public opinion is
manufactured here in Washington by the conspirators.

Two caucuses of Radical Senators were held yesterday at
Senator Pomeroy's, called by Theodore Tilton, a whipper^
in on impeachment, — the first at noon, the other in the
evening. At this last, the members became satisfied under
the sanguine representations of Tilton they would succeed
on the eleventh article, provided that would be put first.

358 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [mayic

Judge Harris of Albany, who called on me this morning
on business, said he met Van Horn, Representative from
New York, who informed him the vote on impeachment
would be taken to-day. They could not afford to delay
longer. The necessities of the country and the call of the
Party required inmiediate action.

At twelve-thirty I went to the President's. McCulloch
was there, and a messenger with a telegram entered as I
did. The telegram stated a vote on the eleventh article had
been taken, and the President was acquitted. Soon after,
Edgar came in with the particulars on liiat vote, which had
been made the test, and on which the Radicals considered
themselves strongest. It was the sheet anchor of Stevens.

The Senate was full, so far as the usurpers have permit-
ted, and the vote was 35 to 19. Seven Republicans voted
with the Democrats. Ross, who had been less strongly
relied upon than some others, voted for acquittal, while
Willey voted guilty. This last was quite a disappointment
to the President. He had also hoped for Anthony and
Sprague and was not without hopes for Corbett and Cole.

Willey, after being badgered and disciplined to decide
against his judgment at a late hour last night, agreed to
vote for the eleventh article, which was one reason for re-
versing the order and making it the first. Ross, it is said,
had promised he would go for impeachment, basing his
action on the first article, which was the basis for the
movement. This, however, he did not communicate, but
what he said relieved him from farther importunity, and
the great effort was made upon Willey. Bishop Simpson,
the high-priest of the Methodists and a sectarian poUtician
of great shrewdness and ability, had brought his clerical
and church influence to bear upon W. through Harlan, the
Methodist elder and organ in the Senate. While Willey's
vote disappointed the DemocratSi the vote of Ross disap-
pointed the Radicals.

When the result was known, Williams of Oregon, a
third-rate lawyer who got into the Senate from that re-

1888J VOTE ON THE ELEVENTH ARTICLE 369

mote State, moved a postponement of farther proceedings
until the 26th inst. The Chief Justice declared this not in
order, but his decision was overruled by the majority, on
an appeal taken on motion of Conness, a man of about the
capacity, and as weak and corrupt, as Williams. Rules,
orders, regulations are wholly discarded and disregarded
by the Radical revolutionists. Their getting together in
caucus, on a judicial question, is a specimen of Radical
policy, character, integrity, and sense of duty.

May 18, Monday. The wrath of the conspirators and
their creatures the Radicals continues with little abate*-
ment, but it has, so far as Senators are concerned, turned
most vindictively on Ross, who is their latest disappoint-
ment. There is, however, a determination on the part of
the leaders to formally expel the recreants from their party,
and to do this at their Chicago Convention. But for the
great folly here, I should hardly beUeve such folly there.
In excited times like these, it is to be remembered that
the violent, the impulsive, the inconsiderate, the positive
element prevails over the passive and the considerate.
Whether there will be cool and reflective men in thdl*'
convention of sufficient influence to check the madness of
party is a question.

As regards the seven Senators themselves, I have
doubts. They are intelligent, and, I think, conscientious,
but it remains to be seen whether they will have the firm-
ness and moral courage to maintain their position inde-
pendently through the fiery conflict in the near future.
Whatever may be the doings at Chicago, these Senators
are marked and spotted men so far as the Radicals are
concerned. Yet I am inclined to think that some of them
flatter themselves they have not lost caste, — that they
will regain their party standing by being more radical than
their party. A shallow delusion, which other men, thdr
equals, have fallen into before them.

Senator Trumbull has made haste to report the bogus

860 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [may is

constitution of Arkansas with all its enormities, in order
to demonstrate his Radical fidelity. Doctor Horwitz tells
me that in an interview at Grimes' room with Trumbull,
Grimes expressed some concern or made some inquiry in
Tegard to this movement, when T. said it was for effect,
that the President would let it slide, with a protest, per-
haps, and they [who are] now called the apostates would
get the inside track on Reconstruction, and thus prove
themselves the most skillful managers. I asked Doctor
H. if they deceived themselves by believing the President
oould in any way assent to such a scheme. He says Tnunbull
seemed to so consider it. These men do not know the Pre-
Eddent. There are rumors, asserted with great positiveness
and apparent sincerity, that when impeachment is dis-
posed of, there is to be a renovation or a reorganization of
the Cabinet. It is too late to be productive of any good if
attempted, and there is no probability that it will be at-
t^npted. Whether the rumor is set afloat by the Radicals
to take o£F the sharp edge of their disappointment, or by
zealous friends of the President to conciliate the Radicals
and help over the trial next week, the 26th, I know not,
nor is it of any consequence.

I called this evening on Senator Grimes, and felt sad to
see him so afficted, yet gratified to find him so cheerful
and his mind so clear and vigorous. It is a great public
calamity that he should have been stricken down at this
time, when his services are so much wanted. A number
came in while we were there, — too many I thought, —
among them Fessenden, whom I was glad to meet. There
is great friendship between him and Grimes. Both of them
smart under the attacks which axe made upon them, and
each tells me he is in daily receipt of atrocious letters.
These they wisely cast aside and destroy without reading
more than what is sufficient to know their contents. They
have, however, many cheering and encouraging letters.
Fessenden says he reads no newspapers. Pike,^ who came

1 FMerick A. Pike, ft RepreeentaliTe ftom Maine.

1B68] A GALL ON SENATOR GRIMES 381

in later, had some talk in defense of impeachment. Said
he took a different view from Grimes and others. He wa8
for removing the President without regard to the chargOi
and for mere political party reasons.

Grimes took from his table a piece of paper and read
aloud the oath he had taken as one of the court, said it was
not the first time such appeals had been made to him, and
asked Pike how he would dispose of that oath. This was
a stumper, but Pike undertook to say that he could get
along with that. I said that such getting along showed the
demoralization which was going on, and which actuaUy
pervaded Congress; that if he and his party could succeed
in removing the President for mere party considerations!
regardless of oaths and the Constitution, one of two re-
sults must follow, the overthrow of his party, or the gov-
ernment; that the government could not survive such
shocks ten years, probably not five.

Grimes concurred with me. Pike attempted to whistle
away the remarks, but I saw they affected him.

May 19, Tuesday. The Senate adjourned over to Thurs-
day, and will then do nothing until their friends get
through at Chicago and return, in other words not till the
26th inst., when impeachment will be again taken up, for
I do not believe the reckless men, the real conspiratoiB,
intend to give up the question, though the sensible men of
their party wish it. Threats and vengeance are abundant
against the seven ''recreants,'' and thunders are threat-
ened from Chicago, but better counsels will be likely to
prevail, — not better feeling, for there is intense and, for
the present at least, unforgiving hate by the conspirators
towards them.

Our friends in the Cabinet pronounce impeachment
dead. I prefer to see the vote. One man would have
turned the scale on Saturday. How he will vote on the
26th remains to be seen. It is a thread on which the result
hangs.

362 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [may 19

Ross is abused most. He is to be investigated by the
House, or his acts are, and the Senate will submit to the
indignity. I have no idea that there has been any corrup-
tion, as is insinuated and asserted. It is claimed he was
pledged, that he has broken his promise, etc. Who tam-
pered with him? Who got his pledge? Who received his
promise in advance to give judgment? The enemies of the
President who are going to investigate Ross' conduct. The
Managers are sitting as a committee to investigate the
Senators under authority of the House, and Butler, vile and
unscrupulous, is calling men before him and compelling
them to disclose their private affairs. Last night he spent
several hours at Jay Cooke's bank, overhauling private
accoimts. These outrages are tamely submitted to, and
are justified and upheld by Radical kgi8lator8,patriot8y and
statesmen* Heaven save the mark!

May 20, Wednesday. Senator Henderson went before
one of the House committees and submitted to impertin-
ent interrogatories, but refused to go before Butler and the
impeachment Managers. Private individuals do not get
off so easily. There is a perfect inquisition by Butler and
the chief conspirators, where individual rights are stricken
down, and the outrage is sanctioned and enforced by this
Radical Congress. The mass of telegrams sent by the
public in confidence has been seized by these inquisitors.
Men are required to tell how they expended their money,
what were their pecimiary transactions, and also explain
their correspondence. Nothing is private, nothing sacredr

May 21, Thursday. The Chicago Convention is the sen-
sation of the day. As Grant is to be nominated President,
the scuffle is over the Vice-Presidency. Wade, Colfax,
Wilson, Fenton, and Hamlin are the candidates, with little
disposition on the part of either to give way to the other.
There is not much to be said in favor of either. Wade has
become demoralized, and is not the plain, single-minded,

1808] THE CANDIDATES AT CHICAGO 363

honest, unambitious man he was a few years since. His
employment as one of the Committee on the Conduct of the
War, his association with Stanton, who was indifferent and
r^ardless of individual rights, ancj with Chandler, coarse,
vulgar, • • • have blunted the better feelings, affected the
habits, and tainted the principles of blufif old Ben Wade.

The others are very conmion men, with no decent pre-
tensions to the second position in the Government, though
either for civil service is superior to Grant. The office of
Vice-President is without responsibility, patronage, or any
duty worthy of honorable aspiration. The Connecticut
delegation are reported as bartering the vote of that State
to Fenton, if New York will make Hawley president of the
Convention. Judd and Logan of Illinois assert that Grant
urged impeachment. This has been said of him by others^
and accords with what I have understood. He is a man of
low instincts, not of a nice sense of honor nor of proper
self-respect, is wanting m truthfuhiess and smcerity. and
is grossly, shamefully ignorant of the Constitution and of
the structure of the government. Yet he is the designated
candidate, if not the choice, of the Radicals for the office of
Chief Magistrate. A feeling of gratitude for military serv-
ices, without one thought of his capacity, inteUigence, or
experience in civil affairs, has enlisted popular favor for
him, and the conspirators have availed themselves of it,
though the knowing ones are aware of his unfitness for
administrative duties. They expect to use him; he intends
to use them. They can intrigue, but he is, with low in-
stincts, a man of cunning and is destitute ojf affection out
of the family circle. • . . The War brought him again into
the Army, and E. B. Washbume, his Representative
in Congress, made it his study and business to indorse,
extol, and advance Grant. • • • Circumstances favored,
and he was promoted to be General, — Major-Genend,
Lieutenant-General were not sufficient. -There was an
attempt to make him Commander-in-Chief over the Pre-
sident, to which Grant was nothing loath, and finallyj^

364 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mayO)

uniting with the Radicals, he entered into the conspiracy
to impeach the President and was slyly active in that
intrigue.

I have little doubt that the Radicals intend to make him
President the next four years by fraud and force if neces-
sary. Their moral sense is blimted, and politically they are
unprincipled. They have Congress, which opens and de-
clarcs the vote; they have the General of the Army, who is
their candidate; and if they can by any means secure the
President before the vote is coimted next February, they
will not hesitate to override the popular verdict, should
it be against them. The bogus Senators and Represent-
atives, from the States which have bogus constitutions,
will, in the mean time, be admitted to seats, and how is the
country to rid itself of the imposition? Bold, honest, firm,
and resolute minds are wanted for the work, — some one
master-spirit, with tact, courage, and energy, capable and
willing to take the lead in rescuing the government from
the usiupers. Who is he?

Tha:^ are some rumors of change of Cabinet and change
of policy on the part of the Administration. I do not give
them credit, and yet there are some singular and ominous
movements which give colorable indication that the ru-
mors are not wholly groundless. I should sooner believe
a change mi^t be made in the Cabinet than there would
be a change of policy on Reconstruction, were the Pre-
sident to act out his own convictions. But] at this day
nothing honorable to himself or beneficent to the country
is to be obtained by these rumored changes, and I there-
fore cannot believe they will be made. To give in to the
Radical doctrine of destro3ring the States and inflicting on
them new constitutions, repugnant in some respects to the
people on whom they are imposed, would be an abasement
and abandonment of all principle.

I shall not be surprised, however, if some of his friends
advise these measures, and are preparing for them. It is
said that Evarts is to take Seward's place. He would be

1S68] JAPANESE AFFAIBB 365

the man whom Seward would select for a successor, and
the announcement may be a feeler. Some of the Republi-
can Senators who voted agamst impeachment are opposed
to Seward; they brought in Schofield. It is said Seward
some days or weeks since tendered his resignation. Not
unlikely. He scents trouble and danger in the distance.
No man of sagacity or reflection can be immindful of it.
The scheme of depriving the ten Southern States of thw
rightful governments and imposing sham substitutes will
not be permanent, and if not quietly disposed of by an
overwhekning vote in the Northern States next fall, may,
if the Southern States are not too exhausted, be followed in
the winter and spring by violence and bloodshed. In the
latter event, Seward would be less unpleasantly situated
in Auburn, or abroad, than in Washington. Perhaps the
same could be said of and for each and all of us who are
striving to do our duty.

May 22, Friday. Seward brought forward Japan dif-
ficulties, — the detention of the Stonewall by Commander
Brown under our flag until the civil war in Japan is ended,
the payment of a draft on the Barings for some $25,000
to pay expenses of the vessel, etc. I made some queries
in relation to the management of our affairs in Japan for
the last seven years, and as to the regularity and legitim-
acy of present proceedings. In his dispatch to our Minifh
ter. Van Valkenbiu-g, written in answer to a telegram, via
San Francisco, giving a brief and not very clear state-
ment of affairs, Seward wrote that his proceedmgs, and
his draft were ''approved.'' I preferred "acquiesced,"
"assented to/' or some different word, because until we
knew the facts we could not well approve, and might, when
the whole circumstances were known, actually disapprove;
but, confiding in our representative, we could with pro-
priety, on such information as we had, acquiesce in what
he had done. Seward at no time Ukes criticism, and is a
correct, though verbose, writer; and he is sensitive on Japan

366 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may 22

matters, and to some of his acts I have heretofore taken
exceptions. McCuUoch saw he was annoyed and thought
to relieve him by saying he did not see much difference in
the words, and if he preferred "approved" would retain it.
I merely remarked that it carried a responsibility with it
which might be unpleasant in certain contingencies, from
which the Administration might wish itself relieved. I
asked about the money which the Japanese had paid the
Western Powers, and in which we had participated, I
thought unfortunately, for the Japanese were willing to
give us commercial advantage over others.

In the scuffle at Chicago, little man Colfax beat his com-
petitors and on the fifth ballot was put on the ticket with
Grant. There was some manufactured enthusiasm in
the convention, but very little earnest feeling; none for
country, but calculations for party. Grant's name is not
magnetic, while Colfax has a feeble and superficial hold on
sound and enduring public opinion. The candidates were
serenaded this evening, but the attendance was slight.
Colfax is near my house and I could at my window hear
his speech.

The impeachment Managers are prosecuting their in-
quisitorial inquiries in the basement of the Capitol, and
the public are submitting to the outrage with a tameness
that is surprismg. Outrages are so frequent and enormous,
however, that the people look with indifference and even
composure on new villainies. Reckless and lawless men
like Stevens and Butler, clothed with authority, are ready
to abuse it and trample down the Constitution, and law,
and individual rights. Their party associates do not ob-
ject, but lend themselves to the proceeding, provided the
outrages and abuses are directed toward their political
opponents. These things cannot be long continued, but
may be submitted to until the grievance becomes intol-
erable. Strange how a few bad men in position, sustained
by party, can damage society, pervert government, and
inflict disorder and evil upon a country ! •

1868] THE OUTLOOK FOR ACQUITTAL 867

May 25, Monday. There is deep feeling but no noiey
excitement on the subject of impeachment. There is cau-
cusing and canvassing among the Radical Senators for
conviction, but it is not allowable for any two men to con-
verse on the subject of acquittal. Butler, violent, cunning,
unscrupulous, devilish, has control of the Managers and
of the House and is carrying on an extraordinary game of
inquisitorial prosecution and persecution. In view of the
action of the Court to-morrow, he made a partial report
to-day of broken testimony from several witnesses that
the inquisitors had before them in secret. It made, as
intended; something of a sensation, and may, as intended,
lead to a further postponement. This seems the presebt
object; but there are some Radicals, in the Court and out
of it, who wish this matter brought to a conclusion, and
they may, united with the anti-impeachers, be able to
bring on a decision, when the facts and truth, now with-
held, may to some extent appear. It is, however, hardly
probable, for the party discipline is strong and severely
hostile to truth.

The impression among all parties is that there will be an
acquittal; but, with the evident determination to convict
for the good of the party, I by no means consider acquittal
certain. Intrigues pervade the whole atmosphere. I hear
of no one but the seven ' ' recreants " who can be relied upon,
and it is not certain that Ross will vote for acquittal on
every article. He is not expected, I beUeve, to go for ac-
quittal on the first, which relates to Stanton's removal,
and it is claimed he is committed for the second and eighth.
Should he fail on these two, the probabilities are strong for
conviction. There is some talk of Anthony, Corbett, and
Willey, or at least one of them, on these, but I doubt if
there is any foundation. Sherman and Howe, it is sup-
posed, will vote against the first article, and if this is
strongly defeated it may affect the final result on all.

May 26, Tuesday. The Radical Senators held a caucus

968 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [may 26

this morning and resolved to postpone further voting on
impeachment for four weeks. But all their number did not
attend, and no one of the seven "recreants" was invited.
The result was that the extreme Radicals could not carry
all their friends with them, and after several votes the
conclusion was to come to a decision. But here again the
indecency and partisanship of the Senatorial impeachers
appeared. Williams of Oregon moved to take the vote on
the second article instead of the first, and the motion was,
of com^, carried. Ross had, on matters of postponement,
voted with his party through the morning, but when the
test came on the second article, and excitement was high,
the attention of Senators, spectators, and all concen-
trated on him, and he in the hush and stillness that pre-
vailed said, ^\Not guilty." A sense of relief to some and of
wrath to others was perceptible.

It was Cabinet day, and a telegram brought us word
promptly of every motion made, and every vote that was
taken. We had considered matters pretty secure, when
word reached us that Ross was voting with the Radicals.
This was for a few minutes a damper, but the next tele-
gram annoimced the vote on the second article to be the
same as it was on the eleventh, an acquittal. This was
followed by a like vote on the third article, and this by an
abandonment of the case, and an adjournment of the
Court, sine die.

The Cabinet were all present with the President when
the various votes were announced. His countenance
lightened up and showed a pleasant and satisfied smile,
but the same calm, quiet composure remained. He had
never believed otherwise than in acquittal.

Butler's report yesterday is printed. It is artful and
malicious. Only such testimony or parts of testimony as
he and his Radical associates choose to disclose is brought
out. There is no Member not of Radical politics or
views on the Conmiittee, and the Managers can there-
fore distort^ pervertj and falsify to any extent, and But-

1868] AFTER THE ACQUITTAL 369

ler and most of the Managers are not nice in their
means.)

By seizing the telegraphic dispatches, these unscrupul-
ous men have obtained a clue to the transactions of every
person who trusted to that means of communication on
any subject in those days, and, finding many things to
them inexplicable, they have formed their own conclu-
sions, often erroneous and mere fallacies. All the dispatches
which are private and have to them a suspicioiis appear-
ance and they cannot imderstand or explain, they charge
to impeachment. The lobby men, claim-agents, gold-
gamblers, and the whiskey ring who gather about Con-
gress, like buzzards around carrion, use the telegraph'
extensively, and the Managers have, I doubt not, thrust
their noses into the nests of these unclean birds. Not
unlikely there were large bets and stock-gambling on the
result of the trial, and this flock, like others, entered into
speculation and wagers, and had their feelings and purses
enlisted. Some of them may have tried to seduce moneyed
fools to make them advances for improper purposes, and
some may have used impeachment as a blind to cover
other operations. But neither the President nor I believe
any one of the seven Senators who refused to go with their
party for conviction gave or received one cent for their
vote. No intelligent, honest, candid man who regarded
his oath would have voted otherwise than these seven
Senators. Those Senators who voted for conviction are
either partisan knaves, or weak, timid blockheads, the
tools of knaves. There is not a man among them who is
not conscious that he is guilty of wrong in the vote he has
given.

That Thurlow Weed should have been sought by the
gamblers and tricksters would be expected; but he was
too cunning and sagacious to have his name mixed up in
the proceeding. I do not think him too honest, provided
the matter was feasible and necessary for his purpose.
But the Managers give only a part of his testimonyi and

370 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [MAYae

Butler is as great a rogue as Weed and more criminal.
I therefore, without any confidence in either, t.hinlr full
justice may not be done W. in this instance.

Stimg and angry over then: failure in the court of im-
I)eachment, the Managers and Radicals returned to the
House filled with venom, which they expended on the
witness, Woolley,^ whom they have^under arrest, and after
partisan ruling by the Speaker and' spiteful voting by the
majority he was destined to confinement.

May 27, We^taesday. The Chicago nominations create
no enthusiasm. Neither Grant nor Colfax has the ability
or power to magnetize the people. Grant has lost moral
strength by his imtruthfulness, and Colfax is very weak
and superficial Stanton has cleared out of the War Depart-
ment mad, and ''relinquished" all to Assistant Adjutant-
General Townsend. Last August he defied the President
and refused, for the public good, to resign when requested,
and five months since he crawled back into the Department
and has held on to the place under Senatorial sanction
without discharging its duties, or advising or communi-
cating with the President or any member of the Adminis-
tration. He was told to ''stick," and the public business
has in consequence been obstructed, the Government and
country been subjected to great inconvenience and loss,
and lo! the result. He goes out without respect, except
on the part of ignorant and knavish partisans. His ad-
ministration of the War Department has been wastefully
extravagant and a great affliction to the country.

Stanton has executive ability, energy, and bluster. He
is imperious to inferiors and abject to superiors. Wanting
in sincerity, given to duplicity, and with a taste for in-
trigue, he has been deep in the conspiracy and one of the

» Charles W. Woolley of Cincinnati, a lawyer engaged in Washington on
whiskey cases, who had been arrested as a recusant witness, having refused
to testify before a committee of the House. He was suspected of bribery or
attempted Mbery in connection with the impeachment triaL

1868] NO SECRETARY OP WAR YET 871

chief instigators of the outrageous proceedings of Congress,
a secret opponent of the President's from the commence-
ment of his administration. A host of puffers and toadies
have ministered to his vanity by giving him imdue praise,
and Seward made himself ridiculous by lauding him as
''Stanton the Divme," the "Camot of the War." His
administration of the War Department cost the country
unnecessarily imtold millions of money and the loss of
thousands of lives. There was some efficiency, but it was
not alwajrs well directed.

May 28, Thursday. There are strange but almost posi-
tive rumors of resignations by Randall, Seward, andotiiers.
I am incredulous, not prepared to believe them. The
nomination of General Schofield to be Secretary of War
in place of Stanton removed, which the President sent in
sometime since, does not get through the Senate. The
extremists do not like to say, by their votes, "Stanton
removed " ; he was, when Schofield was nominated, holding
the place with their sanction. He has since "relinquished"
the office. I asked the President if he thought Schofield
reliable. He said it depended on the turn things might
take. If we were likely to be successful, he would be with
us; if the Radicals succeeded, he would be with them. In
other words, Schofield is for Schofield. I regret that the
President was compelled to select and appoint such a man,
nor do I know under what influences the appointment
was made. Schofield will likely be under the influence
of Grant and the Radicals, and as one of the military
governors has done things that cannot be justified.

May 29, Friday. Some talk but little done in Cabinet.
No Secretary of War yet. General Thomas attends Cabinet-
meetings, and is in the way, — doing no good, perhaps not
much harm. Is sometimes a little obfuscated and gaiv
rulously intrusive, and prevents free, social interchange
of views, for he talks too much abroad* McCulloch says

372 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [mat 29

Fogg and Chandler of New Hampshire are in a quarrel.
I told him I was glad of it and was sorry it had not opened
sooner; that there was a New Hampshire clique that was
very mischievous, and which he had never rightly ap-
preciated. Of this clique his Assistant Chandler was
one of the worst. McCulloch was a little nettled, for
I have for two years warned him of these fellows. He
said there were some troublesome men in Connecticut.
I replied a good many; that I had nothing to say in their
justification.

Some discussion of candidates for the Court of Claims
took place. Browning and McCulloch pressed Otto, As-
sistant Secretary of the Interior. I spoke well of Otto,
but remarked that ex-Senator Foster was a candidate and
was well qualified for that position. While this had to be
admitted, they objected that New England had already
its representative on the bench of the Court of Claims.
This I did not controvert, but thought if section or locality
was to govern, we should select from the South, and for
myself I preferred, if the right man could be found, he
should be appointed from that quarter.

Seward did not attend until all the members but myself
had left. My business was soon concluded, and I withdrew
without waiting for him to open his portfolio, — for I was
satisfied he wished a Mephistopheles interview. There
has been money raised in New York, I have no doubt, to
assist the President in defraying his expenses in the im-
peachment trial, and Seward has been the channel of
communicating, etc.

I was struck with the observation of a Seminole chief
at a late conference (1868), when told that for wampum
paper was substituted, on which was written the promises
we mutually pledge ourselves to perform. "I," said the
Seminole, *' would trust the inviolable faith of wampimi
sooner than the written promises of your Constitution.
Wampum has the faith and devotion of the Indian, while
your written Constitution is a mere matter of calculation

igG8] A SEMINOLE CHIEF 373

and bargain, no longer regarded than your interest and
conscience dictate."

He was opposed to equality of representation on the
part of the tribes. He wanted tribal distinction. Would
consent to federation, but not to consolidation. The Chero-
kees, Creeks, and Choctaws niunbered 45,000, while the
Seminoles, Chickasaws, Sacs and Foxes, and the smaller
tribes had scarcely half the number. What security had
the smaller tribes against absorption and destruction by
their greater brethren, if numbers were to control? It would
make the great tribes greater; it would extinguish the
smaller. He loved his people and would preserve them.

Whites and Blacks in the Washington Election — Death of ex-President
Buchanan — His Character — Oregon goes Democratic — Stanbery,
renominated as Attoraey-Generali is rejected by the Senate — The
Senate compliments Stanton — The Powers of the Comptrollers and
Auditors in the Treasury Department — Chase talked of for the Pre-
sidency — Burlingame and the Chinese Ambassadors — City Election
in Washington — Chase's Candidacy for the Democratic Nomination to
the Presidency — Hopelessness of President Johnson's Desire for the
Nomination — Admiral Porter and the Controversy between the Line
and Staff OflScers of the Navy — The Intelligencer attacks McCulloch —
Congressional Inquiry into the Sale of the Ironclads Oneota and Ca-
tawba — The House accepts the Arkansas Constitution over the Pre-
sident's Veto — The Attack on McCulloch instigated by Seward —
Evarts nominated Attorney-General — Intimations of Another Im-
peachment Movement.

June 1, Monday. The election in Washington, D. C,
took place to-day. There has been considerable excite-
ment, tending to conflict between the whites and blacks.
Although this is but the beginning, the separation has
taken place. Those who did not vote with their own color
were exceptions. A very few, generally of the more modest
and well-behaved, blacks voted with the whites, but they
were very few in number. Those whites who consorted
with the blacks were to a great extent oflBce-himting
demagogues.

Ex-President Buchanan died this afternoon at Lancas-
ter. He belonged to a past generation of statesmen and
was himself of no mean ability. Without warm attach-
ments himself, he failed to strongly attach others, yet he
was courtly, dignified, and studiously correct in his deport-
ment and social intercourse. He was not a man of im-
pulse but of calculation, and relied on intellect to manage
and shape his actions rather than on rightful instincts or
established principles. What in his estimation was best
for Mr. Buchanan he adopted and pursued, regardless of

1868] OREGON GOES DEMOCRATIC 375

others or of his country, - — not that he would do wrong
or intentionally injure the countiy when no benefit was
to inure to himself.

June 2, Tuesday. The anti-Radicals made yesterday a
pretty successful contest in this city and carried a majority
of the wards. It is uncertain who is elected mayor, but
doubtless Bowen, the Radical, will be declared elected.
This is perhaps best, for otherwise this Radical Congress
would pass some outrageous law striking down popular
rights still farther, and install ignorance and the blacks in
power.

The election in Oregon has gone Democratic by a de-
cided majority, electing a Democratic Representative to
Congress in place of the present Radical, and decisive
majorities in both branches of the legislature. This is the
first response to Chicago nominations, — the first Repre-
sentative to the next Congress.

General Schofield, Secretary of War, was at the Cab-
inet-meeting. Little of interest was discussed.

June 3, Wednesday. The Senate, in its spite, has re^
jected the nomination of Mr. Stanbery as Attorney-Gen*-
eral. There is in this rejection a factious and partisan
exhibition by Senators which all good men must regret to
witness. I know not the vote, but am unwilling to believe
that some of the better class of Radical Senators could have
been guilty of so unworthy an act. Yet after the result of
the impeachment and the proceedings which took place at
the trial I can believe almost anything of that body. It
will not surprise me greatly if Trumbull opposed the con-
firmation, and perhaps others who voted to acquit the
President, but I hope not. Some of them, and I think Trum-
bull in particular, are extremely desirous to reinstate
themselves in their party, and therefore in matters of
party go with the extremists. It is a mistake, as they will
learn.

aw DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES ijxjnbs

The President sent for me this evening. The House of
Representatives has appointed a committee to attend the
funeral of Mr. Buchanan to-morrow at Wheatland, and he
raised the question whether some of the members of the
Administration should not also pay respect to the departed
statesman. The suggestion did not strike me with favor,
and I expect I showed my feelings in my looks. I asked
him if he proposed going. He said that was one of the
questions. He had thought that Mr. Seward and myself
might do well, perhaps, to consider the subject. [He said]
that Mr. Kennedy had spoken to him respecting it and
gone to my house and also to Mr. Seward's, but that we
were both out, taking our evening rides. I remarked that
if Mr. K. called again I would be able to give him an
answer.

He has not, at this time, past 10 p.m., called, so I trust
the subject has been dropped. I should, under the circum-
stances, have been compelled to decline and to advise him
also to decline. There has been nothing personal or polit-
ical in the course of Mr. Buchanan which requires extraor-
dinary services from either of us on this occasion. All
proper honors to a Chief Magistrate, living or dead, should
be rendered, and these have been ordered. There have
been Presidents whose obsequies I would have gone far-
ther than Lancaster to have attended, but there is, on my
part, no heartfelt grief nor reverence for James Buchanan
which calls for this effort; his feeble and erring Adminis-
tration was calamitous to the country.

June 4, Thursday. The House manifested little feeling
and intended slight and disparagement in regard to Mr.
Buchanan, but finally appointed a committee to attend
his funeral at 2 p.m. this day; but the House refused to
adjourn over, as is done for every worthless fellow of their
awn body who dies here or far away. The Senate ad-
journed, but, I believe, appointed no committee. The de-
ceased had no strong hold on the affections of his country-

1868] THE SENATE THANKS STANTON 377

men of any party, and manifestations of sorrow, like his
politics, are artificial.

The Senate passed a complimentary resolution to Stan-
ton. It was an unusual proceeding, and done in the spirit
of factious partyism. His administration of the War De-
partment was energetic, but not always well directed. By
nature he was impulsive, wayward, cruel, unjust, and in
his administration was often wasteful and extravagant.
To his chiefs, one and all, he was faithless. His intrigues
against Buchanan and Johnson are known, but those
against Lincoln were less palpable. Had Lincoln's life
been spared, some of his duplicity would have been
developed. Though long associated with him, I have bad
no very profound respect for him as the "War Minister/'
He has considerable legal abiUty, but when he has a pur«
pose to accomplish very Uttle rectitude of mind. With
a different Secretary of War, the War would have termin*
ated sooner, and, I think, with a great saving of life and
treasure. For the present he escapes censure because he
has identified himself with the extreme men of the domin*
ant party. A vote of thanks would have been given him
by those men, had his atrocities been ten times greater.
Fessenden took occasion to show that he was in principle
and feeling as Radical as any.

At this time the '* Reconstruction" acts are under con-
sideration, — all in violation of the Constitution. Con»
gress is trampling on State and personal rights and usurp-
ing power in all these proceedings. Tnunbull justifies and
excuses himself for voting for and supporting these male-
volent and wicked enactments on the ground that, being
unconstitutional, they are good for nothing, — no law.
Others of the little statesmen, who are great factionists,
arrogate to themselves authority to make and unmake
States, to confer power upon them and to deprive them
of inherent and constitutional rights, as if States were
mere corporations, subject to the whims and caprices of
Congress.

878 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [junb 6

June 5, Friday. At the Cabinet-meeting to-day McCnl-
loch submitted some papers relating to a claim of a road
in Kentucky which had been allowed $170,000 toll for
army transportation by the War Department. This sum
they had received under protest and claimed much more,
and the Kentucky delegation had waited on him, the Secre-
tary of the Treasury, and requested that the claim should
be referred to the Attorney-General.

I asked what business he had with the subject under any
circumstances, the matter belonging to and having been
adjusted by the War Department, — whether he and the
Attorney-General were to revise the other Departments
and overrule their decisions.

McCuUoch said he preferred to send it back to the War
Department for it to refer the matter to the Attorney-
General, if it thought proper, and would so inform the
Kentucky delegation. Browning said it was not a legal
question, but an administrative one which belonged to the
War Department alone. After some discussion the papers
went to the Secretary of War.

Subsequently General Schofield presented an act passed
m February last, conferring very extraordinary powers on
the Comptroller and Auditors. The law, he said, would
cause embarrassment in the War Department, for whom,
it seems, the law is to operate. McCuUoch undertook to
go into some explanation, which showed a lamentable
want of correct information of his own duties and of the
rights of other Departments of the Government. He as-
siunes that an Auditor or Comptroller can set aside the
decisions of any Department, if they think proper, or can
alter these decisions; in other words, administer the
government or supervise those who do administer it. The
truth is, the First Comptroller, who is probably an honest
man, is manifestly ignorant of the structure of the govern-
ment, and consequently and measurably of his own posi-
tion and duties. He does not learn them and will not, be-
cause the Secretary of the Treasury is afraid of him and is

1868] CHASE TALKED OF FOR PRESIDENT 879

to a great extent in certain important particulars gov-
erned by him. This man Taylor, First Comptroller, was
for some time Treasurer of the State of Ohio, where his
word and ruling on financial matters was supreme. There
were no checks on his action, no departments, as in the
Federal Government, exercising executive powers, and,
having the control of the finances as well as the custody
of the Treasury, he was a little autocrat. He has the same
conception of his duties here, but they are very unlike.

"Why," says McCulloch, "you would make the Comp-
troller and Auditor clerks." I told him they were clerks,
and I did not intend myself to be a clerk to them. I re-
marked that his labors had been so absorbing that he had
not looked into the making of his Department, but had
submitted to his subordinates, and I advised him to in-
form himself on a subject so essential to the Government;
told him that from the beginning of his administration of
the Department he had failed, I thought, in not thor-
oughly examining this question and keeping his subordin-
ates in their places, instead of taking their assmnptions;
requested him to read Crittenden's opinion when At-
torney-General, etc.

June 6, Saturday. An apparently strong demonstration
is being made for Chase for President, particularly in New
York. It is not sincere, nor is it a move in the right direc-
tion, and the strength which the movement has acquired
is itself evidence of political demoralization among Demo^
crats. It is New York party management and means Sey-
mour. Not unlikely Chase has modified his creed since the
Radicals have adopted another and different commander,
but he was one of the originators of Radicalism, and the
promoter of its vagaries, heresies, and wrongs. Whatever
may be the popular sentiment, the New York leaders
won't have Chase.

June 8, Monday. Made a return call on Mr. Burlingame,

880 DIAEY OF GIDEON WELLES [jura 8

who, with the Chinese ambassadors, visited me a few days
since at my house. He thinks we might learn some things
useful of the Chinese, as well as they of us, in matters social
and civil. Their practice of extinguishing annually all in-
debtedness he thinks would be well and have a good effect
if adopted here. A man who does not extinguish his debts
at the close of the year, so as to commence the new year
with a clean record, loses caste and drops to a lower grade.
Their civil war of thirteen years, in which over ten millions
lost their Uves and which was desolating in its effects,
closed up without any national debt.

June 9, Tuesday. The arbitrary and outrageous con-
duct of Butler and the impeachment Managers begins to
tell upon a portion of the Radicals. They cannot justify
the imprisonment of WooUey, who seems, however, to be
a profligate fellow, and was by his own confession on a de-
bauch when a large portion of the $20,000 for which he fails
to account disappeared. He and his associates were prob-
ably conniving in intrigues and briberies with Members
of Congress, and, not unlikely, they may have attempted
to swindle and dupe some persons into advances under
the pretense of influencing Senators. • • • It is a corrupt
Congress, and the most corrupt put on the loftiest pre-
tensions.

The President dined the Chinese, members of the Cabi-
net, some of the principal foreign ministers, and a few
friends of note. Neither Grant nor Sumner was present,
though I am confident Grant was invited. The President
is studiously regardful of official courtesies.

June 10, Wednesday. At the late city election the Rad-
icals claim to have elected the mayor, but their opponents,
the Democrats and conservatives, carried five wards,
which gives them a majority against the mayor. This
result has disconcerted the Radicals in Congress, who have
been modifying and changing the charter of the city.

ism CHASE'S CANDIDACY 381

Nearly every black man in the city voted for Bowen, the
Radical candidate, while probably four fifths of the whites
voted for Given, the Democratic candidate. Since tii^
election there have been strange doings to get the posses-
sion of the city government, and Congress is very much
disposed to interfere and give the government into the
hands of the Radicals. They are educating themselves in
fraud and villainy, and their leaders intend by such means
to disregard and set aside the Presidential election, should
they not be successful at the polls.

There are some strange indications in regard to the
selection of a Democratic candidate for President. In New
York a busy and noisy demonstration is made for Chief
Justice Chase, who, with Simmer, is really the father of
Radicalism, not of Republicanism. Reconstruction and ne-
gro suffrage in the States have been pet measures of Chasei
yet the opponents of these measures in New York profess
a wish to make him their candidate. The New York Herald
is really casting aside its principles, or the principles of the
Democratic Party, and teaches acquiescence in the usurpa-
tions and outrages which have imposed negro suffrage and
bogus constitutions on the Southern States. All this is
designed to pave the way ostensibly for Chase, but there
is a deeper intrigue behind, perhaps the nomination of
Seymour, — New York partyism.

June 11, Thursday. The States are preparing for the
July nominating convention in New York. Connecticut,
New Jersey, and Maryland have just chosen their delegates
and left them free to act. Many of the States have im-
properly tied the hands of their delegates. Such a course
is in conflict with the very object and purpose of a con-
vention.

WooUey is finally released. Congress has disgraced Hi-
self in permitting Butler to imprison this man; but Con-
gress itself is at this time a body without character or
ability or any value.

382 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES ijunb 12

June 12, Friday. Seward has gone to Auburn. Hunter ^
appeared for him in Cabinet-meeting, without anything
to present.

I am getting embarrassed by the course of the Academic
Board at Annapolis. Some of their decisions are repre-
hensible. The Examining Board, which attended recently,
have permitted themselves to be made instruments to read
me a lecture on certain subjects.

Unf ortimately we have no man in Congress who is at all
conversant with naval affairs, and all legislation and all
Congressional action is in a wrong direction. Men having
selfish schemes and purposes adapt themselves to party
ends, and find ready supporters, regardless of the service.

June 13, Saturday. Was last night at a review at the
marine barracks. Had a call to-day from Governor Eng-
lish. He apologizes in regard to his message. Says Inger-
soil and Osbom desired to tone down my strong points
and make it more local and less national, etc., etc. Al-
though possessed of pretty good common sense, I perceive
he has a touch of the fever which gets among aspiring
politicians, and is timid and weak in consequence.

June 15, Monday. The papers publish the proceedings
of a Chase meeting in Philadelphia.^ It is represented that
Doolittle, Dixon, Jeffries,' and others were of the meeting,
but none of them were present. Doolittle has been to New
York and says the talk for Chase is strong, yet he cannot
suppose the leading men can be earnest. Blair sajrs Bel-
mont and the bankers are the instigators, — that it is a
money scheme.

I look upon it as an intrigue for Seymour, who months
ago announced himself not a candidate. Since then we have
been told he was friendly to Pendleton, and latterly that

> William Hunter, Second Assistant Secretary of State.

■ On June 10. It was a' private conference.

* General N. L. Jeffries, Register of the Treasury.

1808] AN INTRIGUE FOR SEYMOUR 383

he thinks well of Chase, but all this means Seymour, who
is subtle, artful, and not always sincere, and has a ring
of special admirers, or cronies, who think much of manage-
ment. The aspect of things when the Convention meets
may be such that Seymour will absolutely decline, but if
so, it will be because the prospect is hopelessly adverse.
He means to be, and his friends mean that he shall be,
nominated, and their side moves are false and deceptive.

His brother-in-law is a Senator and resides in the same
town with him, which operates agamst his Senatorial
aspirations. Still, if the Presidency is not attainable or is
doubtful, and his friends can make the Senatorship cer>-
tain, he may acquiesce in that arrangement.

I called with Doolittle on the President this evening,
and we had half an hour's talk on Presidential matters,
I expressed freely my views in regard to Chase and Sey-
mour, to which they both assented. Doolittle concurred
most fully. The President was more cautious and re-
served ; said it was strange and curious to witness popular
movements. During the last two years and more a great
political contest has been going on for the Government
and the Union, involving their existence, but neither Sey-
mour nor Chase had done anything to sustain those who
were battling for the country. They were antagonistic:
Seymour, a Democrat, had given no support to the Ad-
ministration; Chase had thrown his influence with the
Radicals, yet there were Democrats who were seriously
advocating his claims. Probably Sejrmour was not.

The tenor of his remarks leaves little doubt on my mind
that the President's aspirations have been, or are, in that
direction. It has always been so with his predecessors.
But, if indulged, it is an idle dream on his part. I do not
think he cares so much about the office as an approval of
his acts. The retention of Seward in his Cabinet has alien-
ated the Democrats, particularly those of New York, from
him. He could not expect to gain their confidence and sup-
port when his chief minister is their lifelong opponent.

' 884 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jttnb 15

In keeping Seward and refusing for two years to commit
himself to the Democrats, or to give them countenance, he
wilted down his mfluence, weakened his position and his
Administration. For a year he has bestowed some favors
on Democrats, but Seward was still with him. It is im-
possible that he should be nominated at New York.

June 16, Tuesday. This is the thirty-third anniversary
of my marriage. Not much done in Cabinet. McCuUoch
had a letter about the ironclads at New Orleans which have
been sold, and which demagogues and specul&tors have
represented as striving to escape surreptitiously. Wanted
the President to issue an order on the subject, for fear the
Collector could not detain them. I told him there was no
necessity for calling on the President; he could apply to
the War and Navy Departments, or the Secretary of State
could institute action for their detention if there is any
violation of neutrality.

JuTie 17. Am told of intrigues and combinations and
oliquism among certain naval men who should be in better
'business. Vice-Admiral Porter is restless by nature; has
his favorites, and uses and presses any and all who will
yield into his schemes. He has some good professional
qualities, but little administrative talent. Rajnnond
Rodgers has abilities and culture, but not individuality or
independence, and makes himself a voluntary dependent.
Porter uses him, and he likes to be used.

Junior officers at the Academy are drawn into the schemes
of Porter, who has been injured by too rapid promotion,
and desires to control the Navy. Members of Congress
are imposed upon, and Porter, who is fond of politics
without imderstanding them, and thinks himself shrewd,
has covertly, as he supposed, allied himself with the Rad-
icals. There has been a gathering here of some of these
sjnrits, and the Naval Committee has given them a hear-
ing. The principal topic was, I understand, the contro-

isesi NEWSPAPER ATTACK ON McCULLOCH 385

versy between line and sta£F officers. There has been folly
and unwise management on both sides in that matter, but
this sly intrigue is sowing the seeds of mischief which the
authors themselves will repent.

June 18, Thursday. The InteUigencer is making strange
and unjustifiable attacks on Secretary McCuUoch. There
is something mercenary and vicious in this. While McC.
has made mistakes and been imposed upon by Radical
intriguers in his appointments, his int^rity and intentions
are correct, and as a financier he has had no equal since
Guthrie. In politics and political training he was imfortu-
nate, but his instincts were right, and experience has conr
tributed to correct, in a measure, the errors resulting from
early association. He told me some days since that he had
been threatened by Coyle of the InteUigencer, a mischiev-
ous fellow who makes himself too intimate with the Pre*
sident, with an assault, because he would not prostitute
himself to do wrong for Coyle's benefit. This he had re-
sisted, and Coyie's extravagance — for he lives in princely
style — was undoubtedly giving him (C.) trouble which
the Treasury could not stand.

June 19, Friday. Statements, which seem authentic,
are made in regard to the political opinions and views of
Chief Justice Chase which indicate quite a change. These
statements come from those who claim to have had inter-
views and free intercourse with him. I am glad to see these
improved opinions; hope they are true, and that he will
vigorously maintain them. But I cannot believe he will
obtain the Democratic nomination, however sincere and
thorough his conversion. Yet he is very much talked of,
and very earnestly pressed, in some quarters where I
should not have expected it. I should be sorry to see him
nominated, and yet more sorry to see Pendleton, who is
prominent, but whom the New York managers no more
intend than Chase. Neither is the man for this emergencyi

386 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jumb 19

provided he could be elected, but either would be likely to
put the election in jeopardy, and thus elevate a worse
man. The intrigues for Seymour will be apt to elect Grant.

In looking over some bills which were on the President's
table for his signature, I took up an act relieving Butler of
Tennessee from liabilities and disabilities for having par-
ticipated in the Rebellion, restoring to him his civil ri^ts,
and modifying the ironclad oath so as to permit him to
take his seat in the House. I asked what that act was but
a pardon, and whether the President ought, by signing it,
to sanction the legislative interference with his prerog-
ative. The President, while expressing no opinion, indi-
cated by his manner and words that he was pleased by my
suggestions and inquiry. No one of the members, however,
squarely came up to the mark. Browning said the act was
undoubtedly a pardon, and the President alone had the
oonstitutional pardoning power. All but myself seemed to
think it was not best for the President to interpose and
assert the rights of the Executive. I cited a case which I
knew of in General Jackson, who declared Congress should
never intrude on the executive prerogative while he was
President. Randall said General Jackson had a power in
Congress which enabled him to do this. I replied he had
the power because' he firmly maintained the rights of the
Executive and would not permit them to be trespassed
upon, and I had no doubt that if the same course had been
pursued by this Administration we should have had
strength in Congress. Here the subject dropped; it was
getting serious.

The President, who is accused of obstinacy, has often
been too yielding, has tried to conciliate, and the greater
his effort the more intrusive and the greater the resistance.
A usurpmg and domineering Congress has absorbed the
rightful constitutional power of the President in many
respects, and crippled his authority in others. Some have
advised and encouraged this yielding to ^Tong; I have
never been guilty of it.

WILLIAM FAXON

18681 A CONGRESSIONAL INQUIRY 387

June 20, Saturday. The Reconstruction [« Retrench-
ment?] Conunittee to which was referred a scandalous
resolution of E. B. Washbume, relative to an alleged
fraudulent sale of the Oneota and Catawba, two ironclad
vessels which have passed into the hands of the Peruvian
Government, made report yesterday, about as scandalous
as Washbume's resolution. The Assistant Secretary is
directly charged with fraud, and "perhaps" the Secretary
of the Navy. No honest, fair-minded man, with fair in-
tentions, would make this base insinuation, or charge fraud
on Faxon. ^ By misrepresentation and one-sided and dis-
colored testimony, the committee may cast an imputation
on F., but it is without foundation.

Congress ordered, or authorized, the ironclad vessels
of a particular class or classes to be sold, at not less than
the affixed value to be made by five naval officers, after
public advertising. The Board, consisting of Winslow and
others, examined the vessels, affixed a price, the vessels
were advertised, six or seven bids were made for the Oneota
and Catawba. Every bidder failed; some were bogus.
Eventually Swift & Co., the original builders, bought them
at their affixed value. There were six other vessels of the
same class and model, — five of which cost the Government
more than these two, — for which mere nominal prices
were offered, not one tenth their value.

Swift & Co. and their associates have sold these vessels
to the Peruvians — had undoubtedly contracted for them
or for two of that class previously — at a much higher
price than they gave. Of this, however, the Department
knew nothing. No one supposed that any man or firm
would invest half a million in an ironclad, as a matter of
private speculation. But, because the parties purchasing
received a large advance from Peru, the Retrenchment
Committee insinuate fraud.

The Government got the price at which these vessels

> William Faxon, formerly Chief Clerk of the Department, had been
made Assistant Secretary on Captain Fox's going to Russia, in 186(5.

388 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES iji7NB20

were valued by a board of its own ordering, a board whose
integrity and capacity no one questions; any person or
persons might have had them at that, or a higher price.
There are six more of this class of vessels, the same
model, equally good, which any one can have, but nobody
wants at the same price. Yet this Retrenchment Commit-
tee insinuate wrong. This is debased partisanship. It
so happens that Faxon and the parties are all Republi-
cans, or there would have been stronger assertions in all
probabiUty. The wretched committee of partisans were
distressed because they could find no vulnerable point
to assail me, and, while unjustly assailing Faxon, they
say "perhaps the Secretary" had an understanding,
— "willing to wound but yet afraid to strike." These
dirty, scandaUzing patriots ^ who devote their time to
scandal and party electioneering instead of legitimate
legislation, do not hesitate to insinuate falsehoods or
traduce character.

The President put a veto on the Arkansas bogus con-
stitution, and the House, unable to controvert his position,
hastened to accept it by a two-thirds vote. One cannot
but be ashamed at the debased and subservient partisan-
ship which could not exhibit a single independent mind in
behalf of the Federal Constitution and of the great prin-
ciples on which our political system is founded, among
the Radical majority.

June 22, Monday. Mr. Merritt came to see me yester-
day. Was in a good deal of distress in consequence of the
attempts to belie and misrepresent me for his transaction.
Knowing, as he did, my entire ignorance of the whole trans-
action attending his purchase and sale, — that I was not
even aware of his connection with Swift & Co., or that
the vessels were for Peru, — ignorant himself, as I verily
believe, of any wrong, he seems shocked at the malignity
and defamatory exhibition of his political party friends.
I assured him that the slanders and insulting assaults

1868] THE ATTACK ON McCULLOCH 389

would not seriously disturb me, although I claimed no
exemption from sensitive feelings under such calumnies.

Letters were received to-day from the European, North
and South Atlantic, and North Pacific Squadrons. All in
pretty good condition imd doing well.

The midshipmen had a merry week at West Point. Miss
Loyal, who was there, writes Mrs. Welles that she was
mortified to hear Mrs. General Grant speak with confidence
of her occupjring the White House next season. But she is
an ambitious and outspoken woman; her husband has
more cunning and more reticence.

Vice-Admiral Porter exhibits a good deal of duplicity.
He and the Board reported strongly against a young or-
phan boy who has no relatives. I ordered him to join the
practice ships. Porter, who had resisted this, writes to

B 's friend Mrs. Ann Stephens, that it was his act,

etc., etc. His double-dealing in De Camp's case I do not
forget, and there are repeated instances of his insincerity
and untruthfulness.

June 23, Tuesday. Seward was at Cabinet-meeting.
He returned Sunday morning from Auburn. Has been
absent about a fortnight. The attacks of the Intelligencer
on McCuUoch commenced while S. was absent. He gener-
ally contrives to get away when one of his explosions is ta
take place. McCulloch is friendly to Chase and wants him
nominated and elected. Seward does not, and would be
willing to see any active friend of Chase's stricken down.
I am inclined to think that McCulloch is more earnest for
Chase than he would care to have known, — more than
he, perhaps, is aware of. But Seward and Weed are imr
placable in their hostility to the Chief Justice, and McC.'b
adroitness in his behalf is more than counteracted by the
two old stagers. But I question if McCulloch knows,
or even suspects, the somrce of the intrigue against him.
The President, I apprehend, has an idea prompted by the
same set that it would benefit him were McCullod) to*

890 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [junb 23

leave the Cabinet; but in this he is mistaken. That Mc-
Culloch has erred, greatly erred, in appointing to and re-
taining in office a herd of violent, vindictive, and offensive
Radicals there is no doubt. I have repeatedly cautioned
him on this head; but I don't think Seward has done so,
and McCuUoch has always believed, and still does per-
haps, that Thurlow Weed was his special friend. He has
also believed that Seward was friendly, and has had no
suspicion that his support of Chase could cause any alien-
ation.

Governor Buckingham of Connecticut has been quite
sick in Illinois. Under the impression that he might die,
the Radicals made haste to legislate so as to secure the
office ^ to a partisan. A large portion of the legislation of
this, and also the last, Congress, was mere party scheming,
while great public interests have been neglected. In the
case of Governor Buckingham, he is likely to save them
trouble by recovering from his illness. The papers report
that he is much better, and about going to Chicago, where
he can be better served.

June 24, Wednesday. The President has nominated Mr.
Evarts to be Attorney-General. It is doubtful whether he
will be confirmed, and yet there is no reason why he should
not be. I am surprised that the President should nominate
him, and surprised that he should accept the office. But
the finger of Seward is in this. As a lawyer Mr. E. is at
the head of the bar; as a politician he is the opposite of the
President. He can, however, accommodate himself pretty
readily to any party and any set of principles, — views
them much as he does his clients. The Senate might con-
firm him without question, for he has avowed himself a
Radical and opposed to the President's policy, although
he was one of his counsel in the impeachment case.

Mr. Pruyn tells me that Seymour or Chase will be nom-

> William A. Buckingham, the War Governor of Connecticut, had been
elected Senator to succeed Dizon. He took baa seat March 4, 1869.

18681 THREAT OF ANOTHER IMPEACHMENT 891

inated at New York. " But, " said I, "Seymour has per-
emptorily and repeatedly signified his refusal." "Well,"
said he, " that is so, but if ^he Convention should nominate
him, I have no doubt he would yield." Pruyn is of Albany,,
one of the leading Democratic minds of New York, and he
speaks, I have no doubt, the purpose and intention of the
leaders of that party in that State, which does not mean
Chase. I am sorry there is not more sincerity, frankness,
and straightforward conduct among New York party
leaders. A good and righteous man, such as we now have,
should not be injured by such duplicity.

June 25, Thursday. The President has nominated Col-
lector Smythe of New York Minister to Austria, — an
appointment that should not have been made, and I cannot
suppose will be confirmed. In this, as well as Evarts'
nomination, I see the finger of Weed and Seward. Perry
Fuller, an improper selection for such a place, is nominated
Commissioner of Internal Revenue. These nominations
and some other movements leave little doubt on my mind
that the President has hopes of a renomination, and there
are those around him who encourage the delusion. I look
upon it as beyond the bounds of probability, almost of
possibility. He desires to be victor over the conspirators,
more than the ofiice.

June 26, Friday. Seward opened his budget to-day with
statements in regard to three or four unimportant consuls.
Grave matters for the Cabinet, while important appoint-
ments are slipped through in a different manner! But the
President himself is not without fault in this respect. Some
strange and singular appointments have been made from
time to time without consulting any one, — certainly none
of his Cabinet.

Intimations of another movement for impeachment by
Thad Stevens are thrown out, — it is said, however, not with
any expectation that the House will adopt the charges, but

392 DIART OF GIDEON WELLES [junb 20

that Stevens may make a speech, and that the charges
may be suspended over the President. I doubt if the malig*
nant and vicious old man will make this demonstration,
but he likes notoriety and power, and his threat exhibits
both to his satisfaction.

LXI

A Proclaination of General Amnesty read in Cabinet — Jefferson Davis the
only Person excepted — The Firesident draws up another making no
Exception — The New York Convention nominates Horatio Sesrmour
and Francis P. Blair — An Unfortunate Nomination — The Result
brought about by the Tammany Managers — Disappointment of the
President — Seward Close-mouthed on the Nominations — Convei^
sation with the President in regard to Seward, Stanton, and McCuDoch

— Doolittle invited to become an Independent Candidate — The Flre-
sident prepares a Message recommending Certain Changes in the Coa^
Btitution — Cabinet Discussion of it — A Talk with Montgomery Blair

— The Blairs and the President — Evarts takes his Seat in the Cabinet

— The Two New Cabinet Members, Schofield and Evarts — John A.
Griswold claiming Credit for the Monitor to the Exclusion of the Navy
Department — Congress, instead of adjourning, takes a Recess tffl
September 21 — Seward reads in Cabinet a Proclamation relating to
the Fourteenth Amendment — General Banks and the Navy Yard
Appointments — Conditions in Georgia.

July 1. Much confusion prevails among Democrats
lative to a candidate for President. Delegates to the Con-
vention which meets at New York on the 4th, and many
who are not delegates, have passed through Washingtcm;
others are now here. The aspect of things does not please
me. There has been mismanagement and weakness in New
York, and little vigor or right intention anywhere. A per*
sonal demonstration, and extremely partisan too, has been
made for Pendleton, who will probably have the largest vote
of any candidate at the commencement, but who will not
be allowed to be nominated. He may, in the excess of
party feeling, demonstration, and excitement, be nomin-
ated, though it seems hardly possible for sensible men to
make such a blunder. Chase, who is conspicuous as an
opponent of the Democrats, as a negro suflfragist, and, until
recently, as a Reconstructionist, is strongly pressed. The
New-Yorkers appear to have surrendered all principle in
a feeble, sprawling anxiety to triumph, and will thereby

394 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [july i

endanger success. Possibly they have overmanaged in re-
gard to Pendleton, who has been fostered as an auxiliary,
merely, to New York.

The President, I perceive, has strong hopes of a nomina-
tion. But what he might have made a certainty is, by him-
self and his course, placed beyond the confines of possibil-
ity. He has said nothing to me direct, and I am glad of it,
for it would be a subject of extreme embarrassment to me.

Hancock seems a fair man. I know not his mental
strength, but have a favorable opinion of it. In many
respects he would make a good candidate; he has a good
military record, and the military feehng is prevailing at
this time. His indorsement of Stanton two or three years
ago in New York is to his discredit. I have no doubt it was
procured by Stanton himself through Jere Black, — a
political manoeuvre in which H. was used. Hendricks would
unite as many as any one, perhaps, and is a politician as
good, perhaps, as any suggested of the anti-War Demo-
crats. He and Hancock have appeared to me most likely
to strike the Convention favorably, provided it is com-
posed of sagacious, fair-minded men, unshackled by per-
sonal favoritism, and if the majority can swing clear of the
great tidal wave of New York which moves for party and
not for country.

Doolittle is a fair and good man, whom I should name,
if by so doing he would be made President. But he is young
and less prominent than others, and the party Democrats
are making too much haste to get power for such a man.

The President has read to us a form of proclamation
plepared by Seward for general amnesty. As usual, the
paper is a little verbose and less direct than I like. Except
tion was made of such persons as are under indictment.
The President, I saw, was not pleased with that part of the
document; asked how many there were under indictment,
why prolong this unhappy controversy by such a clause.
Seward thought that was as restricted as we could make

1868] PROCLAMATION OP AMNESTY 395

it. There were but two men, — Davis and Surratt. I
asked if exceptions were to be made, and there were but
two, why not name them. I thought, however, Surratt
was arraigned for a criminal, personal matter, rather than
treason. The President said that was so, and there is
really but one man, — Davis.

After the others left. Browning and myself remained
and went over the papers again. I suggested that the pre-
amble did not bring out as distinctly as I wished the fi^ct
that since the proclamation of May, 1865, — his first pro-
clamation for amnesty, — there had been no armed or
organized resistance to the Federal authorities. Browning
agreed with me, and the President took the idea. He said
he should revise the document and wished us to reflect
upon it and make suggestions. He particularly desired we
should consider the subject of an unqualified amnesty to
all, without any exception.

July 2, Thursday. The New York Convention absorbs
more attention than Congress, which, in fact, is little
else than a party convention. I give little heed to the mapy
strange rumors that prevail; but, looking on, I am con-
strained to believe there is not much candid, enlightened
intelligence as yet displayed. The New-Yorkers have over-
refined. Have held up, restrained, and not concentrated
sentiment. In the anticipation that there would not be
unity they have designedly left matters loose, and they
continue so. If they supposed they should thereby
eventually control the result and have their own man,
they may have failed. Chase or Pendleton may have be-
come too strong to be controlled. Our New York friends
purposely scattered, and may not be able to rule, the ele-
ments.

The President to-day laid before Browning and myself
his proposed proclamation. It is essentially different from
Seward's paper, and is without ''exception." Browning
thought this a mistake, said they would try again to im-

396 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [july2

peach, etc. The President wished to know if they would
frame an article based on his amnesty. I saw he was de-
cided, and remarked he must, for himself, judge of the
^cpediency. There was this fact: if Jeff Davis were tried
and not convicted, we should have a strange and unsatis-
factory result. Could he be convicted by any jury where
he can be legally tried?

July 6, Monday. Went to Hampton Roads, the Capes,
and Norfolk on the evening of the 3d and returned this
morning. A pleasant respite on the 4th and Sunday.
Fox, Faxon, Commodore Jenkins, etc., etc., were of the
party. Commodore Kilty, Rodgers,^ and others were glad
to see us at the Norfolk Yard, and came with us to Fortress
Monroe on the evening of the 4th to witness the military
display of fireworks. A great crowd were assembled in
and about the fort. General Barry, who is now in com-
mand, and his friends received us most hospitably and
kindly.

July 7, Tuesday. While at the President's, two tele-
grams were received from the Convention in New York,
stating the result of the ballots to nominate candidate
for President. Pendleton leads, as was expected, and the
President was next, which was not expected. Most of his
votes must have been from the South. The vote of New
York was given for Sanford E. Church. This, I told those
present, was a blind and meant Seymour, that the New-
Yorkers intended Seymour should be the candidate, and
Sesrmour also intended it, provided he became satisfied
he would secure the nomination; but, imless certain, he
would persist in declining. New York, I said, had been
playing an insincere game; had, though the headquarters
and management of the party was in New York, de-
signated no one; had not tried to concentrate, but had
endeavored to scatter, and, for effect, have several names

> Captain C. B. P. RodgetB.

1868] THE NEW YORK CONVENTION 387

presented. Puny efiforts for local candidates like English
of Connecticut, Parker of New Jersey, Packer of Penn-
sylvania, as well as Church of New York, were encouraged,
but all this frittering away strength meant Seymour>
New York will control the Convention. McCulloch and
Browning thought that the Pendleton men would control,
— that they probably would not get two thirds for him,
but that they could say who should or should not be the
man. "If they move in a body," said I, "but that they
will not do. When they break from Pendleton, they will
scatter, and ultimately be gathered for Seymour."

Seward during the conversation said nothing, and he
made a point to leave early. The President was evidently
gratified with the vote he received, and the cheers when
it was announced.

July 8, Wednesday. The platform of the Convention is
not so good as I expected. The Pendleton policy controls,
but it is pretty certain he will not get the nomination. If
the New-Yorkers cannot carry Seymour they will likely
go for Chase, though he gets no nomination or support
at present. At the close of the day's session the run was
for Hancock and Hendricks. The fear that Hancocl^
might succeed prompted an adjournment, and there will
be intrigue to-night, — perhaps a union on Chase, though
I can hardly believe it. Seymour, if nominated, will be
defeated. Hancock, if the candidate, will be elected. Some
speculations are thrown out for English, but it is mere
flummery, though the Connecticut delegates do not imder-
stand it. They have done better than New Jersey, which
still holds out for Parker. The President's vote is falling
off. There h8ts never been any intention to nominate
him, except by a few earnest friends in Tennessee and
perhaps a few in some of the Southern States. Seward i3
a stumbling-block for him.

July 9, Thursday. Horatio Seymour and F. P. Blair, Jr.,

898 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES Ijuly9

were nominated President and Vice-President at New
York. Ohio dropped Pendleton and went unanimously
for Seymour. This was followed by other States success-
ively, ending in a unanimous vote. "A spontaneous move-
ment," say Seymour's friends, "Unexpected," "A general
recognition of the first statesman in the country," etc.,
with much similar nonsense. The threatened demonstra-
tion for Chase appears to have alarmed the Pendletonians,
who dislike him. All worked as New York intended. The
friends of Pendleton were imwilling, I judge, that Chase,
Hendricks, or any Western man should be selected, lest
it might interfere with P.'s futiu-e prospects. We shall
know more in a day or two.

I do not consider the nomination a fortunate one for
success or for results. Seymour has intellect, but not
courage. His partyism predominates over patriotism. His
nomination has been effected by duplicity, deceit, cunning
management, and sharp scheming. He is a favorite leader
of the Marcy school of Democrats in New York, if not of
the Van Buren and Silas Wright school. A general feeling
of disappointment will prevail on the first reception of
the nomination, discouraging to Union men, but this will
be likely to give way in the exciting election contest to the
great questions involved. The Radicals will take courage
for a moment from the mistakes of the Democrats.

I was at the President's when the telegram announcing
Seymour's nomination was received. The President was
calm and exhibited very little emotion, but I could see he
was disturbed and disappointed. He evidently had con-
siderable expectation.

The nomination of Blair with Seymour gives a ticket
which is not homogeneous. Blair is bold, resolute, and de-
termined; has sagacity as well as will. His recent letter
enunciates his policy and the underlying principles of the
present contest. Seymour, more timid and calculating,
does not take the ground openly; but the Radicals will
force the Democrats to accept or reject the doctrines. In

1868] THE NOMINATIONS 399

nominating Blair after the publication of his letter, the
Democrats are committed to his views, if there be anything
in partyism. Throughout the whole proceedings prelim-
inary to and attending this convention to its close, there
has been, on the part of the New York politicians, a selfish^
ness that has narrowed their vision and a want of sagacity
and enlarged and comprehensive views that is surprising.
The end has not yet been reached. They have put in
jeopardy an election which they might have made certain.

When President Johnson refused to adopt the plans and
schemes of the Radicals to exclude the Southern States
from Congress and to impose upon them constitutions,
laws, and governments by Federal authority, he caused
a rupture of the Republican Party which, had he been
cordially seconded by the Democrats, would have insured
the defeat of the Radicals, for the better portion of the
Republicans concurred with him and the Democrats^
His course was so correct on the subject of Reconstruction,
the rights of the States, and kindred measiu-es that the
Democrats were generally disposed to sustain him and
identify themselves with his Administration, but the man-
aging Tammany men of New York, apprehensive that
this might affect the organization and discipline of Tam-
many, while they encouraged and supported the Presid-
ent's policy, were careful not to identify themselves with
and indorse the President himself, to whom they and the
country were so much indebted. Confident that the senti-
ment of the country was against the Radical usurpations,
and glad to avail themselves of that sentiment, they feared
that the President, who boldly fought those intrigues, a
man whom they did not elect, might become popular;
they were distant, cold, reserved towards him.

Most of the Democratic managers had been opposed
to the War and War measures, had opposed the election
and reelection of Lincoln and Johnson, had sympathized
with the Secessionists, and, in their national convention,
declared the War a failure. Their unpatriotic and dis-

400 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [julyo

union course had kept them m minority for years, from
which they now, by the folly and extreme measiu-es of
the Radicals, who had become disunionists not by seces-
sion but by exclusion, expected to be relieved, and they
were impatient to be in power.

But while a large majority of the people were opposed
to the vicious, usurping, and centralizing schemes of the
Radicals, they were not ready to place a Copperhead or
anti-War Democrat at the head of the Republic. The great
mistake of the New York Democratic managers was in
supposing that the Radical measures were so atrocious that
the people would accept and vote for almost any man, even
those who were on the opposite extreme. The memories
of the War were not, however, forgotten; there was dis-
like and distrust of the men who opposed it, and there was
still a strong military feeling prevailing. Neither of these
elements could give a cordial support to Seymour or any
one like him.

But the New-Yorkers had neither the tolerance, tact,
nor judgment to wait events, give resentment time to cool,
and permit a War Democrat to be chosen. They would not
allow Hancock or even Hendricks to be nominated. They
feared Johnson might be. There was an excuse for the
New-Yorkers' not supporting Johnson, because he had
retained Seward, whom they abominated, and to whom
they could not be reconciled. But why oppose and exclude
Hancock, a much more popular man with the military
than Grant, a man of more intelligence, and greater ca-
pacity, and who, if nominated, would be elected? The
reason was that the Tammany politicians were deter-
mined to have Seymour, who was neither a military man,
nor a friend to the War for the Union.

What, therefore, might have been a certainty, the New
York managers have made an imcertainty. They have
professed to have no candidate, — were willing to unite
on whoever was nominated, —but have intrigued through-
out to prevent any man from being nominated but Sey«

186B] THE TAMMANY MANAGERS' MISTAKE 401

mour. As capable politicians, New York being the great
State and New York City the headquarters of the party,
to have designated and united on one or two men who would
have been acceptable to the country would have brought
success. Instead of this they professed indifference, en-
couraged Chase, fostered Pendleton, mentioned Hendricks,
and, having the matter in their own hands, voted for
Saniford E. Church, whom they intended should not be
nominated, and who had not been mentioned.

Had the Tanmiany managers who make party a trade
been sufficiently disinterested and patriotic to have stood
back and let a War Democrat opposed to Radical usurpa-
tions be nominated, Seymour might, four years hence, be
brought forward with success, for he has intellect, but it is
given more to party than to country. If he fails now, he
fails forever, and I fear our Federal Union will fail also
and consolidation obtain an endiuing ascendancy.

July 10, Friday. The President was, I thought, more
affected to-day than yesterday, but was quite reticent on
the nominations. McCulloch and Browning expressed,
and evidently felt, great dissatisfaction, — said Seymour
was, next to Pendleton, the worst selection which could
have been made. I said it was not, save in financial mat-
ters, preferable to Pendleton; that P., though a demagogue,
had played no double game, or cheated and bamboozled
his friends, but Seymour and the New York managers had.

McCulloch lamented the failiure of Chase, who, he
says would have certainly succeeded had not Seymour
been taken up, but it was foreordained that Chase should
not, and Seymom" should be, nominated. I told him I had
no regrets for Chase, though I greatly preferred him to
Seymoiu". Browning united with McCulloch in the belief
that Chase would have got more popular votes than any
other man.

There is a strange desire to make these matters personal.
Leading politicians are almost invariably in fault in that

402 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES uuly lo

respect. They fancy the people are led away by a promin-
ent orator or politician, regardless of principles. A great
mistake. They will abandon a favorite who is in error.
But when a favorite agrees with them in principles, there
is a feeling of enthusiasm aroxmd that is irresistible. Sey-
mour can arouse no such enthusiasm, because, though in
feeling and conviction he may now be with the people,
he is timid and insincere. ''There is a tide in the affairs
of men," but just at this time the tide, I fear, is not with
Seymour, though he has got the nomination.

Seward was very close-mouthed, and got away as soon
as he could. I shall not be surprised if he goes for Grant.
Yet his friend and crony Thurlow Weed has left the coun-
try, as I have sometimes thought to avoid taking part in
this campaign, when Seward cannot perhaps go with him.
They were both accused of favoring Seymour, covertly,
against Wadsworth for Governor in 1862.

July 11, Saturday. Senator Doolittle called this morn-
ing to breakfast, having just arrived from New York.
He is sore, and dissatisfied with New York trickery and
management. We went together to the President, with
whom I had an appointment at ten. They both mani-
fested feelings almost of resentment. I felt as much disgust
towards the proceedings and towards Seymour's nomina-
tion as either of them, but said: ''Here is Grant, ignorant,
untruthful, and unreliable, as we all know, and behind
him is the important question of State rights as against
central despotism. Much as we may dislike Seymour and
the disingenuousness of our New York friends, our course
is plain. Seymour, though a heartless politician, timid,
selfish, and the devotee of party discipline and party
management, will be compelled to go with his friends,
whom he has the sagacity to know to be right. Grant we
know to be wholly incompetent." To this both assented.
The President spoke with some bitterness, I thought, of
Blair's letter, as overturning things, etc. I inquired if

/ >v-

JAMES R. DOOLITTLE

18681 TALK WITH THE PBESIDENT 403

they were not to be overturned, — whether these fraud-
ulent governments unposed on the States by a usurping
Congress were to be sanctioned and legalized, or whether
the legitimate governments were to be permitted in time
to regain their place. The President went into the library
without a word. Doolittle conversed with me.

On other occasions, when I have brought forward these
points, the President has been disinclined to discuss them.
They have never been matters of Cabinet discussion, —
that is, the future of these Reconstruction questions. I
have no doubt that Seward is for submission, acquiescence,
although he has never said so in words, but tJiat is the bent
of his mind; and he easily influences the President.

After Doolittle left and we had finished business, the
President seemed inclined to talk. Said Seymour had not
lifted a finger to sustain us through our three years' strug-
gle, that those of us who had maintained the government
and its true principles were wholly ignored, that the Demo-
cratic Party had for twelve years acted as if demented,
and seemed determined to continue in error.

I assented to the fact of their erroneous and factious
course, and to their present mistakes; but remarked, in
justice to the mass of the New York Democrats and those
of some other States, that they could not and would not
give their confidence to Mr. Seward and were unwilling
to identify themselves with an administration where he
was a ruling spirit. Neither he nor Seymour could win the
confidence of party opponents. The nominations being
over, we might look at this subject truthfully and philo-
sophically.

The President was a little annoyed, I observed, that he
had introduced the matter, and that Doolittle, before
he left, had said the great error was in retaining Stanton,
when over two years ago we knew he was intriguing against
us.

The President did not controvert my remark, but, as if
by way of defense, said there had been more complaint

404 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult ii

against McCulloch and the Treasury than agamst all
others. He did not mean to say there was cause for it, or
that it was justifiable, but he mentioned the fact and the
difficulties he had to encounter. I replied that McCulloch
was himself a capable financier and an honest man, but
he had committed a great error in retaining Rollins,^
Chandler, and other Radicals here, and permitting them
to crowd in swarms of Radicals all over the country. I
believed him, however, a true friend of [the President]
personally, and of the Administration.

I again remarked that I spoke freely, as he had intro-
duced the subject; that, the issues and the tickets of the
two great parties being made up and before the country,
it could not be supposed I had any motive to influence
those questions, and I supposed that the two men (Seward
and McCulloch) would continue with him to the close.
Without expressing either assent or dissent in words, he
left the impression that such was the case.

July 14, Tuesday. The Democrats and conservatives do
not yet get reconciled to the New York nominations. It
was undoubtedly a mistake, but they must support it as
preferable to Grant in his ignorance and Radicalism in its
wickedness. It will not do to sacrifice the country from
mere prejudice against, or partiality for, men. I judge
from what I hear that Chase and his friends felt a degree
of confidence that he would be the nominee. He had, I
have no doubt, the money interest in his favor.

When I went to Cabinet to-day, only Seward was in the
council room. He said, jocosely, that he understood I was
for the New York nominations and he opposed to them.
Said the papers so stated. I observed that I had not
seen the statement, but I had no hesitation in saying I was
opposed to Grant and the Radicals, and, consequently, I
had, under the circumstances no alternative but to go for

^ E. A. Rollins, Commissioner of Internal Revenue and, like Chandler,
a New Hampshire man.

18681 DOOLITTLE; declines to run 405

Seymour. I tried to draw from him some expression but
without success. Others came in, and he turned the con-
versation.

The President submitted the Edmunds law excluding
the electoral vote of certain States. Seward declared him-
self very explicitly opposed to this, and so did every mem-
ber present. Browning wanted a short message of not more
than ten lines. The President said he was willing any of us
should prepare a veto. No one volunteered. From Sew-
ard's remarks I supposed he would do it, if requested, and
he so said before we left, and though his reasons and mine
would not be in all respects alike, I could not compete with
him. The President would, in any event, make Seward's
the groundwork of his message, if S. prepared one.

July 17, Friday. The weather has been so intensely
warm that I have tried to keep cool, and, in those dark
evenings without a light, have been disinclined to write,
although I feel guilty in not noting occiurences as they
take place. Some are of interest and may be adverted to
hereafter. There is, apparently, unappeasable discontent
with the New York nominations. Perhaps I hear more of
the complaints than others. Senator Doolittle a day or
two since stated he had a letter from a number of persons
in Pennsylvania, expressing dissatisfaction with the candi-
dates — they could not vote for Seymour — and inviting
Doolittle to be a candidate. He wished to consult me as to
his answer. I said there was but one course and that was to
decline. I was more and more satisfied the nomination of
Seymour was not judicious, but there is now no alternative
but to support and try to elect the ticket. That would
save the government, reconcile sections, and give us peace.
He said he concurred with me, and had a letter partly pre-
pared which he intended to have brought with him.

The President read a veto which he had prepared on the
Edmunds Bill excluding certain States from casting elect-
oral votes, or, if cast, to prevent them from being coimted.

406 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [jult 17

The veto is very well done and, I think, is the President's
own work.

He afterwards laid before us a message suggesting
sundry alterations of the Constitution. I was uncomfort-
able while it was being read, for I could perceive it was
a favored bantling which he had prepared with some care.

Seward, at once, and on its conclusion, met the subject
frankly and candidly. Said he made no objection to the
document as an exhibit of the President's own personal
views, but he did object to its giving-out as an Admin-
istration or Cabinet paper. He could readily assent to
some of the propositions, to others he could not, and, as a
general thing, did not admire changes of the fundamental
law. He did not wish the Presidential term lengthened,
nor did he wish there should be a prohibition to reelect.

McCuUoch said as a general thing he was against consti-
tutional changes, but thought it well for the President to
present his views. He rather liked extending the term.
Browning had never given the subject much thought, but
was favorably impressed with the suggestions that were
made.

Schofield and Randall said very little. I concurred gen-
erally in the remarks of Seward, but excepted, which he did
not, to the encroachments proposed to be made on the fed-
eration features of our system. I was not for taking away
from the States the single sovereign vote in case there was
no election on the first trial. It was not, I think, the ex-
pectation, when the Constitution was framed, that the elect-
ors would be chosen by the people, but that they would
be appointed by the legislatures of the States respectively.
That feature had proved a failure, however. The legisla-
tures had surrendered the choice of electors to the people,
and I should prefer that the people should vote direct for
the candidates than through the making of an electoral
ticket. If there was no election and the choice went back
to the people, I should, in that event, wish each State to
give one vote and but one vote, whether the State was

1868] THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE 407

great or small, thus avoiding aggregation or consolida-
tion in the election and preserving the distinctive charac-
ter and equality of the States. So, as regards the Senators,
I preferred they should be chosen by the legislatures in-
stead of being elected by the people, as the President now
suggested. The Senators were representatives of the States
in their sovereign capacity. Members of the House were
the direct representatives of the people. I would sacredly
preserve the federation features of our system and did not
care to popularize the Senators. And I long since had
come to the conclusion that changes in the Constitution
should be made with great care and caution.

Perhaps I was not as full and emphatic on all these
points as I wished to be, for I was subject to constant in-
terruption. The President wished, evidently, no dissent to
his suggestions. He has, I think, prepared this document
under an impression that it will strike the popular pulse
and possibly make him a candidate.

Mistaken man, if such are his thoughts I This is no time
to bring forward and encourage constitutional changes.
There are other great and impending questions which su-
persede theories and speculations like these, — questions
affecting the character and stability of the government
that must be met and disposed of. The President is, no
doubt, sincere in his propositions, but he evidently has not
thoroughly examined and considered the subject in all its
bearings. He has not reflected on the compromises which
were made by the States when surrendering power and
framing the Constitution, nor has he that deference and
regard for the States and their dedicated rights, which are
essential to union, that I should have expected. His pro-
positions, without his intending it, are tending to a great
consolidated central government instead of a federal
union.

Some one — Randall, I believe — asked which of tiie
parties would adopt these recommendations, or if he ex-
pected Seymour would adopt them. I did not fully eatoh

408 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [july 17

the inquiry^ but the Prasidenti with some vim, said we did
not go to them, they must come to us. He did not know
that they supported oiu: measures, and it would be well to
understand how they stood on matters of principle, be-
fore troubling ourselves about supporting their ticket. This
seemed very like Seward, and I think comes from him.
He looked much pleased when the remark was made. I am
apprehensive that in his disappointment the President will
permit himself to be persuaded to take a course which may
give him much after regret.

Montgomery Blair came to see me last evening, and re-
ports matters at the New York nominating convention.
He says Seymour was for Chase and so was a majority of
the New York delegation. The final move for Seymour by
the Ohio delegation prevented, he says, the nomination of
Frank Blair, who was, he declares, the choice of the Con-
vention. They were tricked out of it, etc. I make all allow-
ance for Mongtomery Blair, for he is a very affectionate and
devoted brother, and really thinks Frank the greatest man
in the country. Frank has undoubtedly more courage than
Seymour and greater sagacity and power than is generally
supposed, but I cannot think he has any such hold on the
popular mind as Montgomery supposes. A great many
eminent men are favorable to him, — some that surprise
me; but on the other hand there is a terrible prejudice
against him by others. Thurlow Weed and Seward have
done much to create this prejudice, and so have Chase and
the Treasury agents, but Frank has unfortunately his own
infirmities. The elder Blair is a remarkable man and has,
in a long and political life, by his talents, power, and influ-
ence, incurred enmities; and the whole family, by their
bold denunciations, have raised an extensive feeling against
them. I have found them honest, positive, egotistical, but
remarkably sagacious, early to detect and prompt to ex-
pose intrigue and fraud.

The President is under great obligations to the Blairs, but
Seward has succeeded in prejudicing him against them, —

1868] EVARTS IN THE CABINET 400

much to his own mjury, I apprehend. Montgomery BUdr
does not conceal his defection from the President, who has
treated his advice and warnings with but little respect,
and in some instances has availed himself of information
derived from Blair without giving credit and confidence
in return. Blair says he thinks and hopes the President
will oppose the Democratic ticket, and finally go for Grant.
I do not, and I so told him. The President has been un*
generously treated by leading Democrats, but the people
respect him.

July 21, Tuesday. Mr. Evarts appeared in Cabinet
council to-day for the first time. He arrived in Washington
on Sunday. This appointment makes Seward potent be-
yond what he has hitherto been with the President, but
that fact will not strengthen the Administration. Neither
of the political parties like Seward. He is disliked by both,
has not public confidence, and there is no afifection for him
in any quarter. The President does not see this, nor will
he; but from this time forward he will probably be too
much under the combined influence of his Secretary of
State and Attorney-General.

Evarts is, naturally enough, much devoted to Seward,
who has patronized, trained, and taught him, though
Evarts is possessed of the superior intellect. The pupil ia
more of a man than his tutor, and it is no disparagement
to Seward, who himself is not a common man, to say so«
But Evarts, though a remarkably clear-minded man, a
stiff, sharp logician, a lawyer of extraordinary ability, is
not a sagacious politician, has not got hold of the p6pular
heart, nor can he do so. He is foremost in his profession,
but a centralist in policy, with no political convictions.
The important movement has brought Sohofield, the waf*
rior, and Evarts, the lawyer, into the Cabinet. Both stand
deservedly well in their professions, but, I apprehend,^
neither will prove serviceable administrative officers. Fpe-
senden and Grimes, without personal partiality but.^m

410 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jult21

abundant precaution, desired, after the unfortunate selec-
tion of Lorenzo Thomas to discharge the duties of the War
Department, that a discreet and judicious man should suc-
ceed Stanton, which led to the appointment of Schofield;
Evarts was brought in by Seward and his friends; the
President quietly yielding but not selecting in either case.
To Grimes and Fessenden and to Seward also he justly
feels imder obligations, and has yielded to them in these
appointments.

I hope the President will not be induced to favor, in
the least, the usurping Radical faction and their imconsti*
tutional Reconstruction schemes. He cannot any more
than myself be a personal admirer of Seymour, and, were
the approaching election merely personal, neither of us
could be interested in the result. Among prominent public
men there are few in whom I have not greater confidence
than Seymour. He is not a sincere man, and I cannot
forget his persistent, wholesale, and disgraceful slanders of
New England, his assaults on her population and institu-
tions, so unjust and so unworthy a statesman of his pre-
tensions, so uncalled-for and immerited. His speech some
years since at St. Paul, intended as a bid for the Presidency,
had the ingredients of a low-class politician. It was the
more inexcusable for the reason of his having intellectual
qualities, and also because he is of New England stock.
But although he is personally the most objectionable to me
of all the proposed Democratic candidates, nevertheless
he is the selected opponent of Radicalism. I therefore
support him in preference to Grant.

The President will, I am confident, take the same view
and do nothing to help Grant, unless persuaded by others,
and only two men can do that. They are in position, and
Evarts has openly taken ground for Grant months since,
but the President, who detests Grant, knowing him to be
untruthful and false-hearted, has appointed E.

I have been anxious that the President should hasten his
action on bills and send in his vetoes promptly, in order

lg68i CARPET-BAGGERS IN CONGRESS 411

that Congress might adjourn early^ but he seems disin-
clined to facilitate their departure. Says they have wasted
time, that we are compelled to wait here through the sum-
mer, and that they can endure the heat as well as we. Sim-
ilar remarks were made by Randall and Seward. I think
it a mistake.

July 2Aj Friday. The recklessness and disregard of the
organic law and of the great principles of morality and
right by the Radicals become daily more and more appar-
ent. Their own will, schemes, and intrigues they consider
paramoimt to the Constitution. Tests and test oaths are
manufactured with facility to exclude by legislative enact-
ments their opponents, and laws and usage are set aside
with equal facility to favor their own partisans.

A very large number of "carpet-baggers" are now ad-
mitted into each house of Congress, and the more consider-
ate of the Radicals begin to manifest apprehensions that
these, with the extremists, will control all legislation.
Seward declares that this has been his reliance, and that
therefore he has advised to let them have their own way,
fully satisfied they would not long harmonize. That he has
abstained from opposition, and yielded, and urged the
President to yield, until the Administration is powerless,
and the government has become changed, are palpable
facts. How the government is to right itself and the true
principles of the Constitution be reinstated are matters
beyond his grasp. His advice and influence in this regard
have been neither profound, wise, nor fortunate.

The public do not get reconciled to the nomination of
Seymour and Blair. The indifference, not to say aversion,
is deeper, more extreme, and less easily reconciled than I
anticipated. I trust it may not continue and thus lose the
election. It was without doubt an imfortunate selection,
made under bad leadership, by a body which did not, and
does not, realize the true condition of affairs. The occa-
sion demanded the sacrifice of all personal considerations

412 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [jult 84

for the good of the country, but New York intrigue and
personal spite and disappointment of the Pendletonians
defeated Hendricks and Hancock. The country was sacri-
ficed for personal considerations. I still have hope the
people will rally to save the Constitution, — to rescue and
restore it and to vindicate the cause of free government
and self-government, — but it is not to be denied that our
federal republic system is in danger. The election of Grant
will ratify and confirm the usurpations which have been
made, yet there are some, I fear many, good men who are
not entirely divested of the War feeling, and who, in con-
sequence of their dislike and distrust of Seymour, threaten
to go for Grant or not vote at all.

Little of special interest to-day in Cabinet, and the Pre-
sident was not communicative in relation to appointments,
of which he is making many in which it is supposed we
more or less participate. I am importuned on these mat-
ters outside, but, unless requested, I am not disposed to
intermeddle out of my own Department, though one or
two others do.

July 25, Saturday. Received yesterday p.m. a resolution
calling for the contract, payment, facts in relation to con-
struction, etc., of the original Monitor, and replied at some
length to-day. I participated in getting this resolution
passed, in order to give the public the true history of the
case, now gravely misrepresented. John A. Griswold, a
wealthy iron-master and Member of Congress, has been
nominated a candidate for Governor of New York by the
Radicals, and there has been, and is, a persistent attempt
to give him false credit in regard to the Monitor, and this
by systematic and deliberate falsehood and injustice to
the Department. Mr. Griswold is deserving of some credit.
He was one of Ericsson's sureties and assisted in his finan-
cial necessities. As such he is deserving of praise, even if
he went into the concern as a business operation, which I
suppose he did. He and his associates, I have understood.

18681 GRISWOLD AND THE MONITOR 418

were willing to hazard each $10,000 in the confident ex*
pectation it would, as it did, prove a good investment.

After the services of the Monitor at Hampton Roads,
Winslow, one of the associates with Griswold, was very
importunate and persistent in the claim that he and those
associated with him should have the exclusive privilege of
building all that class of vessels for the Govemm^it.
Whilst treating him politely, I assured him his demand
could not be complied with; that, if allowable, they could
not of themselves furnish all the vessels that were wanted.
He said they would sublet, and insisted they were en*
titled to this privilege as much as if they had procured
a patent. The claim was preposterous, and I refused to
recognize it, but they were given contracts for several
vessels.

General Benjamin F, Butler declared a few days since
on the floor of the House, and Mr. Griswold's biographers
assert, that he advanced the money for building the Mon-
itor, that he had no remuneration until after the fight with
the Merrimac, all of which is false. The work of building
the Monitor was paid for as it progressed. Six payments
were made between the middle of November and 3d of
March, before the vessel was completed and delivered.
The last and final payment, save the reservation which by
contract was to be retained until after a satisfactory test,
was made before she left New York on her trial trip. Yet
the Hon. Mr. Griswold, knowing the facts, himself a party,
sat quietly in his seat and took to himself this false credit
without one word of explanation or any justice to the Navy
Department. His biographers have, I am persuaded by his
connivance, not only made the same statement as Butler,
but have gone farther and tried to ignore the Navy De-
partment, or have slandered and belied it by declaring the
Secretary was opposed, or only gave a negative support^
to Mr. Griswold and his associates.

Not only this; Chaplain Boynton, the historian of the
Navy during the Rebellion, was subsidized — I have no

414 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES ijuly26

doubt — and induced to give a distorted and unjust state-
menty in which praise and glory are given to Griswold to
which he was not entitled. In this way a fictitious charac-
ter is manufactured for a party candidate by injustice to
others.

July 27, Monday. In conversation with Senator Doo-
little yesterday, he informed me that the President in-
tended to nominate Alexander Cummings for Commis-
sioner of Internal Revenue. He wished to know if I was
acquainted with Cummings, wished me to see the Pre-
sident, and suggested the name of Judge Bradley of Rhode
Island.

I called at the President's an hour or two later and
among other matters brought up the subject of the
Commissioner of Internal Revenue. Jeffries, who had
earnestly sought the place and had the support of McCul-
loch, was rejected by the Senate on Saturday night by an
overwhelming vote. At one time it was thought he would
be confirmed, and there are various rumors in regard to him.
He is accused of double-dealing, — of making promises to
both parties, — there is scandal, etc., etc. I thought the
President did not seem grieved greatly at Jeffries' rejec-
tion, and he said to me he proposed sending in the name of
Cummings. I remarked that Cummings was a very par-
ticular friend of Cameron, and expressed a doubt as to his
reliabihty, — particularly where Cameron was interested.
There had, I added, also been nunors and charges hereto-
fore against him, but as he has since passed the ordeal of
nomination and confirmation to a responsible office, I sup-
pose those charges must have been explained and dis-
proved.

The President said he had heard something of those
rumors, but he thought he could depend upon Cummings,
even against Cameron.

This morning, when at the Capitol with the President
and Cabinet, I found Seward very busy about appoint-

1868] CONGRESS TAKES A RECESS 415

mentS; and among others, about Cummings, whom he
indorsed as a capital man for the place, — no better could
be found. Witnessing his movements and hearing his re-
marks, I remembered old intimacies between Seward and
Cameron. In this connecting link I can see how move-
ments are going on for Grant and the Radicals in quarters
which the President does not suspect. Not that it is cer-
tain Cummings will support Grant. He likely will not, but,
in the position of Conmiissioner, he might, if circumstances
required, have been influenced by Seward and Cameron
to have taken that course, the President not being a can-
didate.

But few Members of either house called in at the Pre-
sident's room during the two hours we were there. In this
respect, there was a strong contrast with similar occasions
in former years. The Members who voted for impeach-
ment were generally shy and appeared ashamed to show
themselves. There was, I thought, conscious meanness and
abasement in their very looks.

There was little to interest during the closing hours of
the session, — less excitement than usual, and none of the
great absorbing constitutional struggle, such as I have
sometimes seen in other days. Statesmanship was wanting.
The Members talked and acted as if in a village caucus.
Petty intrigues, tricks, and contrivances to help the party
were the great end and aim. Instead of the usual adjourn-
ment sine die to meet at the regular session in December,
Congress took what they call a recess imtil the 21st of
September. This was a scheme to cheat the Constitution
and innovate on the executive prerogative, for it is the
Pre^dent's duty to convene Congress, if public necessity
requires. But it was not pretended there was any public
necessity. The recess was to prolong the session, and watch
and circumscribe the President in the discharge of his
executive duties. There being no cause for assembling,
the Radical Members, before leaving, knowing that an extra
session was unnecessary, signed a paper to the purport

416 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jxtlt27

that they would not convene in September unless called
together by E. D. Morgan, Senator, and Schenck, Repre-
sentative. These two men are chairmen of the Radical
party committees of their respective houses, and on them
was conferred the executive authority of calling an extra
session for party purposes. Such is Radical legislation —
and Radical government.

July 28, Tuesday. Judge Kelley and Stevens of New
Hampshire, two of a committee who had visited the Phil-
adelphia Navy Yard in relation to the purchase of tools by
the Engineering Bureau, called on me to make statements
and exhibit portions of testimony which they had taken.
Stevens made a few brief remarks and left. Ferry, the
other committeeman, did not attend. Their investigation
had of course been ex parte, and their showing against
Teller certainly requires explanation. But the committee
had come to no result, — made no specific charges, — had
a rambling talk of matters in which Judge K. manifested
a degree of warm partisanship. After listening to him over
two hours, I requested him to let me have the report when
made, or, if he could present the points, charges, specifica-
tions, in a form so that I could call for an explanation from
Engineer Teller and others, I would demand it.

When I went to the Cabinet-meeting this noon, I found
Seward and General Banks with the President. I seemed to
have interrupted them, not unexpectedly to the President,
who said, "Well, here is the Secretary of the Navy, and
you [General B.] and the Secretary of State can come to
an understanding with him." I inquired the subject-
matter. General Banks said his object was to get me to
conform to the law in navy yard appointments; that I did
not obey the present law, nor the law of last year. I asked
in what particular. He said I appointed master mechanics
from the Navy, — that Navy officers filled the places, and
not civilians who understood the trades. I replied that
he in the House and General Wilson in the Senate had each

1868] A PROCLAMATION OF SEWARD'S 417

of them publicly made that statement, but it was not true;
that no officers except sail-makers were master mechanics
in any of the yards. He said boatswains were employed as
masters. ''But/' I added, ^'boatswains are not mechanics,
sail-makers are, and the last year's law, enacted for party
ends, not the public service, did not embrace master la-
borers." He insisted that no civilians were masters, but
that naval officers were. I defied him to name one. He
said he had no details, but he understood there was not
a single civilian in place. I told him there were no others
except sail-makers and boatswains; that since the War
we had, to a considerable extent, dismissed masters in
order to save expense and retained only foremen, the gangs
being so much reduced. It was a matter of economy.

Driven from this pK)int, he asked if there could not be
a change of Naval C!onstructor at Charlestown. I told him
it might be done if there was sufficient reason, but Mr.
Hart had commenced work which was unfinished, and it
would be hardly fair to take him away and substitute
another without cause. With this we parted.

Mr. Seward read a proclamation which he had prepared
pursuant to act and directions of Congress in relation to
what they call the Fourteenth Constitutional Amendment.
I passed some criticism, or rather took some exceptions.
Thought he was too compliant, identified himself too
much with the proceeding, and did not make his work
appear as if the act of Congress. The President fell in with
my suggestions, and Mr. Evarts proposed one or two verbal
changes to carry out my views. They did not come up to
my ideas. Seward, however, was annoyed even with them.
Said it was hard business for him at best, and he thought
he ought to be satisfied with what he had got to sign. I re*
marked that was true, and was glad it did not devolve on
me to put my name to such a paper; that I would not do
it in that form.

July 29, Wednesday. General Banks again called, with

418 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jtjly20

Mr. Stewart of New York, a member of the Naval Com-
mittee. Banks had quoted him yesterday at the Presid-
ent's. Said Stewart told him, when he (B.) introduced the
amendment concerning navy yards, that I would pay it no
attention. Stewart said it was a mistake, — he had not
stated the case so strong. Banks changed his groimd
somewhat. He had found himself at fault; admitted that
the masters were civiUans, but under naval officers. I told
him that was true. The conmiandant of the yard, who had
general supervision and the administration of the yard,
was by law a naval officer. So were the constructor and
the chief engineer. He said the conmiodore who commanded
the Charlestown Yard was of no account; that he merely
opened and closed the gates, and lit the gas, — nothing
else; that he was afraid of Hart, etc., etc. I told him
John Rodgers had been esteemed a man of courage, phys-
ical and moral. He claimed that the law required me to
appoint masters of the several trades. X asked him to show
me the law, and he pointed to the provision in the appropri-
ation bill just passed. I denied that the provision estab-
lished masters, — it merely required that masters should
be civilians and not naval officers. I admitted I had not
much regard for such legislation. Congress has no author-
ity to say what class of persons shall be appointed, and what
class excluded from office. The Executive, not Congress,
makes and is responsible for appointments.

"Then," said he, "you do not mean to obey the law."
I claimed he had no authority for that remark; that it was
my intention to detach both the boatswains and sail-
makers; that under the reorganization of the yards we
needed no master laborers, nor was a master sail-maker
necessary under the reductions.

"Then," said he, "you mean to evade the law by ap-
pointing no masters." "That," said I, "is not correct.
We have, and probably shall continue to have, some
masters of large gangs; but masters are not required for
most of the trades; foremen and quarter-men will be suf-

10681 , BANKS. AND 1BE NAVY, YARD 419

ficient." "That/' said he, ''is not the law." I asked what
was thelaw. - He pointed to the provision abeady mentioned.
"That," said I, "merely requires me when masters are
appointed to select civilians, not naval officers. Some of
the trades have but five, or six, or eight, or ten men. No
masters :are required in those cases. It would be a useless
expense to have, masters when not wanted." This he
admitted, and wanted to knpw how many men required
a master. I said none were really necessary at this time,
but some may be convetnient. He still insisted that I was
obliged to appoint masters for each of the several trader
apd wished me to give him i^ line to the Attomey^^Gen^^l
for an opinion. This I declined. Told him I understood the
law without making an inquiry in any quarter. He still
pressed me for a letter, and I still declined, but told him he
could, if he wished, converae with the Attorney-General.

He said he had seen that gentleman already, but he de-
clined to give an opinion without a written request from
me, and he (Banks) now asked it of me. The request was
almost in the nature of a demand, I, however, continued
to refuse, but told him I had no objection to conversing
with the Attomey^eneral when I saw him.

He left in ill temper^ Said he should remain in Washing-
ton until he accomplished his object.

.Jidy 30, Thursdqy, General Banks called again to-day.
Said in reply to the usual complimentary inquiry as to his
health that he was weary. Wanted to get away, but could
not until there was some imderstanding in regard to navy
yard appointments, but he now wished specially to know
whether there was to be a change of Naval Constructor.
He wanted Hart to be sent to some other yard, and
Hanscom ordered to Charlestown. I required some cause
for detaching Hart, who is discharging duties faithfully
and satisfactorily, without complaint from any one but
him, and be did not pretend that Hart was ddinquent as
a constructor. [I siui^ ^t,, a^ regards 9aii8C(»n, he had.

420 DIARY OF GIDEON- WELLES [jult«o

been recently sent to Portsmouth and I did not propose to
disturb him. ^'Then send i^nie other man/' said he, ''for
Hart is a coarse, vulgar fellow, a tyrant, controls the
yard, is insolent and incompetent/' I questioned the cor-
rectness of his analysis; admitted that I thought Hart was
sometimes arbitrary and positive, but told him I int^ided
in a few days to visit the Charlestown Yard and would
then make personal inquiry.

July 31, Friday. Seward and Evarts are absent from
Cabinet-meeting. Hutiter, who was there for Seward,
said the S|)ani^h Minister wiis very uneasy about tlie
Oneota and Catawba, feariiig th^y would be permitted to
leave New Orleans.

Attention was called to a statement from nine Geor^-
ans who claim to have been illegally arrested, imprisoned,
and cruelly treated. Schofield said the statement was un-
true, a pack of lies; that his brother had been sent down
there to examine the subject, and he reported that the
whole story was untrue.

Browning said he hoped it was untrue, for, as de-
scribed, it was one of the greatest outrages he had ever
heard of, and the credit of the Government, he thou^t,
required it should be clearly and distinctly disproved, if
it was really untrue.

I questioned whether it was an entire fabrication. There
might be some exaggeration, — probably was, — but that
these Georgians had been arrested illegally, carried to a
distant prison, were closely confined, etc., could hardly be
questioned.

Schofield admitted he had not seen the statement, but
there had been so many false reports, and his brother was
so convinced of it, that he gave no credit to anything he
heard. Besides, the state of society was such there that
strong measures were necessary.

The President produced the Intelligencer y and the state-
ment was read. It seemed to stagg^ Schofield, who, how-

1868] CONDITIONS IN GEORGIA 421

ever, still quoted his brother and cited the condition of the
South. All, however, were emphatic against the extraor-
dinary proceedings, and thought there should be a thorough
investigation, — except Raadafl, who said nothing.

Schofield produced a correspondence between Meade
and Grant. Georgia having be^fioi reconstructed, Meade
finds himself powerless, and wants instructions. Schofield
thought the President should delegate authority to Meade
to respond with his command to the Governor of Georgia.

I objected and hoped the President would not interfere
tmtil the pK)wer of the local authorities was exhausted
and application was duly and properly made.

'.^

LXII

1 •

A Tour of Inspection of the Navy Yards — Talk of an Extra Seasioa of
Congress — Tbe RaOroads and Ck>ngre8s — Sanford E. Church and
Dean Richmond (the younger) on a Political Mission from New York —
The Power of State SherifiFs to call on Army Officers for Assistance —
Death of Thomas H. Seymour — His Career and the Part played in it by
Mr. Welles — Radical Gains in the Maine Election — The "Alexan-
drine Chain"— '^Senator Morgan and Re]M«8entative Schenck issue a
Cal) for Congress to reassembly — Congress meets and adjourns —
General John A. Dix'f Anti-Seymour Letter — His Character and Polit-
ical Views — Marriage bf Robert T. Linljohi — The Pacific Railroad.

August 27. I have been absent a few weeks inspecting
the several navy yards and stations. Our yard boat, the
Tallapoosa, having freight to interchange with the different
navy yards, I improved the opportunity of going in her.
Doctor H. and others advised it, and the rest, change,
etc., I was satisfied would be of benefit. Commodore Jen-
kins, Chief of Bureau of Navigation, Admiral Radford,
and others went with me. I had expected Admiral Smith
to be of the party, but his health was so impaired that he
was compelled to leave earlier. Doctor Horwitz and Mr.
Bridge, of the Medical and of the Provision and Clothing
Bureaus, were expected to join us. Mr. Bridge met us at
Portsmouth and returned with us.

The trip was, throughout, pleasant. Senator Grimes
came on board at Rye Beach, and we made an excursion
on the coast of Maine as far as Mount Desert. The weather
was cool and bracing. Much of the time we wore over-
coats. The passage among the islands was delightful. Off
Rockland and its vicinity we fell in with the mackerel-
fishing fleet of some three or four hundred vessels. At
Portsmouth we witnessed the launching of the new sloop
Alaska. The Kenosha was launched at Brooklyn, but an
accident to our boiler detained us from it.

The several navy yards were in good condition. But

1868J mSPECnNO THE NAVY YARDS 428

little work is being done at any of the yards. There was,
however, something to be looked after. I have not visited
the yards smoe 1863, and as I i^all soon yield up the ad-
ministration of the Department^ I felt it a duty to give them
this last inspection before making my final report.

We returned safe and well on Monday last. Little of
striking interest has occurred during our absence. I find
on my return some of the members of the Cabinet are
absent, and there will be, for a month or more, some ab-
sentees. I am anxious to visit Connecticut for a day or
two in September, but Mr. Faxon left to-day and will be
gone probably for a month.

There is a contrariety of opinion in regard to an extra
session of Congress. The decision is not with the legally
constituted Executive, who is responsible, but with an
irresponsible partisan committee. The unpression among
the members of the Cabinet is that there will be no extra
session. None is necessary. My opinion has been that, as
the question is one of paoiy expediency. Congress would
probably be convened.

I do not like the aspect of affairs. There are ominous
prospects connected with the election. It is evident that
the Radicals intend to secure the next President by fraud-
ulent means if others cannot prevail. In fact, all their
Reconstruction schemes have had that end in view. TWe
Democrats seem determined not to be defrauded, nor to
submit to outrages.

If Congress convenes in extra session, it will be with a
design to resort to extreme and illegal measures to over-
power a legitimate expression of public opinion. An un-
checked partisan body like the present fragmentary Con-
gress, composed in part of usurping carpet-baggers, will, in
the heat and fury of an excited national party contest, be
a wild, unscrupulous set, restrained by no constitutional
barriers, or any principle of legal or moral right. There
is no statesmanship or political wisdom in either branch,
but there is much that is vicious and wicked.

424 DIARY QF GIDEON WELLES [Aua27

At the Cabinet-meeting to-day, Seward read a letter
from the late Mexican Minister, Romero, stating he would
meet Seward at Vera Cruz and escort him to Mexico, etc^
etc. Seward is alarmed for the future, and intends to
escape from any participation in the approaching election.

He read a letter from a Mr. Sherman of Utica, stating
that Roscoe Conkling had recommended him, Sherman,
for Collector. Seward indorsed the nomination and
wanted Sherman appointed. It would gratify Conkling.
I doubted its expediency without farther advice, but Sew-
ard was persistent. McCuUoch is inclined to make the
appointment on Seward's assurance. I have no faith in it.

On the subject of alleged disturbances South, Schofield
said they seem altogether exaggerated; that in Virginia
there was now less crime than in Massachusetts.

September 1, Tuesday. The subject of selling a gunboat
to an agent of the Haytian Government was brought for-
ward. In a recent sale of vessels at Portsmouth, the Mara-
tanza was bid ofif by a person who avers that he bought it
for Hayti. I assumed that my duty was ended when the
vessel was sold and we had the pay. Whether the State
or Treasury Departments would object to granting him or
others a clearance were matters not for me to determine.
My views were approved in Cabinet, and Seward said no
one could object, or would be heard in opposition, to a sale
to the Haytian Government; a sale to the rebels would be
another thing and might raise a question.

Seward expressed great desire to go to the Rocky
Mountains. Urges the President to make the trip wiUi
him. I judge there has been previous conversation on the
subject. The President gave no definite answer. Said he
was embarrassed as to any movement by the proposed
session of Congress which Morgan and Schenek might
convene. He could go nowhere till that was decided.
Seward said if they went to the Rocky Mountains that
would be decisive. The Radicals would not come here

1868] THE RAIUtQAPS AND (X»7GB£SS :4S»

while he was away. Whea about breaking up, Seward
again asked iixe President if he should make arrangemeJats
for the trip West. The President said he would give no
final answer to-day.

The subject of sympathy and aid for the Greek r^>^
in Crete was mentioned, and some other matters were Inr
troduced relating to the Turks. The conduct of Mr. E. J.
Morris, our Minister to Constantinople, was discussed.
I expressed doubts of the wisdom and judgment of Morri&
Seward says he has improved, and has modified and
changed his opinions. Seward said evay man, woman, said
child in the United States were against the Turks. I told
him he would please except the Navy and Navy Departr
ment. The President said no nation had been more
friendly and true to us during our diffi<Hilties than the Turks,
and instead of interfering against them in their trials, we
had better turn our attention to oiu* own affairs and get
our own people reconciled. Schofield fully assented to this;
thought we had bett^ attend to the affairs of our own
household. Seward concurred, but said our consul M
Candia was a troubles(Hne man and was in the interest or
feeling of the missionaries, who, as usual, were mischievous
in the matter. The opinion seemed to be general that the
consul had better give way.

The Indian troubles and the plundering schemes of the
Pacific and other Western railroads were considered.
There has been wild and wicked legislation by Congress.
Members are corrupt and dissolute. McCuUoch says the
ring of railroad men had monopolized that great interest
and is controlling Congress.

I mentioned a fact concerning Oakes Ames, Represent*
ative from Massachusetts, conmumicated to me by Pay*
master Bridge, who says the half-yearly dividend of Ames,
paid a short time ago, was S81,000 on the Sioux City 4^
Omaha road. This was just sixty per cent on his stock.
I asked Bridge how he knew the fact. He tells me he got it
from his nephew, who is presklent of the road. McCulloch

426 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [sbfp. i

says he doubts wheth^ Ames ever paid a dollar for his
Omaha stock, but that his interest in that road is a trifle
compared with his interest in the Pacific. This man, worth
millionSi takes the position of Representative — seeks and
gets it — for the purpose of promoting his private inter-
est.

September 2, Wednesday. I asked the President to-day
if he had really any intention of going to the Rocky Moun-
tains. He said he had not. I said that he would, in my
opinion, do well to take a respite, if only for ten days; that
I would recommend him to visit Tennessee, and, in doing
8O9 go unaccompanied by any of his Cabinet, especially
not by Mr. Seward; that Mr. S. was desirous of taking
him somewhere, but it would be well for both that he should
make one trip alone. The President smiled; said he
thought so, too; that he certainly should not go to the
Rocky Mountains, never had thought of it for a moment
seriously. Congress would probably prevent his going any-
where. Morgan and Schenck, under Radical usurpation^
were in this respect the Executive and directed the actions
of the Government.

September 3, Thursday. The President invited me to go
with him to the German Schiltzenfest this p.m. Although
wholly unprepared and the weather unpromising, I went.
It is the first of these festivals I ever attended. We were
received with great good will and respect by the managers,
escorted to various points, and taken through the grounds
when the rain did not prevent. The President tried a shot,
and was made a member of the association. We were
invited to dine with the managing directors and hospitably
entertained throughout. There was much good feeling and
fellowship and everything was orderly.

These associations are becoming numerous and popular
over the country. They are of German origin, and the
associations are composed chiefly of Germans or those of

1888] THE PARAGUAYAN MISSION 427

German descent, but others largely participate. I did nciti
however, observe any of our Irish brethren on the ground.

September 4, Friday. Sanford E. Church of New York
called on me and desired, after a little conversation on
political matters, that I should go with him to the Presid-
ent, with whom he wished an interview. He is of the Silas
Wright school of politics and has, personally, something
of the manner of Governor Wright. Our views and opinr
ions corresponded on men and affairs generally.

The President received him kindly, and after a brief
conversation appointed to-morrow at 10 a.m. for a meeting*
This being Cabinet day, and an hour having been assigned
for the reception of the Austrian Minister, he would b^
occupied with these and other matters.

S[eward] read a multitude of dispatches to Van Valkeiu-
burg at Japan and one or two from him. They were not
very edifying, although S. seemed to consider them so.
His oral efforts to enlighten us were not very successful;
although he had some of the strange names of the daimioSi
etc.j by heart.

He also read a long dispatch to Webb at Rio in relation
to his course and that of Washburn in demanding as a right
that the steamer Wasp might run the blockade. I respect^
fully differed from some of his positions; told him I wad
glad Washburn was coming home, although we now had
too many of the family on hand, and I wished Webb was
returning also. Told him and the Cabinet that I saw no
necessity for sending a Minister to Paraguay, where there
is not a single American resident, nor had they a Minister
here. Seward repeated a remark heretofore made, that
the mission disposed of one of the troublesome family of
Washburn, who are now all provided for.

McCulloch made some inquiries in relation to payments
in coin to the Navy and others. He also asked for informa-
tion about moneys which, to a considerable amount, had
been placed in the hands of Senator Pomeroy several years

428 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sefv; «

junce for the deportation of negroes. Seward said he r&-
jnembered all about it, and went into something of a narra^
tive of a black colony sent to Cow Island,^ most of whom
died and the remainder returned in disgust. I told him he
had only related the latter part of the movement; that the
first was a scheme to send o£F the n^roes to Chiriqui, in
iiehich Thompson first and Pomeroy subsequently figui^.
The subject was new to most, or all, of the others. Seward,
4n expatiating upon it, magnified his own doings. I do not
remember that he took an active, or very active, part for
it, but I am confident he took no part a^inst it. In the
early stages, when there was a speculating scheme to mine
coal by negroes, I had to resist, but good old Mr. Bates was
heartily with me, though an advocate for deportation of
the negro. Then they were going to mine coal for the
Navy, and buy Thompson's grant from Central America,
etc., which was finally checked when on the point of con-
summation by a protest from the Minister, who denied
the legality of the Thompson title. ^

I observed that Seward cared to say little or nothing of
those transactions, and was sorry to see that he attempted
to belittle Mr. Lincoln, who, he said, knew nothing or next
to nothing of public a£fairs except what related to army
movements. In this he does injustice to Mr. Lincoln, who
better imderstood things generally than Mr. Seward.
Seward himself was constantly dipping into questions
which he did not imderstand, — would get a slight super-
ficial idea and nothing beyond. Much of this he obtained
by hanging on to Mr. Lincoln and pressing him to make
inquiries.

Seward's blunders as regards the blockade, his ignorance
of admiralty law and of some of the most essential duties
of a first minister, were xmfortunate for the Administra-
tion and the country. Yet his readiness, his suppleness,

* He & Vache, Haytl. Mr. Charles K. Tuckerman gives an account of this
unfortunate venture in the Magazine of American History for October, 1886.

* See Volume i, pages 123, 150-52.

ism TALE WITH SANFOPEIB E. CHCKCH 429

and his superficial knowledge answered a purpose. I see
his object in these derogatory remarks of Mr. Lincoln,
which he has made in my presence on one or two occasions
that I remember, and how often on othar occasions I know
not. His purpose is to oast off his blimders and mist^akeB
on the dead I^esident, to whom he meant to impute all the
faults of the State Department.

I spoke of releasing the Otieota and Catawba, also the
relief of the Glasgow, both of which were to have been ath
tended to some weeks since. He was unprepared and had
evidently forgotten them for the time, but said he would
be ready in a few days.

September 5, Saturday. Mr. Church informed me thisp.ii.
that he had had a very agreeable and satisfactory inter-
view with the President, and is to see him again to-morrow^
at 1 P.M., and will call after that at my house with ycamg
Mr. Richmond.

September 7, Monday. Mr. Church came to see me yes-
terday. Spent over an hour with me. Young Dean Rich-^'
mond was with him. There is a strong desire to bring the
Administration into the support of Seymour and Blair.
Hitherto but little has been done in this direction, llie
leading Democrats of New York have not been cordial or
really friendly to the President, but, while accepting Ida
principles, they for selfish schemes preferred to be separ*
ated from him.

I said to Mr. Church I could make reasonable allowance
for this distrust, because the President had continued their
old opponent Mr. Seward in his confidence. He at once
eagerly and earnestly responded; asked how they could
be in harmony with one who had no sympathy or principle
with them. Church is, however, very cautious in what fafa
says. He is here on a mission,, somewhat diplomatic, and
an observer and a witness more than a conunimicative
£(peaker. He has again called; hu ^een. McCullooh and is

480 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. »

confident all will go well. I am not sanguine, nor does he
express himself confidently, but has stronger hopes than
I can yet command. The New-Yorkers have over-man-
aged, — a mistake of their party leaders for years. They
have talked and still talk of and make the financial question
prominent, but Reconstruction, as it is called, involving
the structure and character of the government, is more
in4)ortant than even that. The New-Yorkers have tried to
make this secondary, but that question should strengthen
Mr. Johnson, who is at issue with the Radicals on Recon-
struction. This was before the nomination, and, having
got the financial issue prominent, they continue it. So with
Pendleton, who takes anti-Democratic ground. They are
talking of the two currencies and in which of them the
bonds shall be paid; but they should all go to work and let
ushave but one currency. There should be no imredeem-
able paper.

The course and speeches of Pendleton make it clear that
he is a disappointed and intriguing man, and that he does
not take his disappointment kindly. His speeches, except
in abiUty, are like Webster's when he and Clay were
oompetitors and Clay became the candidate.

September 8, Tuesday. Seward had more of the Japanese
matters. No one said a word but myself. As usual, I ex-
pressed my doubts of the wisdom of combining with the
Western Powers, though perhaps we had now become so
much committed and involved that there was no ready
way of extricating ourselves. In relation to the religious
question, I trusted we were not to become propagandists.

Schofield read a general order of General Buchanan,
telling the officers under him that they must obey the
order of the sheriff when he calls out the posse comitatua
and they cannot quiet disturbances. I excepted most
decidedly to such a doctrine, and so did Randall. Schofield
said Attorney-General Evaxts had so laid down the law.
Seward defended the principle, or rather the order^ and

1868] DEATH OF THOMAS H. SEYMOUR 431

said Randall and myself ought to inform ourselves of
Evarts' opinion, that the subject had been elaborately
discussed when we were absent. I replied that I had
opinions of my own on the subject, long since formed,
principles in regard to the powers and duties of the Fed*
eral and State Governments differing from him and Mr.
Evarts. I asked if a military officer of the United States
[became] a State officer when the President had, on the ap^
plication of a State, by its legislature, or by the Governor
when the legislature was not in session, issued his proclam-
ation. Seward replied yes. Both he and Schofield cited
the Fugitive Slave Law. I said that law was not high au*
thority with me, but in that matter a U. S. Commissioner^
if I remembered rightly, was the officer, not the State
oherifif. They both said that law and the principle were
coming back to torment the inventors. I replied I had no
wish to torment any one, — certainly no one for his folly.
In this instance, the order and action under it will be
likely to have a good effect, for the very presence of troops
will, perhaps, prevent disturbance. Nevertheless, the
doctrine of Seward and Evarts is erroneous, and the order
wrong.

September 9, Wednesday. Colonel Thomas H. Seymour *
died last week and was biuied on Monday, the 7th, with
great parade. He was sixty years old and had great pop-,
ularity; was genial, affectionate, of pleasant manners and
kindly nature. The papers eulogize him highly, and the
crowd which attended his fimeral attest the estimation or
love for him that prevailed. The expectation that dis-
tinguished men, and particularly Horatio Seymour, would
be present swelled the crowd to some extent.

The eulogies contain some errors of fact, and award
him qualities which he never possessed. He is represented^
as a distinguished lawyer, as having acquired a competence'

> Governor of Connecticut, 1850-63, then for four years Minister to
{UiasiA. He was^a Peace DeilijqcraMwng tbe 1^^

432 DIARY OF QII>EON WELLES [8ept.§

in his profession, whereas, though admitted to the bar,
it was by courtesy, not that he had legal knowledge op
acquirements ; he never had a case or managed one, or made
a plea in any court, save perhaps that of a justice of the
peace. As to earning a competence, he never earned five
dollars in any court. He is spoken of as a distinguished
and successful editor. He undertook to edit a paper imder
very favorable circumstances, and utterly failed, and was
dismissed by his publishers and friends in a few months.

His military zeal and efforts are highly lauded, and not
without some desert. Instead of seeking service in the
Mexican War, as stated, I procured his commission for
him, unsolicited by himself, and he accepted it with some
reluctance. I knew he was poor and desponding, and that
he had a fondness for military parade and show. He was
educated at Captain Partridge's Military School, and we
encouraged him to drill, for a compensation, several mili-
tary volunteer companies, — as much to help him as the
companies. When the New England regiment was raised
for the Mexican War, I, then being in Washington, and
the only man from our State of any position or influence,
saw Governor Marcy, then Secretary of War, and insisted
that one of the field offices of that regiment should be
pven to Connecticut. He admitted the propriety of the
demand, but he had committed himself in some degree to
a gentleman in Maine, and no candidate had come for-
ward or been presented from Connecticut. He asked if
I was prepared to name a man. It was before the days
of telegraphs, and communication by mail was slow. The
regiment was being made up. I gave him the name of
T. H. Seymour on my own responsibility and wrote A. E.
Burr and General J. T. Pratt that they must compel him
to accept. It was a responsibility by no means pleasant to
me, for, had he never returned, his death would have been
charged upon me.

Seymour did not, at the time, thank me, or make any
acknowledgment, and I had no word or line from him imtil'

18681 CAREER OF THOMAS H. SEYMOUR 433

after his arrival at Vera Cruz. Some years later, in 1852
I believe, he, in a public speech in Hartford, when he had
been praised for his military services, declared his indebt-
edness to me for his military position. The Hartford Times
published, on the day of it, a notice of this acknowledg-
ment.

In 1833 I was nominated for Congress. Seymour was
then editor of the Jefferaonian and had expected his father
would be nominated Secretary of the State, for which he
had been many years an unsuccessful candidate. But it
was thought best by the nominating convention to have
an entire new ticket. N. A. Phelps^ was the active man in
e£fecting this change. Seymour, in his anger because his
father was not nominated, immediately and violently op-
posed my election, and in connection with others, the chief
of whom was N. A. Phelps, defeated the ticket.

When all was over, Seymour became aware of his error,
— saw that he had been made a dupe by Phelps, and that
he had done me injustice. This he ever after tried to re-
trieve and stood firmly by me in subsequent party and
personal conflicts. In 1835 1 procured him to be appointed
judge of probate. I had a controlling voice in the legis-
lature, of which I was a member, and the legislature then
elected those judges. I was the same year elected Comp-
troller over Elisha Phelps, the imcle of N. A. Phelps. The
candidate for judge of probate was Isaac Perkins. Both
he and E. Phelps had two years previously been incumbents
of the two offices ; both had been in the combination against
me in 1833 and instigated and misled Seymour.

I was glad of an opportimity to punish them and to heap
coals of fire on Seymour's head, and succeeded. He felt
and appreciated my kindness, and though we have since
differed widely, I am not aware that he ever did aught
against me personally. I have seen Uttle of him, though
always friendly, for the last fifteen years. When he re-

^ Noah Amherst Phelps, who was hhnaelf Secretary of the State oi
Connecticut in lS4d-44.

434 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 0

turned from Russia we were widely estranged in politics,
and I do not remember to have met him since my residence
in Washington.

Amiable and kind-hearted, generous without means,
indolent by nature, a lawyer who never had a case, retiring
but proud, with an imaginative mind, a refined taste, sin-
cere in his convictions and tenacious to obstinacy in his
opinions, he retained friends and acquired official distinc-
tion.

Probably no man in Connecticut was more opposed to
the War or more earnestly sympathized with the^Seces-
fiionists than T. H. Seymour, yet he did not mean to be
unpatriotic or opposed to the Union.

September 10, Thursday. Binckley, Solicitor of Internal
Revenue,^ has been to New York to ferret out frauds,
of which there are untold amounts which seem to go un-
punished and undetected. There must be great remiss-
ness somewhere. Whether B. is the right man to unearth
these villainies and bring the rascals to justice is another
question. He and Courtney, District Attorney, have had
a disagreement, and the whole world is down on Binckley.
I think he may have been indiscreet, but believe him
honest and zealous.

September 11, Friday. A thin Cabinet-meeting. Only
McCulloch, Schofield, and myself present. A delegation
from Tennessee was there on the subject of getting troops
into the State.

The report of Binckley was read. It seems he went on to
New York by direction of the President, who had received
advices from certain parties that villainies could be uncov-
ered, provided a reliable person was sent there. B. thinks
he has discovered great frauds and that the District Attor-
ney is implicated. This seems hardly credible. I should be
sorry if such be the fact. There are circiunstances against

^ John M. Binckley, formerly Assistant Attorney-General.

1868] REVENtnE FRAUDS. IN' NEWa STORK 435

Courtney, who claims to have been slighted in the mili-
tary proceeding^. Binckley says it viiLa because he was
mixed up^in ihe frauds. The fact that he has done so little
is adverse to Courtney^ The efforts, for two years, to
ridicule and disparage B., with his not always well regu«>
lated zeal, have got the current of pr^tidice against himi
which is of coiu'se improved by all the rogues and cheats
who are defrauding the revenue. They are with C. in this
matter and shout loud against B.

The differences between the two led B. to telegraph the
Secretary of the Treasury for instructions. McCuUoch,
without knowing the differences, repUed that the law gave
these matters to the District Attorney,, but failed to re?-
quest that B. should be associated with him on behalf of
the Treasury.

Courtney telegraphed Ashton, Assistant Attorney-
General, who utterly ignored B. The result is that B. left
New York, and came highly incensed to 'Washington and
made report. The commission at his suggestion postponed
the case for a week against the wishes of C. and of the
Whiskey Ring. McCulloch feels unpleasant, and the
President directs that C. be ordered to Washington, and
if he will not faithfully prosecute, he intends another shalL

September l4, Monday. InteUi^noe received of a ter-
rible earthqfuake extending along the western coast of
South America from Cape San Francisco, destroying cities,
many thousand lives, and hundreds of millions of property.
Two U. S. naval vessels, the Wateree and the FYedonia,'
were wrecked, and every ^ui on board the latter but two
was lost. Three of the officers were on shore and escaped*
Th^re are no'remains of the wreck. The Wateree was thrown
one third of a mile on shore and must be removed. Re-
ceived dispatches from Rear-Admiral Turner on the sub^
ject and also from other officers.*

^ This was the earthqualce of Au^^ 13, ISdS. Tlie Wa^r^ $nd the
Fredonia were at Arica, ChSL -'* ^* ^* Lw >jf; : -ifi ji1:., ;

436 BIASY OF GIDEON WELLES mn. u

September 15, Tuesday. The election in Maine took
place yesterday. The Radicals elect their tickets by in-
creased majorities. Both parties put forth all their efforts,
and the vote is the largest, probably, ever given in the
State. The relative increase is about the same of the two
parties. The result confirms my uni»ession that Seymour's
nomination is unf ortimate and likely to prove disastrous.
There was too much dexterity on the part of the managers
in securing the nomination, to inspire confidence and
make the election certain. It is not a selection to draw
recruits, when recruits are essential to success, and yet
such has been the policy in making a ticket at this time*
There is no enthusiasm for Seymour on the part of those
who vote for him; tens of thousands do it reluctanUy,
but it is the only alternative to defeat Radicalism. The
Democrats in their party zeal and inconsiderate haste
have thrown away, I fear, a glorious opportunity, and
postponed their triumph for at least four years.

In 1864, when Stanton and HaUeck were filled with
terror and apprdiension, they procured an appropriation
of three hundred thousand dollars to place obstructions
in the Potomac. Stanton was in constant terror, thought
I was negligent, knew not how soon a Rebel steamer would
come up the river and carry him and others off. As he got
from Congress almost anything he wished, he found no
difficulty in procuring this grant. He then appointed
Colonel Alexander, an engineer, ... to invent or devise
some plan of obstruction. He proposed a chain, and had
one prepared four hundred feet long with twenty-three
anchors, and a large niunber of floats. This crude and
worthless contrivance now lies just below Alexandria, at
Fort Foote. General Hmnphreys has written a letter to
the Secretary of War inviting cooperation of the Navy
to test the Alexandrine Chain; says that enough of the
appropriation is, he thinks, unexpended to defray naval
expenditures. General Schofield forwards the paper to
me with his approval and invitation. . ^

I86q THE ALEXANDRINE iSHAIN 487

I brought the subject up m Cabinet-meeting. Stated
my objection to review and prosecute this matter now that
the War was over and four years have elapsed, even if the
scheme commended itself, but I thou^t it worthless, and
to go on with it, a waste. Schofield thought we should pre-
pare for war, and not be taken at disadvantage as was the
case in 1861, and as this device had been commenced, it
had better be completed. I advised that we should stop
where we were, save our money to pay our debts, and wait
for better days, trusting to our ironclads and torpedoes
rather than to Alexander's contrivance. Iffis traps could
remain where they were till our needs were less pressing.
He admitted the times were not propitious and finally
admitted that the subject had perhaps better be postponed.

September 16, Wednesday. Some months since, Mr.
Seward said Eilpatrick, Minister to Chili, had applied for
leave to come home for three months. I remarked that he
wanted to be here to electioneer in the coming election.
Seward replied not, that he vouched for that, would guar-
antee he would not. We were both earnest. I told him
I should remember his guaranty. I see by the papers
Kilpatrick arrived on Monday and made an electioneering
speech last evening in New York.

Senator Morgan and Representative Schenck, both
chairmen of Radical Congressional Committees, have is-
sued a call for Congress to convene — meet in extra ses-
sion — and do nothing. These gentlemen were designated
by the Radicals in Congress as an authority to assemble
Congress on the 21st inst.^ if they judged proper, or, in
plain words, if the interest of the Radical Party in their
opinion required it. The Committee say, virtually, in their
call, that the public interest does not require it, for they
advise an immediate adjournment, after the members
shall have assembled, without transacting any business.
This is a specimen of Radical statesmanship and Radical
regard for the Constitution. That instrument devolves

438 DUm OF GIDEON WEZXES [sept.16

on the President, the duty of calling extra seissdons when
the public exigencies require it. This is a device to defeat
that provision and executive authority altogether, and
to have an extra session if the party desires it.

September 17, Thursday. The returns from Maine give
a very decided victory to the Radicals. The Democrats
have, it is true, greatly increased their vote, but so have
the Radicals also. All their Members of Congress are
elected. The Democrats failed to get one, and in the legis*
lature they have a less number than last year. This does
not surprise me so much as it grieves me. I am not so
familiar with the pubUc pulse as formerly, but in my view
the prospect of success for the Democratic ticket in No-
vember is very remote. Great stress is laid on the cen-
tral belt of States, from the Delaware to the Mississippi.
I confess to very little confidence in either of them. I
hope, however, I am mistaken.

September IS, Friday. Seward read a long document
to-day on the transfer of the Oneota and Catawba, in
which he is careful ; to embody the rej)ort of a partisan
Congressional Committee, calumniating the Navy De-
partment and misrepresen^iing the facts in relation to the
sale of these vessels. It was wholly erroneous, as I told
him, but nevertheless characteristic. He concludes with
permission for the owners to have a clearance, provided
they will give a bond that the vesssls shall never be used
against a govemnjient with which the United States are
at peace. This I suggested ^as absurd.

Mr. Evarts was at the Cabinet to-day. I have not seen
him since July. He was here, however, a week or more in
August when I was absent. . All were present but Brown-
ing. The subject of the adjourned and party-called extra
session of Congress was discussed and some of the em-
barrassments likely to result therefrom. These the Rad-
icals Jiave not. thought. yf. ^hould there be a quorum

1868] DEMOCRATIC MISTAKES 439

present and an immediate adjournment, it may be neces-
sary for the President to call an extra session at once.

The Pacific Railroad swindle was again on the tapis.
Villainy and plunder are the great purpose of some of the
Radical legislators. Members of Congress are very cor-
rupt.

September 19, Saturday. I am apprehensive that the
Democrats and conservatives are not managing in all
respects wisely. They began wrong in selecting their can-
didate. He will, however, get the strict Democratic Party
vote, but he will not draw one single recruit from the other
side, and the War Democrats are indifferent or have very
little zeal. Many calm, considerate, conservative men will
vote for Seymour, but with no earnest enthusiasm, while
many who would cheerfully and earnestly have supported
a War Democrat, or a Republican of Democratic ante-
cedents, will not vote for him. Most of this class will, I fear,
vote on the other side.

In caucuses and conventions, the noisy, violent, un^
thinking enthusiasts — the j)ositive men — usually carry
the day over the really wise, moderate, and sagacious.
The New York Convention was composed of materials
that would not tolerate a fair man like Hancock, or Doo*
little, or even Hendricks. Pendleton, cunningly led on
by Tammany for a diversion, not a nomination, was the
strongest in the convention, but the weakest of all before
the country.

One of the serious errors in Maine was that of calling
Pendleton there to open the campaign. He made not a
single convert, cooled good men by his false financial
theories, and his going into that field at the beginning of
the contest roused the whole Radical element, and all their
energies were expended to make their victory decisive and
complete.

September 21| Monday. Governor Swann came over

440 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sbft.si

to-day from Annapolis at the instigation of Vice- Admiral
Porter to get a change of orders for two more officers. By
regulation, one third of the officers go out annually. On
Porter's pei^nal application, and assignment of reasons
which might perhaps suffice to make their cases excep-
tional, two officers, Phythian and Matthews, will remain.
He now urges that Luce and Sicard may also have their
orders changed.

It is wrong in Porter to ^ve me this embarrassment.
Not to grant his farther application will be assumed by him
offensive in all probability; to grant it will be violating a
soimd rule which should be rigidly adhered to. The officers
themselves are in league with Porter in this matter. ! A
clique has been growing up at Annapolis under his auspices
which should be broken up. Besides, the best interest of the
Academy and the service require triennial changes.

Governor Swann, sent here by Porter, went first to the
President on this subject and was referred to me. He was
very persistent and has a good deal of address and man-
agement. Made the application a personal favor to him-
self, as well as to Porter, and of great moment to the
Academy. But I must do my duty.

Montgomery Blair, who now devotes his time to elec-
tioneering almost exclusively, and who has honesty and
good sense, assures me that the Democrats will carry In-
diana and Ohio at the October election, and he is also very
confident of Pennsylvania. I hope he may not be mistaken,
yet I candidly confess I have no confidence of such a result
in either State. That should be the case, but the people
yield passively to party discipline and to a surprising
extent seem indifferent to the welfare of the government,
and, stranger still, they submit with almost abject subserv-
iency to onerous taxation. What but the madness and
blxmders of party could have produced such a result as the
late election in Maine? May we not expect like obtuseness
in the Middle States? There is no love for Grant; there is
positive dislike of Seymour.

1866] CONGRESS MEETS AND ADJOURNS Ul

There was a session of C!ongress pursuant to the sum-
mons of the chairmen of two Radical Party Committees,
who stated in their call that nothing must be done, and
that, therefore, the Members must convene and do it.
I have seen but brief report, but the programme seems
to have been carried out. What a burlesque on govern-
ment ! The two or three Democratic Representatives who
were present appear to have been bewildered or stupefied,
and before recovering themselves a motion to adjourn was
made and carried without a test vote or roll call to show
that a quorum was or was not present.

September 22, Tueeday. Judge Mason of Annapolis, one
of the most sensible and best minds in Maryland, called on
me and stated some facts in relation to the intrigues of Vice-
Admiral Porter and his partisan conduct. Among other
things he mentioned that when General Grant went to
Annapolis, a few days after he was nominated at Chicago,
Porter fired salutes and made great demonstrations. For
two days there was polishing and great exultation. Until
about the time of the impeachment movement, Porter had
been an open friend, and frank but not partisan supporter
of the Administration. But when impeachment was de-
cided upon, Porter became suddenly an intense partisan,
scandalizing and abusing the President. About that time
impeachment was considered certain, and the arrangement,
as imderstood, was that Wade, if President, should make
Porter Secretary of the Navy. Then, if Grant was elected,
Porter was to be continued. Before Grant was nominated,
he had never been received with salutes at Annapolis,
though he frequently visited the Academy.

All but Browning were present at the Cabinet-meeting.
The Attorney-General mentioned the difiSculties in rela-
tion to the appointment of District Attorney for the east-
em district of Pennsylva^. Judge Cadwalader refuses to
swear in or recognize O'NeilL Mr. Evarts says no other
man can officiate.

442 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [8eft. a

McCulloch says he has been called upon by the Retrench-
ment Committee in relation to the appointment of super-
visors. Told them Rollins named none but intense Radical
partisans, while he wanted business men of integrity.

I inquired if he asked by what authority Congress passed
a law giving the appointments vhiiually to one of his sub-
ordinates, — whether it was competent for Congress to
say that the Assistant Secretary of State should nominate
to the President for appointment ministers and consuls.
He said he did not question them on those points, they are
so reckless of the Constitution and its restraints and re-
quirements. Evarts said that was one of the points in this
question, whenever it comes up. I wish McCulloch had
a little more nerve and pui^ in those matters.

September 23, Wednesday. General John A. Dix, Min-
ister to France, has written a rancorous and disreputable
letter against Seymour and favoring the Radicals. While
I might not dififer with him essentially as to the qualities of
Seymour, I cannot commend the sense or principles of Dix,
as disclosed by this ebullition of spleen and disappoint-
ment. There were some who spoke of Dix as a candidate
for President. He evidently thought more of it than others
did, and yet not to secure a vote, or be named even, in the
Convention had given him great vexation. This letter is
represented as private, but no one is so simple as to beUeve
the statement. Every line is intended for pubUcation.
But the letter destroys confidence in the sincerity of
General Dix's political professions. • As a Democratic
State-Rights man he could not, if honest, wish success to
the Radical Party, which wholly and entirely discards
every principle of the Democracy and strikes down the
rights of States, yet he commits himself unequivocally to
the Radical candidate.

I long since distrusted General Dix's disinterestedness
and sincerity. He has* been an inveterate place-seeker.
Silas Wright had regard for him, but he knew not Dix, who

1868] DlX^a . ANTJ-SEYMOtJR LETTER m

was obsequious and deferential to Wright. There were cir«
cumstances which occurred while Dix was in the Senate
which caused me to hesitate and question his reliability.
But he, like myself, was then a thorough party man and
had the indorsement of Wright. The people would not
elect Dix. He strove hard to be Governor of New York.
He tried under Pierce to go to France^ and if his own state-
ments are to be relied on, — ^ and I believe they are, — was
cheated and deceived.

Dxuing the Rebellion he was a major-general, without
ever entering the field, and while ^t Fortress Monroe, he
cuddled and favored intercourse with the Rebels, not, I
think, for his own personal pecuniary benefit, but under
the influence of Ludlow, his aide, and an unscrupulous in^
timate. I do not think Dix pecimiarily dishonest, though
he has appeared to me to be somewhat avaricious. But he
fears and conforms to the opinions of men in power. His
estimate of Seymour's character is pretty correct, but he
was not called upon by any consideration for the display of
petty spite and maUgnity which shows out in this letter,
and which was intended to assist that party or combina-
tion of men who have been his political opponents and are
now pursuing a i)olicy inconsistent with all those cherished
principles which he and I have supported in the past. I
have always considered him intensely selfish.

In reading this imcalled-f or and discreditable letter, —7
discreditable from the position and former course of the
writer, — I am painfully impressed with the fact of the in-
judicious and unwise nomination of Seymour.

September 24, Thursday. The papers yesterday and to-
day are filled with reports of a discussion and altercation
in the Cabinet on the occasion of Seward's avowing his
intention to support Grant and Colfax. McCuUoch and
myself are represented as declaring ourselves for Seymour,
etc., etc. There is no word of truth in the statement from
beginning to end. The names of neither Grant nor Seymour

444 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sept. 24

were mentioned, nor was there any allusion to parties.
I have little doubt that Seward originated the report. It is
one of those little manoeuvres which I dislike.

September 25, Friday. Robert T. Lincoln, son of the late
President, was married last evening to Mary Harlan^
daughter of Senator Harlan of Iowa. There were but few
present. Bishop Simpson of the Methodist Church offici*
ated. Young Lincoln has made my house his home when
in Washington during the days of courtship. He and Ed-
gar are intimate. Regard for his father made him alwajrs
a welcome guest, and I also highly esteem and respect
Robert himself and have done so from our first acquaint-
ance in 1861, when he was here with his father at the
inauguration. His deportment and character, then and
always, impressed me favorably.

The Pacific Railroad was the chief topic to-day in the
Cabinet, and changes in the direction, and a board of
engineers as conamissioners, were ordered. A few men,
Members of Congress and others, are sadly plundering
the country, I apprehend.

I do not admire the policy which Seward is pursuing in
regard to our foreign relations, but it is useless to attempt
to change it, or obtrude my opinions. He is allowed to run
his course, but certainly he has strange notions, and, it
appears, little idea of the e£fect of his proceedings.

LXIII

Dablgren's Management of the Ordnance Bureau — The Political Outlook
— Getting the Election Returns — Plropoeal to withdraw Seymour and
substitute another Democratic Candidate for the Presidency — Tlie
Democratic Mistake and how it came about — Tlie Governor of Ar*
kansas asks for Arms — Troops to be sent to Memphis — Sewacd's
Table of Treaties — Dinner of the New York Bar to Attom^-General
Evarts — Grant's Spite against Members of the Cabinet — Minister
Washburn in Paraguay — Minister Reverdy Jc^mson submits a Protoool
on the Alabama Claims — Disouasbn of the Subject.

October 3, Saturday. The country is absorbed with poli*
tics and parties. More of the latter than the former.
Speakers are overrunning the country with their hateful
harangues and excitable trash. I read but few of the
speeches. Those of the Radicals are manufactured, so far
as I have seen them, of the same material. Hatred of the
Rebels, revenge, the evils of reconciliation, the dangers to
be apprehended if the whites of the South are not kept
under, the certainty that they will, if permitted to enjoy
their legitimate constitutional rights, control the govern-
ment,— the Radicals will be deprived of power, — this is
the stuff of which every Radical oration is made, interlarded
sometimes with anecdotes. No allusion to the really great
questions before the coimtry, — the rights of man, the
rights of the States, the grants and limitations of the Con-
stitution.

Had the Democrats made a judicious nomination they
would have enlisted the good sense and patriotism of the
people and had an easy victory. As it is, they have ^ven
the Radicals every advantage and, of course, are likely to
suffer a terrible defeat. At all events, things appear so to
me. Yet cool and sagacious men, who are abroad among
the people and have better opportunities than I can have,
express the fullest confidence in a Democratic triumph.

446 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [OCT. 8

Such ought to be the result. I hope they are right and my
apprehensions groundless.

Since Seymour was nominated, the Radicals have suc-
ceeded in getting up some feeling for Grant. There was
none bef ore^ for he is not a man to evoke enthusiasm or win
respect. The Democrats have yet much to learn. Advers-
ity has not softened, chastened, and corrected their arro-
gance and thirst for power, and they have endangered and
probably sacrificed a good cause by not being more gener-
ous and forbearing. They have not learned to humble
themselves in order to be exalted. Why they should, so
many of them, have been willing to accept Chase, as to
almost lose control, can be accounted for only in one way.
The money interest was for him in New York, and prin-
ciples gave way in that quarter to wealth. The Tammany
leaders proposed to have no candidate in that State, —
no choice, — and were taken at their word.

Blair tells me that Samuel Tilden wanted to be the can-
didate of the Democrats for President. It is hardly credi-
ble, and yet in that way, better than any other, can his con-
duct and that of the New York Democratic politicians be
accounted for. He and they had professedly no candidate,
— could name none, — were, while holding the reins, as
meek in their professions as Uriah Heep, waiting for
others to move, and similar silly pretensions were made
when the country was in agony.

Evarts is absent, attending courts in New York, while
great legal questions are pending and the opinion of the
Attorney-General is required. We must wait his return
and be held accountable for the delay.

Charles L. Woodbury, Peter Harvey, and others of
Boston and its vicinity send me a long list of names of per-
sons whom they wish to have appointed to places in the
Boston Navy Yard. No disposition is made of the in-
cumbents who are faithfully discharging their duties, — at
least no complaint is made and these gentlemen prefer
no charges against the men they, or I, would dismiss. They

1868] DAHLGRBN AND THE OBDNANCE 447

would have me incur the odium and they have no response
ibility. If appointed, the men would thank them, not
me; the men removed would blame me, not them. Both
will be against me if I do my duty, which I will endeavo(c
to discharge faithfully.

Kilpatrick is making a fool of himself, running all over
the country making partisan speeches, to the great annoy-^
ance of Seward, who guaranteed he should take no part in
the political contests. Yesterday he read a letter from K.
that was as supercilious as egotistical, flippantly snapping
his finger at the Secretary of State and defying him. I*
thought Seward desired that some of us should press a
revocation of his leave of absence, but I was not disposed
to gratify him after I had cautioned him of K.'s proper
orders before leave was given.

Dahlgren is trying to manage the Ordnance Bureau
without responsibility^ In his selfish nature he would
evade all responsibility whatever. He wants, however,
undue credit. In everything he does he has Dahlgren and
Dahlgren's interest in view. He is not a favorite with the
officers of the Navy, who think, and not without rcfason,,
that he has been favored. He covets more favor, howevw^
and that accounts for his anxiety to please all and to offend
none. The public money flows freely where he is, — not
tliat he would appropriate it to himself; he is too proud to
be dishonest in that way, though he loves money exceed-
ingly. But after great kindness to him in many ways, he
would not hesitate to skulk from responsibility which
honestly belongs to him and throw it upon me.

Horatio Ames has a large claim for guns which have beeix
rejected, and has besieged the Department for years in
regard to them, — first belying and misrepresenting it,
hounding Members of Congress and others for two years to
get a contract, and at length getting an order from Mr.
Lincoln; second, the guns not passing inspection, he has for
three years been importuning for pay. Five years han^
been given to the lobby, -r t^vro to get; aQ order, thre9 >to g^t

448 DIART OF GIDEON WELLES [ocr.s

pay. I have no doubt he has expended a large amount of
money in making the guns, and he doubtless thought he was
doing good servioe to the country and himself. Under
these circumstances, he has an equitable claim, perhaps,
on the Government. But Congress is the branch of gov«
emment which can grant relief. I have so told him for two
years, and he finally went to that body. In the mean
time a change has taken place in the Ordnance Bureau.
Dahlgren has been placed at the head, and Ames appeals
to him to reopen the case. Oakes Ames, his brother, is very
rich and a Member of Congress, with a large circle of in-
fluential Members in his interest. Dahlgren brings all of
Ames' papers to me. I have stated to him, and he knows,
that the case has been passed upon, — decided, — and
unless he is satisfied or thinks his predecessor's decision is
wrong, or that there is testimony not previously submitted,
it should not be reopened. But he equivocates, and I at
length indorsed on one of the documents, returning it, that
the Department had disposed of it imless he reconmiended
opening it or there was new evidence. He takes advantage
of this and ''recommends" a board to examine all the
papers, etc., etc. I replied that I could not in that way
relieve him of his legitimate duties, etc., etc.

October 10, Saturday. Dahlgren sends me another letter,
changing his position, — wants six guns examined and
tested, etc., etc. Was compelled to write him a pretty
pointed letter. I am not disposed to be used, or made an
instnmient, to relieve him of responsibility or to gratify
his resentments. He is hostile to Wise, whom he succeeds
in the Bureau, — not without reason, perhaps, for Wise
has secretly reJ9ected on Dahlgren's services. There is no
love lost between them. But I am not to be made a parti-
san of either.

It has been clearly Dahlgren's wish to have a board
criticize and review Wise's acts in order to detect some
error or mistake. This would humble Wise without Dal^

1868] LOSS OF WATEBEE AND FBEDONIA 449

gren's implicating himself, thou^ it would be his work.
But while I have no exalted opinion of Wise, I shall not
intentionally be an instrument in the hands of any man
to treat him unfairly.

Mr. Solicitor Bolles has been making p^ decisions
in regard to punishments under court-martial law; says
they may sentence to death for any offense. Sent the case
to the Attorney-General, who gives an opinion sustaining
the Solicitor; but Evarts evidently did not prepare the
opinion nor examine the case. He cites the opinion of At-
torney-Generals Black and Bates to sustain him, both of
whom gave opinions before the law of 1862 was enacted.

Secretary Browning attended Cabinet-meeting last
Tuesday for the first time in several weeks. The Pacific
Railroad matters were brought forward by him on Tues-
day and yesterday. It is, I apprehend, a giant swindle.

There is much gossip in relation to a projected marriage
between Secretary Seward and a Miss Risley. He is in his
sixty-eighth year and she in her twenty-eighth. I give
the rmnor no credit. Yet his conduct is calculated to make
gossip. For the last six weeks he has passed my house daily
to visit her, is taking her out to ride, etc., etc. Says he is
an old friend of the family.^

Had last Friday a frost, and for two or three days quite
cool weather. Mrs. Welles and Edgar left on Thursday for
a week's visit to Irvington.

Received results of court of inquiry relative to the loss
of Wateree and Fredonia by the great earthquake at
Arica. The conduct of the two commanders, Gillis* in leav-
ing, and Doty ^ in remaining absent from, his ship, is re-
prehensible. No motives of courtesy or of humanity
should have caused either to neglect the men and vessel
intrusted to him. It was neither hmnane nor right to be
absent at such a time from the post of duty.

^ Mr. Seward afterwards adopted Miss Olive Risley as his daughter, and
she and her sister accompanied him on his journey round the world in 1S70
and 1871.

> Ck)mmander James H. Gillis. < T. W. Doty.

450 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [ocT.io

A letter from General Schofield to General Grant, con-
gratulating him on his nomination and hoping for his elec-
tion, is published. It was written last May and confirms
my impression that Grant was consulted by Fessenden
and Grimes and participated in making S. a Cabinet
officer. Schofield, like Grant, is shrewd and in the civil
service acts with a view to his own interest in all he does.
This is the fact as regards both. They each have astute-
ness, a certain kind of ability. Schofield is much the best-
informed of the two, but Grant has more obstinacy and
self-will. It was natural enough for Schofield to ally him-
self to his superior in conunand. Most of the army officers
would be apt to do it. There is not, however, much en-
thusiasm for Grant. He has not many warm personal
friends. Sherman is quite devoted to him, — sincerely,
I think, — others because he is the lucky man, in place,
and the Democratic nomination renders Grant's election
almost certain.

Both parties continue to speak with confidence of suc-
cess, and have generally persuaded themselves into the
belief that their opponents will be defeated. As for the
candidates on the ticket, I have little love or regard for
either. Blair is the most of a man on either ticket. . . •
Seymour, though temperate, is insincere and weakly and
selfishly ambitious; was opposed to the Government and
sentiment of the country, was at heart with the Rebels.
His nomination has given the Rebels a grand opportunity
to ring and prolong the War changes, and will be likely to
insure Democratic defeat, when victory was, by a fair,
discreet, and judicious coiu^, within their reach. It was
not a time to nominate a Copperhead. Concession should
have been made. Colfax is a small man of narrow views
and limited capacity, superficial and Ught.

The election next Tuesday will probably be decisive of
the Presidential election, provided all the States go for
either party. If the Radicals succeed in this they will be
apt to carry their point in November. I am inclined to

1S68] THE POLinGAL OUTLOOK 451

think they will take all three, althou^ the Democrats
ei^ress strong faith in a triumph in all ; but they are over-
sanguine and too graspmg. They might with Hancock
have succeeded. I will not discourage any with my un-
belief; but, really, I may to myself confess I have had no
heart in this campaign since the nominations were made.
This Saturday night, alone by myself, I make this jotting,
not to prophesy, but to write down frankly my opinions.
The elections will, I think, be adverse to the Democrats
next Tuesday, and also in November. If so, a sad fate, I
fear, awaits our country. Sectional hate will be established.

October 12, Monday. Admiral Dahlgren called this
morning. Says he thought I desired him to take up and
take action in Ames case. I asked him how he could sup-
pose so when I had expressly told him I should not again
take up the case if there were no new facts, or unless he
should recommend it in consequence of some mistake,
and even then I should take time to consider it. The truth
is he wanted to rap Wise with other men's knuckles.

There is great excitement in Philadelphia in regard to
the election and a threatened conflict of authority be-
tween the sheriff and mayor. The judges have been
behaving scandalously. I shall not be surprised if there
is riot and bloodshed.

Each party continues to express undoubted confidence,
and as nothing can be gained by round assertion to-day
which the result to-morrow will contradict, the sincerity
of their opinion is not to be doubted. But while the Demo-
crats have the best cause, they have sacrificed an oppor-
timity, — mismanaged, — and they have not, I fear,
just now, in consequence of mismanagement and too
grasping a course, the largest numbers. The Democratic
leaders have very skillfully knocked out their own brains,
or my impressions are wrong.

October 13, Tuesday. Attorney-General Evarts was not

452 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES tocr. la

at the Cabinet. He has too much private professional
business to do justice to his office. I wished much to see
him on some matters.

John P. Hale, Seward's Minister to Spain, has acknow-
ledged the new government. I asked if Hale was author-
ized to do this; Seward said he was. The Cabinet was not
advised or consulted. We had some talk about Hale, when
I expressed my opinion of him freely, — his unfitness for
the place, and that he had little moral principle. Seward
assented; said Hale had threatened him.

Edwards Pierrepont, one of Stanton's jockey lawyers,
writes A. T. Stewart, inclosing, or tendering, $20,000 to
assist in the election of General Grant, and Stewart duly
acknowledges it. Such a donation is, of course, not dis-
interested or for an honest purpose. Pierrepont has been
paid enormous fees by Stanton and Seward. He is a cun-
ning and adroit lawyer, but not a true and trusty man«
The Democrats of New York let themselves dovm when
they made him one of the Sachems of Tammany. They
are getting justly paid.

Pollard ^ applies for permission to have access to the
Rebel archives in writing the life of Jeff Davis, whom he
does not like. Schofield was disposed to deny him, and
Seward also. I advised that he might, in company with a
clerk, take or have taken copies under the supervision and
with consent of the Secretary of War. Schofield said he
was a prejudiced enemy of Jeff Davis and of the Union
cause. I did not deny that, but was willing the Rebels
should tdl their own story. Thou^t Doctor lieber an
enthusiast and as much prejudiced as Pollard.

Went this evening to tl^ White House to get eariy
election returns, as usual, on the eve of the election in
the three great central States.* Found McCulloch thoe.
Only a sin^e dispatch, and that of not much account, from

1 Edward A. PoQazd, author 6L Ufe of Jeffenon Doris, with the Seent
History of the Sotdhem Confederacy, wad otha books on the War.
t PeDDByhrania, Ohio, and Indiana.

1868] GETTING THE ELECTION RETURNS 453

Philadelphia, had been received. McCuUoch was quite
confident and hopeful. The President cheerful, but gave
no opinion. He had asked me after Cabinet-meeting how
things were going. I told him I would come over this
evening and see.

Remained about an hour, but no dispatches came. Un-
like former years. The coming men are the recipients of
the news, — Seymour and Grant. I did not say this, but
thought it, with something of sadness that human nature
should show such qualities. About half-past nine Randall
came in with a budget of confused returns, and some very
good rumors. After a little time the President's Private
Secretary came with returns less favorable but quite as
much confused. McCulloch's whole look and tone changed
and he soon left.

October 14, Wednesday. The election news is far from
full and far from cheering. In Philadelphia the Demo-
crats have been successful, and generally, in all the States,
should judge they had given a larger vote than ever be-
fore. The probabilities are that Hendricks ^ has succeeded
in Indiana, though it is not yet certain. General Dium '
tells me the counting of the votes is a slow process and
cannot be completed in many places until this evening.
It is admitted the Democrats have made gains of Re-
presentatives to Congress in all three States. It could
hardly be otherwise, for the Radicals have ahnost all in
the present Congress.

The President says this p.m. that he had no definite
news, — nothing more than is in the papers. No one sends
to him. Heretofore he has always had friendly telegrams
giving results. He says Randall called just before I did and
was feeling very blue, and when he left said he would tele-

^ Thomas A. Hendricks, the Democratio candidate for Governor of
Indiana. He was defeated by the Republican Governor, Conrad Baker, by
a very small majority.

* General William McEee Dunn of Indiuia, afterwards Judge-Advocate-
General.

454 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [ocr. 14

graph Tilden to get Seymour out of the way. It was pretty
evident, the President said^ that the present ticket could
have little hope.

Although guarded in his remarks, I could perceive the
President was not greatly displeased with the tiuii things
were taking, and I think begins to have hopes that at-
tention may yet be turned to himself. But his intimacy
with and support of Seward forecloses, if nothing else
would, any such movement. On that rock he split. It was
Seward who contributed to the retention of Stanton; it
was Seward who coimseled him to submit and yield to
Radical usiupation; and it was Seward who broke down
his Administration ; it was Seward who drove from him the
people. The President is bold and firm when he has come
to a decision, but is not always prompt in reaching it. The
people would have stood by him against the usurping
Congress, had he squarely met them at first and asserted
the rights of the Executive and the Constitution.

October 15, Thursday. Colonel Johnson, formerly one of
the editors or writers of the Union, called and had a long
conversation. He was the friend and editor of Buchanan.
Tells me some incidents in relation to the Kansas matters.
He is now pretty intimate with President Johnson, as are
now many of that class. In the main [Colonel ] Johnson's
influence is not bad on abstract poUtical questions, for
he has studied the Constitution and understands the situ-
ation of the government; is sounder and abler on these
subjects than some men of higher reputation and distinction,
but has been too long a lobbyist to have rigid ideas in pe-
cimiary transactions. His object was, I think, to sound me
on the subject of withdrawing Sejrmour and Blair and sub-
stituting other names. I gave him no light, — no encour-
agement or discouragement. In fact, as things are, I can
say little about it. Seymour is doomed to defeat, and at
this late day a rally for another can hardly be made, if
attempted.

1868] THE DEMOCRATIC MISTAKE 455

I did not conceal from [Colonel] Johnson my views, —
my regret that Seymour was a candidate, that I had never
yet seen a man who approved it, that he had been a weight
and drag on a good cause. The country required at this
time a different candidate to conciliate and reunite differ-
ences. He spoke of the popularity of the President and
of the zeal which some felt for Chase, especially the bank-
ing interest. I avoided saying much as regarded the former,
but, whatever might be the banking views, expressed sur-
prise that Democrats should urge Chase. Why not take
Sumner or Wade, whose position on living political ques-
tions — Reconstruction, negro suffrage, etc. — was much
the same as his. There has been a good deal of talk throu^
the day of throwing aside the ticket and taking Chase.
The New York World and the Intelligencer favor it. Wall
Street prompts the former, and the President does not
dissuade the latter. But this talk is idle. It may not be
difficult, since the late elections, to persuade Seymour to
withdraw, but the substitution of Chase will not now make
the ticket stronger. The talk about the President means
nothing. There is no intention to make him the candidate,
though there is a strong feeling in his favor among the
masses who do not control organization. His name is used
by a set as a bank-note for Chase and nothing else. I am
sorry he listens to it.

October 16, Friday. It is pretty generally conceded that
the Radicals have a majority — not large — in the three
great central States. This may be considered decisive of
the Presidential contest in November. We have not gained
so many Members of Congress as I expected, and on the
whole I am prepared for a signal Democratic defeat. I
have had little hope that the Radicals would be defeated
since Seymour was nominated, and am therefore not so
much disappointed as others.

The Democratic managers have thought more of party
than of country and are reaping their reward. In June

456 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct.16

there was every probability that the Radicals would be
defeated. The country was against them, and there was
no feeling or enthusiasm for Grant, who, whatever may be
his military talents, has no civil capacity on political ques-
tions. There should have been great care to avoid making
a War issue, unless a War candidate like Hancock was se-
lected, for therein is Grant's strength. Without a military
opponent Grant is formidable. The only hope of the Radi-
cals was in an appeal to the prejudices on bygone questions
of war, and the hatred which still lingers and is stimulated
by them. With unaccountable stupidity, the Democrats
took precisely the course which the Radicals wished them
to. They stifled the military and patriotic sentiment for
Hancock, and brought forward a Peace Democrat, a man
whom the soldiers throughout the land disliked, whose
sympathies were notoriously with the Secessionists, and
who said and did some foolish things which the Radicals
would, of course, seize, exaggerate, and amplify.

Pendleton, an equally pronounced Peace Democrat, was
an early and persistent candidate for the office and thought
to avoid the great absorbing and real issue — that of pre-
serving the Constitution and the integrity of the Union
— by bringing forward a weak and supco^ficial financial
scheme which captivated speculators and ignorant per-
sons and men of a low moral standard. He did not maintain
the true Democratic doctrine on the currency and money
issue, but based his movements on two currencies, — one
of paper and one of specie. True Democrats are hard-
money men, and can favor no paper which is not convert-
ible into money — coin — at the will of the holder. Paper
is not money, but a promise to pay money. A broken pro-
mise by the Government is a breach of faith and disturber
of confidence.

Seymour, possessed of no nerve, of no courage, a parti-
san politician of culture and talent, occupying a prominent
position in New York, a whilom candidate of his party,
seemed to hesitate, shrank from the contest, played fast

ig68] THE DEMOCRATIC MISTAKE 457

and loose, but finallyi under the influence of Wall Streeti
assented to and apparently became an advocate for the
nomination of Chase, the antagonist of the Democratic
party and Democratic principles on the great issues of
Reconstruction and strict construction now before the
country. Chase was, and still is, the champion of negro
equality and favors the Radical laws of Reconstruction,
He was, with his committee, the author of the legal-tender
system and the father of national treasury banks. In no
sense could he honestly be the candidate of the Demo-
crats. Yet Seymour professedly, as did Belmont and com-
pany, earnestly favored his nomination.

Pendleton, however, opposed him and opposed Hendricks
because, were they elected, it might interfere with his
aspirations in the future. No conservative War Democrat
would they permit to be the candidate, and when it be-
came obvious to the Pendleton delegates in the New York
Convention, and to the wild and turbulent crowd of out*
siders who had been sent on from Cincinnati to control the
convention, that Pendleton could not be nominated, they
selected and nominated Seymour for the clearly manifest
purpose of excluding any conservative Democrat, like
Ha^^cock, Doolittle, or even Hendricks.

It never entered the minds of these men that it was im-
portant to have a candidate who would draw and not repel
recruits. They believed the Radical measures were so
atrocious that they could elect whoever was nominatedi
and therefore, having the organization, passed by all War
Democrats and nominated a Secession sympathizer. Thou-
sands and tens of thousands who would have gone in for
a fair, Union, conservative War Democrat would not, and
will not, identify themselves with Seymour, whose coiurse
during the War for the Union was as offensive as that of the
Radicals now.

A great opportunity has been thrown away, to the ir|:e-
parable injury of the coimtry. It does not seem possible
that Seymour can be elected. The movement for Chase

458 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [ocr.W

appears to be earnest; but the first step for his supporters
is to get Seymour to decline. There are rumors that he
has put his resignation in the hands of the National Demo-
cratic Committee. If this be so, which I doubt, the Pre-
sident and his friends will be promptly thrust aside and
Chase pressed with energy. I am not in the secret of
these operations, but hear much of them. If Seymour has
resigned or should resign, Hancock or Doolittle should be
substituted. Were either of these men at once earnestly
and most decisively pressed, possibly something might be
accomplished, but a change of front at this late day would
be a pretty certain precursor of defeat. I have little faith
in anjrthing good being effected.

It would gratify me to see the national nominating con-
vention system overthrown, as it would be were a candidate
spontaneously taken up and elected.

I asked Randall, who was uneasy during the whole
Cabinet session, what was being done. He said nothing
decisive; that the Blairs would rather have Frank on the
ticket and be defeated than have any other man elected.
This is Seward all over, and I noticed that Seward seemed
in excellent spirits.

He does not like Seymour or any Democrat, unless s»me
one like Randall, an active, superficial, and super-service-
able schemer whom he can use. As Schofield had to
remain after Cabinet session, Randall went round and
said to the President he would come up this evening.
I think Randall would, if he had the opportunity, go for
the President. I asked who would be named, if Seymour
declined. He said Chase, or the President. I asked him
what was to be gained by electing Chase, or making him
the standard-bearer. It staggered him. ''Nothing," said
he, "but I want to beat Grant." So do I.

October 17, Saturday. Under the circumstances the
Democrats and conservatives have done well in the late
elections. They have been cheated and wronged to some

1868] THE ALABAMA CLAIMS 459

extent, I have no doubt. I am disappointed that the Dem-
ocrats did not elect more Representatives. Had Hancock
been on the ticket instead of Seymour, we should have
carried Pennsylvania and Indiana and, I think, Ohio.
As it is, I am satisfied the popular majority for the Radicals
is not great in either State.

I think Seymour will not decline. The scheme did not
take so easily as the Chase men anticipated, and the whole
aflfair will blow over.

October 19, Monday. The Democratic committees and
Seymour hold out against any change of ticket. There
is some attempt to denounce Belmont, but it is feeble.
There are conflicting rumors as regards Chase. I have no
doubt he would willingly have lent his name, but since the
scheme has failed he quite likely disapproves the attempt.
The President, I am constrained to believe, has not been
entirely indifferent in this matter. Second-rate men have
been willing to please him by flattering assurances that the
people wanted him and demanded the change in the ticket.
He listened with pleasure to their assurances, if he did not
encourage them.

October 20, Tuesday. Seward, Randall, and Evarts were
absent from the Cabinet session. I know not if there is
any political significance in this. Hunter says Seward
has gone up the Hudson to see about some real estate of his
son's. The papers say he is to meet Peter Cooper and
others about the canal across the Isthmus. Randall pro-
fesses to be engaged on some arrangement for the over-
land mail. Evarts has some important law-suits in New
York. They are all of the same kidney.

Hunter submitted a telegram in cipher from Reverdy
Johnson,^ asking if the Alabama claims should be submit-
ted to the arbitrament of the King of Prussia. McCulloch

^ Appointed by President Johnson to succeed Charles Francis Adams as
Minister to England. . ' '

460 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [ocr, 20

would not trust him because of his family relations with
the ,Queen. I asked what was meant by the Alabama
claims, — whether it embraced all similar claims and the
other incidental questions. The President thought we
should have the whole proposition in all its parts before
us before deciding.

Pacific Railroad again occupied much attention. Con-
gressional fraud and corruption are, I am satisfied, in this
immense swmdle.

There were extensive frauds in the late election, — per-
haps on both sides. The Radicals are steeped in them,
and, not yet content, there are villainous plans to cheat
Representatives clearly and fairly elected by the Democrats
out of their seats. Dawes and company will be ready to
help the fraud, as they have lent themselves to great
rascalities in the present Congress. They are destroying
public confidence in popular government.

October 23, Friday. At the Cabinet-meeting General
Schofield read a letter from the Governor of Arkansas,
expressing great apprehension of trouble from the people^
who are armed, and requesting that he might have United
States arms that are in the arsenal to put in the hands of
the militia. The militia are imderstood to be Radical par-
tisans. General Schofield was very earnest in this matter;
said the opponents to the Governor were Rebels who re-
tained their arms when Kirby Smith surrendered; that
they are organized, and unless something was done, the
loyal men would be overpowered and killed by the Ku-
Klux. After hearing him for some time and a few com-
monplace expressions of concern from others, I asked if the
Governor of Arkansas was afraid of the people of Arkansas,
— if General S. advised the arming of the Governor's
partisans against their opponents, the people of that State.
In other words, is popular government a failure in Arkansas ?
General S. said that he and the military gentlemen gener-
ally had believed there was but one way to establish the

1868] TROOPS TO BE SENT TO MEMPHIS 461

Reconstruction of the States South, and that was by mar-
tial law. I asked how long martial law should be contin-
ued. He said imtil those governments were able to siistain
tiiemselves. "Do you mean by that/' I inquired, "until
the black and the ignorant element controls the intelligent
white population? " The Greneral said he was not a pohti-
cian nor intending to discuss the subject politically; he was
speaking practically, how these governments were to be
maintained. "And you come to the conclusion that force
is requisite/' said I. "There is/' said he, "no other way
to keep down the Rebels."

"Then/' said McCulloch, "if I understand you. Gen-
eral S., the Reconstruction laws are a failure. The people
in those States are incapable of self-government."

Browning said it was plain there must be a standing
army to carry out the Radical policy, and it would have
to be kept up through all time. All agreed that it was not
best to let the Governor have the arms for his party.

Seward proposed sending United States troops to Ar-
kansas. This Schofield thought would perhaps answer if we
had the troops, but we had not got them. He urged that
General Smith, conmianding, might be authorized to issue
arms if he thought it necessary.

After a long and earnest but not satisfactory discus-
sion, the compromise of Seward was adopted by Schofield,
who proposed to order the Twelfth Regiment, stationed
here in Washington, to proceed to Memphis, and by the
time they reached that point, it could be determined what
disposition should be made of them.

I objected to any giving-out of arms, or moving military
troops on the eve of an excited election. Claimed that
from the showing there was no msurrection, nothing but the
unreasonable apprehensions of a party leader who feared
the people he professed to govern. He, with one of the
bogus Senators, had undertaken a speculation in arms
which had been destroyed, and he was in consequence very
angry. We ought to keep clear of this party contest.

462 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [oct.28

I could perceive that Schofield was dissatisfied with my
views, that Seward plumed himself on having suggested
a course that was to be adopted. The President did not
concur with Schofield nor fully with Seward, who, however,
had his way.

Our whole governmental system is being overturned by
the military and the Radicals. One after another of the
scalawag and carpet-bag governors is calling for arms and
troops to help him in the elections, and this Administra-
tion yields against its honest convictions on the sugges-
tions of a trimmer. Of course the people of Arkansas are
to be borne down imder the impression that the Federal
Government is against them. God knows when all this is
to end!

The President asked Browning, Randall, and myself to
stay after the Cabinet adjourned, and submitted a paper,
carefully and elaborately prepared, on government ex-
penditures. It was a faithful exposition and, sent out at
the proper time, would have a good influence. I could
perceive that the President flattered himself it would be
effective and perhaps redound to his credit, perhaps bring
him forward as a candidate. He still has dreams, idle
dreams, that he may be elected. The people may be
with him, but party discipline and party management and
intrigue are all-powerful.

October 27, Tuesday. Horatio Seymour has gone West,
making speeches. He talks very well, but his speeches are
likely to be unavailing. Nev^heless the spirit of the
people who are opposed to Radicalism seems unbroken.
Defeat in the great States has not disheartened or wholly
discouraged them. A few men, anxious for office, have
fallen away, but not one honest man has wavered, so far
as I have heard, yet many will not vote for S.

General Schofield read a telegram from Colonel Camp-
bell of his staff, who had been to Arkansas, stating that
it was not expedient to listen to or be governed by the

im] SEWARD'S TABLE OF TREATIES 468

representations of the Governor. The tone of Schofieldis
much moderated.

There is disturbance in Louisiana, and the reconstructed
Governor finds himself incompetent to discharge the duties
of the execu;tive. Radicalism is there an uneducated, im-
regulated, and disorganized faction. The negroes are
wholly incapable of discharging police duties, and the
Governor calls on General Rousseau to help him.

Seward exhibits a table of the number of treaties which
have been negotiated, under each administration, and
promises the President that he shall have brought forward
more than any of his predecessors. I do not think so
highly of the doings in this respect as others. There is
more or less complication and entcoiglement in these treats
ies. Few and simple regulations are best ; but Seward, not
the most inteUigent and discreet diplomatist, will continue
by help of Weed and his colleagues to make a good flourish
and be extolled for his marvelous labors.

October 30, Friday. Seward and Evarts are again absent.
Likely both have gone home to vote. That is said and pub-*
lished. Evarts would be glad of such an excuse to be ab«
sent and attend to his immense private business. He has
been at but one Cabinet-meeting for five weeks; important
opinions are consequently postponed and action delayed.

November 17, Tuesday. Exhausted and fatigued with
office labor during the day and with preparing my Annual
Report and receiving company evenings, I have been im-
able to make note in this book for some time.

But events of interest have transpired, and I regret that
I did not from day to day make at least a brief memoran-
dmn. There was excitement over the election, but acqui-
escence in the declared result. In New York and Phila-
delphia there was a great outcry of fraud by the Radicals,
who as a party, now as in other days and imder other
names, were given to frauds. They denoimce the vote ol

464 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [nov. 17

intelligent whites of foreign birth, while they illegally and
by fraud polled hundreds of thousands of ignorant negro
votes.

The defeat of Seymour did not surprise me. There has
been mismanagement and weakness on the part of the
Democratic leaders, if nothing worse. The Democratic
capitalists in New York were, under New York manage
ment, committed for Chase, but with no sincerity on the
part of the leaders, and when he was thrown out, the cap-
italists were indififerent or willing Grant should be elected.
Pendleton and his friends have acted like disappointed
partisans, very stupidly for themselves, very badly for
the country, and as if they were afraid something might
happen to hereafter defeat him.

In nominating Seymour the War issue was unavoidably
raised and the Democrats have been busy in trying to
make people believe Seymour to have been a good War
man. They did not convince the voters nor believe their
own assertions. Of course, amid shuffling issues and in-
sincerity, all has been uphill work. There was no zeal for
Grant until Seymour was nominated, — then men would
have been busy had Hancock been his opponent. The Dem-
ocrats have not only thrown away a great opportunity and
injured their party, but done the country irreparable
wrong.

Grant has returned to Washington after loitering away
several months in Galena and the region roundabout since
he was nominated. Colfax has been back here also. He
and Wade have again adjourned Congress, — a mockery
upon the Constitution and honest government.

A dinner is given by the New York Bar to Attorney-
General Evarts this evening, to which all the Cabinet
men were invited. I omitted writing the committee until
Saturday evening. McCuUoch and Randall did not write
until yesterday. The others wrote a week ago, declining.
The papers state that Grant, who is in New York, declines
to attend if Secretaries McCulloch and Welles and Post-

1888] GRANT AND THE CABINET-MEMBERS 465

master-General Randall are to be present. This announce-
ment, publicly made, is from his factotum AdamBadeau,
but by Grant's authority.

When Seward came into the council room this noon he
spoke, before being seated, of his not attending the At-
torney-General's dinner because if he went he should have
kept away another man. I remarked that writing an
equivocal letter answered every purpose and propitiated
offended dignity that disliked truth. Seward gave me a sin-
gular look and satisfied me he felt the remark.

He said he went to New York last Thursday; that a very
good friend who is usually at the depot told him that Gen-
eral Grant was occupying the Presidential car. He, S.,
said, "Very well, if he wants to see me, he can come here.'*
Soon after his friend came to him with General Grant's
compliments, inviting him into his car. "Another tribute,'^
said I, "to the equivocal manner of answering a plain and
simple question.'^

He proceeded to state the incidents, etc., of the journey.
I judge that his presence was not particularly acceptable
to Grant and that the intercourse was formal. This, how-
ever, did not greatly disturb Seward, who ostensibly w«at
to New York to attend the fimeral of Mrs. Blatchf ord and
was glad of the opporttmity to get into Grant's company.

He says he never has exchanged a word with Grant since
the interview at the President's last February. This, I
find, is the fact as regards all who were then present. In
trying a refined and subtle game the General was exposed,
and, in an issue between himself and the President, those
of us who were present were called upon to state the facts,
and General Grant, it seems, in the exercise of his new
social and official position, undertakes to proscribe those
who cannot sacrifice the truth for him.

The subject does not trouble me otherwise than, as a
citizen, I regret the degradation of the highest office in the
country. McCuUoch said that had he been aware of any
such revengeful feeling on the part of Grant, he would

466 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [Nov. 17

certainly ha ve gone to New York to have shut hnn off from
the dinner. I said I would not have gone across the room
to have either prevented or aided him in the matter. The
General of our armies and the President-elect might make
this exhibition of malignant spite against truth without
disturbing me in the least.

Mr. Seward had a large budget of letters and newspaper
slips relative to affairs in Paraguay and our late Minister
Washburn, who has been extremely troublesome ever since
he has been there or in that neighborhood. For some years
he has been the persistent friend of Lopez, and the Secre-
tary of State aided him in his absurd claims of insisting on
having a national vessel to run the blockade of the allies,
in order to carry him back and forth.
* I have remonstrated against maintaining a mission in
the interior of South America, among a half-savage peoploi
where there are no citizens of the United States, no com-
merce, no intercourse of any kind, where no other govern-
ment sends a minister, and where we should have none.

Washburn sometime since resigned, and General Mc-
Mahon was appointed his successor. Mr. Seward said he
had but a single dispatch from Washburn, but the papers
are filled with his letters, — some of them very discredit-
able,— and his conduct appears to be reprehensible
throughout. Seward said he had a letter from Webb at
Rio, very well written, but Seward was csireful not to read
it. He had prepared a singular letter to me, however,
which he did read, in which he proposed that the whole
affair shall be commxmicated to Admiral Davis, who is to
proceed with an adequate force to Paraguay and demand
redress.

I asked where McMahon, the representative of the
Government, was, that he was not intrusted with this duty ;
why this responsibility was put on Davis, a naval oflScer.
I was willing he should be directed to consult, cooperate
with, and aid General McMahon, but the Admiral had no
''adequate force'' to send up the river and make the de-

1868] MINISTER WASHBURN. J[N PARAGUAY 467

mand, even were it proper. Seward said he had great
confidence in Davis as a discreet man who would act pru-
dently, etc., etc. In all this I see Mephistopheles, and do
not mean to be bamboozled by him. The President and
Randall expressed great r^ard for McMahon.

November 18, Wednesday. In a brief interview with the
President I told him I thought it the proper duty of the
Minister we had sent to Paraguay to investigate and make
demands, if demands were to be made; that he might, and
perhaps should, consult with Admiral Davis, but I thought
it improper to impose the Minister's duties on the Admiral
and make him responsible. The President concurred and
wished me to advise with Seward. I remarked that we
differed; that I had for several years thought we needed no
minister at Paraguay, where we had no citizens, no com-
merce, etc.

I received late this p.m. from Secretary Seward the
letter which he read yesterday to the President and Cabi-
net relative to intrusting Admiral Davis to proceed with
an "adequate force" to Paraguay, demand redress, etc. I
drafted a rough letter but had not time to copy or complete.

November 19, Thursday. Sent my instructions to Ad-
miral Davis, taking care to copy that part of Seward's
letter which advised the President that the Admiral should
proceed with an adequate force, etc., wishing he had such
force. I also wrote Seward that I thought it proper General
McMahon should be associated with the Admiral and
share the responsibility.

Every one seems disgusted with Grant's conditional
acceptance of an invitation to the Evarts dinner. None
of his friends attempt to defend him. The little man is
exhibiting his true traits. Very malignant, revengeful,
because exposed in his equivocation and f akehood. An
enemy of truth and of those who assert it, provided he is
thereby discomfited.

468 iDIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [sov. 20

November 20, Friday. Told Evarts I was glad I had not
kept him or any invited guest from his dinner. He says
there was a great strife among the Radicals whether Grant
should be allowed to attend; that some extreme Radicals
got up a counter-dinner uptown to draw Grant off; that
the conditional acceptance was intended to relieve Grant
if any of us attended, a cunning device that failed. Ab
none of us attended, there was no escape but for him to give
his presence to the Evarts banquet.

Seward said he had received my letter in the Paraguay
matter and would attend to my suggestions. Would in-
struct McMahon and request him to consult with Admiral
Davis. Thought it very proper, etc. I asked him to send
me a copy of his instructions. Said he would. Gave him
again my opinion of Washburn and of his mission.

November 24, Tuesday. Seward came to Cabinet coun-
cil this morning with a queer expression on his countenance.
We two were the first arrivals. On exchanging salutations,
he said he was sick, quite sick. I asked his malady. He
said he had got the damnedest strange thing from Reverdy
Johnson for a protocol. Others came in to whom he made
similar communication. He submitted the docimient to
the President and Cabinet with a lugubrious look which
cannot be described. Intended to be sad and grieved, but
with a lurking laugh. The Alabama claims are to be sub-
mitted to arbitration; four commissioners, two by each
party; if not unanimous, some sovereign to be selected by
the two governments as umpire, etc. The whole thing,
he said, was wrong, contrary to instructions, must be
sent back. The members were surprised and made in-
quiries into the points of difference. He did not make
himself clear, but said he would prepare and submit a
dispatch at the next Cabinet-meeting. I was more inter-
ested with the distressed looks of McCuUoch and Brown-
ing than with the muddy exposition. They had evidently
expected the Alabama claims were about adjusted. I re-

1868] PROTOCOL ON ALABAMA CLAIMS 469

marked that I had not expected the Englidi Govemm^Qt
would ever consent to a reference of those claims to a com-
mission, that I had now little expectation the claims would
be paid, that the commission was closely locked up. Sew-
ard said he would have better terms. I asked if all claims
of either party since 1853 were submitted, including prizes
and captured property. Seward did not give me a direct
answer, and some incidental question from McCulloch
furnished him an opportunity to drop it.

When we left, McCulloch and myself came down to-
gether. He expressed his regret that there should be de-
lay in this matter, for the country would be disappointed.
I told him I expected no settlement of those claims during
this administration, — certainly not in our favor.

November 25, Wednesday. Admiral Farragut and wife
arrived late last night and are stopping at our house.
They are both well and enjoy these excimsions and their
friends. He is guileless, simple-hearted, and as sincere as
he is brave. Mrs. F. is devoted to him, proud of him, and
very social.

Received a note this morning early from the President,
who wished me to call on him. Foimd he was anxioiis about
the treaty. Wished my views. Said he desired to accept
and send in the treaty without fail, and he knew not why
this was not in good shape. I said that I thought Mr.
Seward had no disposition to hasten decision, that I had
never supposed him much in earnest in this matter, and
that as things are with us, he probably wished to prolong
the negotiation. The English had never admitted they
were responsible, and were so confident they would not be
held responsible that they sometime ago had consented
to arbitrament, but Mr. Seward had requested they
should also submit their governmental action. This they
had refused, and I had expected they always would; but
theyhad siurendered the point, though in a way that hedged
them in against any advantage to us. I told him I was not

470 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [nov. 25

sanguine we should get anything, whoever might be the
negotiator. The President requested me to read the three
articles aloud, and we commented on each. I remarked it
was difficult to come to a conclusion, for Mr. Seward care-
fully abstained from presenting his points, and we knew
enough of the English to be aware they did not intend to
be overreached. I asked if Seward had been with him on
this subject and frankly stated the case. He said he had,
and would be in again with a rough draft, and have his
dispatch fully prepared by Friday. "Then," said I, "we
shall have the case in full. Let us wait.''

November 26, Thursday. Spent the day at home socially
with Admiral and Mrs. Farragut. The President and Mrs.
Patterson dined with us, in company with the Admiral
and Mrs. F. and Admiral and Mrs. Radford.

November 27, Friday. Mr. Seward read his letter of
instructions to Reverdy Johnson. They were not ap-
proved by the President nor any one of the Cabinet. I had
expected he would have the support of Mr. Evarts and
thought probably he had consulted that gentleman, but
from the discussion I infer neither was the fact.

I again inquired how much was covered, — whether
claims for captures, destruction of property, prizes, etc.,
were to be permitted; if so a commission was not desirable.
Mr. Evarts thought so too, and said our Alabama claims
amounted to only about eight millions, while the English
would probably demand a himdred millions from us. I
thought the latter not improbable if naval prizes were
included, but should be surprised if our claims were not
largest. McCulloch asked Seward whether, if he could not
get better terms, he would accept the protocol presented,
but Seward avoided an explicit answer; was confidcAt it
would not reach that ultimatum ; the English would give in.

The President thought it would be best to postpone a
final decision on Seward's dispatch imtil Tuesday. This

1868] DISCUSSION OF THE PROTOCOL 471

disturbed Seward, who said he wished to send off a cable
dispatch this afternoon, and he should receive an answer
in a week which he doubted not would be favorable.

Before the meeting closed, the President requested me
to go with him into the library, when he asked me what
had best be done. Said he wished the subject disposed of
during his Administration or that the Senate should be
responsible for the delay. I again expressed my doubts
whether Mr. Seward was anxious for an immediate dis-
position; asked what we were to gain by this treaty, —
what were the advantages. Told him I had no idea that
Mr. Seward or Mr. Reverdy Johnson would overreach the
English negotiators. As the subject is in the hands of Sew-
ard, he would be dissatisfied if overruled by others and
his views set aside, and that, if prepared to conform to him,
it would be as well to let him have an opportunity to try
Reverdy Johnson farther. This seemed to relieve him, as
I supposed it would. On our return to the council room,
he told Seward to send his telegram and get his answer
if he could in a week.

November 28, Saturday. When at the President's to-
day, relative to some Marine appointments, he reverted
to the discussion yesterday. I asked him if he really under-
stood Seward's object; why he did not press the matter
of the Alabama claims upon the British Government him-
self, and compel it to admit the righifulnesB of the claim;
why refer the principle to a commission. The English
never, in my opinion, would have submitted to arbitra-
tion the attack on Copenhagen. Our claim should not be
classed with theirs.

November 30, Monday. The Attorney-General has given
an opinion on the eight-hour law, and the payments imder
it, which is a specimen of attorneyship unsurpassed. If he
is wiser after investigating the subject, he has imparted
none of his wisdom to others.

LXIV

Report on the Padfic Railroad — The New York Evening Poelon Vander*
bOt and the Merrimac — The Alabama ClaimB — Congress assembke

— Senator Trumbull makes an Unreasonable Request — The President's
Annual Message and its Reception in Congress — Proposal to annex
San Domingo — Attorney-General Eyarts and the Law relating to
Courts Martial — Grant's Probable Course as President — Discussion
of the Finances of the Country — Fox's Conversation with Admiral
Porter — Formal Acquisition of League Island for the New Navy Yard

— Bowles of the SpringfieM Repvbliean arrested at the Suit of Fisk —
Relations of Grant with President Johnson and Members of the Cabinet

— Cabinet Discussion of the Currency Question — The End of aa
Eventful Year.

December 1, Tuesday. Most of the session of the Cabi«
net was consumed with reading a long report of the com-
mittee to examine and report on the Pacific Raikoad. They
report the road well built in the main, but that it will re-
quire six and a half millions to put it in proper order so far
as built, — Muddy Creek, ^

December 2, Wednesday. Read final proof of my eighth
and last Annual Report as Secretary of the Navy. It has
been an irksome task. The composition of a report is more
laborious than five times that quantity of ordinary writ-
ings,— so much detail, examination, comparison, etc.,
etc., with such a multitude of documents and statistics.
But the work is done. Have had great assistance from
Faxon.

The newspapers are in quite a ferment over the case of
Dick Meade, ^ who is in the lunatic asylum. Great sym-
pathy is expressed for him, none for his family. They,
more than he, have suffered from his malady. I have for

^ In the southwestern comer of Wyoming.

* Richard W. Meade, U.S.N., retired in 1867 as commodore, brother
of General Meade.

1868] VANDEBBILT AND THE MERRIMAC 478

some time been aware he had an unbalanced and erratic
mind. It is painful that his ^suffering wife and children
should be dragged before the public and misrepresented.

December 3, Thursday. Had a letter from G. V. Fox in-
closing a slip cut from the New York Evening Post, giving
credit to Stanton and Vanderbilt and ignoring the Navy
Department in relation to the Merrimao when she came
out of Norfolk. The falsehoods are so palpable that it
would seem no one could be deceived by them. Neverthe-
less false impressions are made on the pubhc mind. It
is represented that Stanton's scouts had brought him word
that the M. was coming down; that he sent for Vanderbilt,
who came on, went to Hampton Roads, asked the naval
commander if the M. was coming, etc., etc.

Stanton was not informed by any scouts, but I was; and
expected the Monitor would be on hand. Fox went to
Hampton Roads to meet her. Stanton was the most
frightened man that I ever saw. He telegraphed to North-
ern Governors and the Mayors of the principal cities hi9
alarm, imparted his fears to Mr. Lincoln and all who saw
and Ustened to him, created a panic, was vexed at my cool-
ness. But all this was on the day after the Merrimac had
come down and sunk the Cumberland and Congress. He
had not sent for Vanderbilt, nor had he done anything
before, for he knew nothing, expected nothing. It was an
uncomfortable day for me, but I had no panic, and when
I heard, as I did by telegraph (which was in operation
from Fortress Monroe on that dark Sunday for the first
time), that the Monitor was there, I felt reUeved and was
at comparative ease, while Stanton was fl}dng about,
really very much scared, and mad because I was not.

He did telegraph, that night, I think, or the following
day, to Vanderbilt, for he had no faith in the Navy officers
nor me, nor any one else, but he knew Vanderbilt had big
steamers. Vanderbilt came here and was closeted with
Stanton in r^ard to naval and military defenses and tiio

474 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES idtc.8

security of Washington. They called on Mr. Lincoln, as
he informed me. The bluster and management of Stanton
made the panic seriously ridiculous. The steamer Vander-
bilt and Vanderbilt himself went to Hampton Roads; the
steamer remained there two months or more, out of abund-
ant precaution, and so did the Baltic, and two or three
other large and expensive steamers, but Mr. Vanderbilt's
military services were earUer dispensed with. Stanton's
scare cost the country more than half a miUion dollars.
All his work and expenditiure were after the Monitor had
its fight, and had driven the Merrimac up EUzabeth River.
But the lies and falsehoods sent out like this article in the
Po9t make up history in these days.

December 4, Friday. Seward expressed great confidence
to-day in the success of Reverdy Johnson with his plan.
I asked what the plan was. "Does it," said I, ''embrace
claims of Englishmen for cotton and other property cap-
tured or destroyed during the War?" He replied emphat-
ically, *'No, it does not." "And, of course, this shuts off
any claim for prizes condemned in our courts," said I.
^'Shuts off all," said he; "they do not come within the
treaty."

I was in this matter explicit, and have given, I believe,
the words which each of us used. He went on with some
other remarks, — that nothing which could come within
our admiralty or local jurisdiction was to be considered,
and that they suffered like other belligerents when within
enemy's limits. I hope his representations and imder-
standings are all correct. It is a relief.

The Pacific Railroad folks are here in force. Do not like
any checking-up on their subsidies. Browning submitted
a statement from Mr. Williams, showing that the man-
agers have received seventeen millions more than they
have expended. Still they are distressed for more money.
Mr. Evarts thinks they might be accommodated by the
Government. Talks like an attorney for them.

1808] CONGRESS ASSEMBLES 47&

December 5, Saturday. The combination of newspaper
correspondents centred here in Washington is an unscru-
pulous and corrupt combination. There may be and there
are a few exceptions. For some days past these fellows
have been busy with schemes to beg, bluff, steal, bribe,
cheat, and in anyway get copies of public documents which
are to accompany the President's Message. They almost
lied McCulloch out of his senses. Schofield caved in without
a struggle and surrendered. Says General Grant advised
it, who imfortunately knows no better. I would have
nothing to say or do with them in a matter so improper
and disrespectful to the President, who by the Constitu-
tion communicates information to Congress. Of course
extra pains have been taken to get hold of my Report*'
In to-day's Tribune there is published what is called it
synopsis. It is, undoubtedly, made up from one sheet and
no more, stolen from the printer's. This probably was pro-
cured by a bribe to some poor printer, who perjured him-
self, broke his faith, and if found out, would forfeit his
place. Such is the morality of the New York Tribune and
of newspaper correspondents.

The President informed me this p.m. that his Message
was not fully completed. He is, he says, bothered with the
Treasury statement of the public debt. The point which
bothered him does not seem obscure to me, but I could not
satisfy him.

December 7, Monday. Congress assembled. Both houses
pretty full. The President informed them he would trans-
mit his Message on Wednesday. I took to the President my
Report and docmnents in duplicate for transmission^
Randall was therewith copies of his Report just completed,
but had not the appendix. I was glad the President de-
layed his Message until Wednesday and so told him.
Randall says the Members are very uneasy and intend to
do but little.

476 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES ptc.»

December 8, Tuesday. Senator Trumbull called
morning. We had about ten minutes' pleasant conversa-
tion, when he said he called principally in regard to an
extension of leave to Midshipman Webster. He had writ-
ten me yesterday and received a reply that it could not be
granted. I explained the case. Twelve midshipmen came
home on the Franklin. Immediately after the vessel ar-
rived I directed that the midshipmen should have leave,
and as the vessel did not go out of commission and was to
be in port two months or over, six midshipmen should have
one month's leave, and then they should relieve the other
six, who should have like leave. Of course I could not give
an extension of two weeks to one and deny it to the other
eleven, unless there were special reasons which would
make it an exceptional case. Mr. T. said there were no
special reasons, but he had inquired and understood that
I had sometimes extended leave. I told him not one of
them had such extension. He said he did not mean these
midshipmen, but extension was sometimes granted to offi-
cers. I said that was true in isolated and exceptional cases
when the extension could be granted without injury or
marked favoritism, and there was reasonable ground for
gratifying it. '*Why,then,'^ inquired he, ''cannot I have
an extension for this boy?" "Because," I replied, ''there
are twelve on the same footing, and all must be treated
alike; a leave to one would be unjust to eleven others,
would cause discontent and work harm. The young men
must have even-handed justice and be treated alike, and
if so treated they would be satisfied, but special favor to
any one would have a bad moral influence and impair the
authority of the Department."

He manifested at once great ill-temper. Said he asked
no favors of this Administration; he had, however, humil*
ated himself to request that a midshipman should have
two weeks' leave of absence, as his vessel would not
sail for a month or more, and it was refused. He would
not have humiliated himself to ask it but for the fact

1868] AN UNREASONABLE REQUEST 477

that the boy's mother had attended Mrs. T. in her last
sickness.

I said that was considerate and kind on his part towards
the lad, but surely he would not on that account wish me
to break in on the rule and government of the service
under the circumstances.

He grew more excited, said he did not want to break
regulations; he asked a favor for only one person; perhaps
the Department would want a favor one of these days.
He asked no odds. It was in his power to embarrass or
annoy the Navy Department as much as the Department
could annoy him. I told him he could hardly mean all that
he intimated ; that we were not here to annoy but to assist
each other, and he ought not to exhibit the feeling he had;
that I, perhaps, had not been fortunate enough to make
the case fairly understood, and I would call Commodore
Jenkins, Chief of Bureau of Navigation, who would state
the facts and my course and principle of action.

I sent for Commodore J., who has immediate charge of
midshipmen, to whom Mr. T. presented the case a little
strong, and was informed almost in my words of the cir-
cumstances, and told in his (J.'s) opinion no one of the
boys ought to have an extension; that others were making
similar applications and were denied. Trumbull still con-
tinued unreasonable, and I saw expected to carry his point
by covert intimations and boisterous dissatisfaction. I
therefore with some emphasis assured him that I must do
my duty without favor, and if he did not, or would not,
see the impropriety of giving to one of twelve six weeks
and restrict the other eleven to four, I could not help it.
I must do right, and maintain regulations, without par-
tiality or prejudice. He lowered his tone, but went off in
a dudgeon.

The President read, or rather Colonel Moore, his Secre-
tary, read his Message to the Cabinet this p.m. It was in
print and I concluded had been seen by no one of the heads
of the Departments. The docmnent will be distasteful iQ

478 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dsc.«

the Radicals and some portions of it not acceptable to the
Democrats. His views on Reconstruction are sound. On
the subject of finance he is not successful, but inexcusably
weak and erroneous. This scheme to remodel the Consti-
tution is neither nice nor wise, striking down, as it does,
some important features of the federal system. The lan-
guage and tone of the document are good, but the deter-
mined stand which he continues to maintain on matters
when he differs from Congress will be assailed.

Each head of a Department furnishes a synopsis of his
Report which the President usually embodies or furnishes
with sometimes a complimentary expression of his own.
This has been the case with both Presidents Lincoln and
Jdmson on every occasion of an Annual Message. Seward
has taken more than usual space this time. But little was
said by any one when the reading was concluded. I think
there was on the matter of finance and the Constitutional
Amendments a feeling of disappointment and regret with
all. When that portion which relates to the Navy was
read, the President, referring to the exception taken to
the reduction of interest from six to three per cent on the
naval pension fund, said, ''Congress has set the example,
declared what the interest ought to be on the public debt. "
McCulloch said three per cent would pay the Navy pen-
sions. I remarked it was bad faith and unjustifiable.

Mr. Browning, after a little time, got up and came round
to the President, congratulating him on the ability of the
Message; said he heartily approved every word of the first
part of the paper, but that he did not indorse the proposi-
tions to amend the Constitution. No other member gave
expression to his opinion. We could hardly do it unin-
vited, and the President asked no criticism, could make
no change, for the document is in print, and is to be pre-
sented to Congress to-morrow. I would not say to the
President that I approved all the first part of the Message,
though there is much that I do approve and commend.
But I am opposed to repudiation in any form, or any

1666] THE PRESIDENT'S ANNUAL MESSAGE 470

tendency to bad faith towards public creditors or others.
I xinite with Browning in disapproving the proposed Con-
stitutional Amendments.

The President is not a financier, does not consider his
project a breach of faith, but a suggestion or plan to dispose
of the debt. It is the plan essentially of Butler and others.
But the President will be violently attacked on that part
of his Message, which is assailable, because in that way his
opponents can vent their spite for the wholesome lecture
administered on Reconstruction.

December 9, Wednesday. As I anticipated. Congress
ventilated its rage against the President. His Message, in
its soundest portions, annoyed them. They felt his rebuke
and knew they deserved it. Conness, who is innately
vulgar; Cameron, who is an unconscionable party trickster;
and Howe, cunning and shrewd but not profound or
wise, had their sensibilities aroused. The President had
no business to insult Congress by communicating his opin-
ions. It was indecorous to the Senate, and they would not
permit it to be read. So they adjourned in a huff.

The House permitted the Message to be read, and then
denoimced it as infamous, abominable, wicked. Schenck,
the leader, was against printing, and others of about the
same calibre ranted. They attacked most violently that
part which suggests payment of the bonds not in conform-
ity with the original imderstanding. It is the most weak
and indefensible.

December 10, Thursday. The Senators have recovered
their senses, and quietly submitted to the reading of the
Message, after an exhibition of folly and weakness that
would discredit a party caucus. All seemed ashamed. The
House, however, prints only the legal number of the Mes-
sage and documents, — no extras.

These displays of puerile anger by the legislative body
are ridiculous. Men assuming to be statesmen^ who ase

480 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES idbc. 10

Senators if not legislators, are led away by such fellows
as Conness and Cameron. They must all hang together.
It is really pitiful. Their inconsiderate spite will have the
effect of insuring for the Message a pretty general reading.

December 11 f Friday, There was little done by the Cab-
inet. Seward read a proposition to the effect that San
Domingo wished to come under the protection of the United
States. In the present condition of the coimtry there can
be little done. Radical partyism must have its insane, shal-
low run. The real interests of the country are neglected,
and it would be unwise to attempt to consider the subject
now, if ever. Neither San Domingo nor Africa, if an-
nexed or admitted, would strengthen the Union.

Mr. Attorney-General Evarts has been engaged throu^
the week in endeavoring to demonstrate the constitution-
ality of legal tenders, — that paper which is irredeemable
in money, the equivalent of coin. When McCulloch ex-
pressed a wish that the Court would decide that only gold
and silver were legal currency, — that irredeemable paper
is not money, — Evarts said we had just got rid of civil
disturbances, but we should be thrown into something
worse if we did not sanction the right of the Government
to issue paper money.

He evidently thinks that he and the Court can patch up
a s}rstem better than the Constitution. A rigid adherence
to the fundamental law would be temporarily an incon-
venience and hardship, and therefore the wise lawyers
must contrive to get round it. This man, like Seward and
that class of politicians, has no political convictions, no
fixed political principles. It is unfortunate for the coimtry
that there is such a preponderance of lawyers in our public
coimcils. Their technical training and extensive, absorb-
ing practice imfit them to be statesmen. They are ready
to take either side of a case for a fee, and will labor as
earnestly for the side which they know to be wrong as for
the right. Their]influence is often bad. They will, for party

ms] EVARTS AND (X)URT-MARTIAI|'IiAW 481

ends, warp and pervert the plainest provisions of the
Constitution.

I have had for several weeks a perplexing case. A cap-
tain's clerk betrayed his princii>aly — treacherously , ex-
posed his correspondence to the King and authorities at
Honolulu. The Solicitor charged him with unofficial- like
conduct; of which he was convicted and sentenced to ten
years' confinement at hard labOT in the penitentiary. No
man can be sent to the penitentiary by a naval court
martial, except for a capital [sic] offense under the statute.
No one ever has been. Of course it became necessary tq
set the sentence aside. The Solicitor had his professional
pride touched, claimed the court had the right to sentence
to the penitentiary, and requested that the opinion of the
Attorney-General might be obtained. Although the case
was clear, I acceded to his request. The opinion of the
Attorney-General was asked; considerable time elapsed
before the opinion was received, when, to my astonish-
ment, it sustained the sentence. I called his attention to
certain inconsistencies and fundamental points with which
he was in conflict. He seemed embarrassed, said he would
examine the subject thorough^. I requested he should do
it himself, for I told him the opinion which he gave me
came from the Solicitor of the Navy Department through
Assistant Attorney-General Ashton. He admitted Ashton
prepared the opinion. I told him I had heard it betoxe
Ashton ever saw it.

I then added that the law was prepared under my own
eye in the Navy Department; it was intended that none
but for capital offenses should be sent to the penitentiary.
After meditating for weeks, and pondering over the stat-
utes, he writes me he is confirmed in his opinion, it is
strengthened by my adverse suggestions, etc. All of which
means that Ashton, Bolles, and himself have studied to
make a plain case obscure or to pervert it.

To-day I put before him the military and naval laws,
passed contemporaneously, one on the 16th, the oth^* ' ^

482 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. il

the 17th, of July, '62. He seemed, and was indeed, sur-
prised. Said he was aware of no such law; that it was ex-
plicit ; that his attention had never been called to it. Said
I could dispose of the case by disapproving the sentence;
that I had better do it. Now it is no plainer to me, nor to
any fair-minded man, under the military law than imder
the naval law. The military were in the habit of sending
soldiers to the penitentiary. The Navy never did. C!on-
gress, to put an end to the military practice, prohibited the
sending any person to the penitentiary except for capital
offenses, by any court martial. The law officers of the Gov-
ernment, it seems, knew not of the law, and put their heads
together to make law, and to defeat the statutes. To do
this they had no regard for personal rights, — were ready
to make me instrumental in throwing a poor fellow into
the penitentiary against law and usage. As a class, lawyers
do not respect personal rights, are not statesmen or good
administrative officers.

December 12, Saturday. The President is disappointed
with the manner in which his Message is received. He did
not expect Congress or the Radicals to be pleased with his
reiteration of his views on the question of ReconstructioUi
but he had an idea that his financial suggestions would take
with some of the Radicals. Not one, however, has yet
stepped forward to defend him, and his friends strive to
apologize and explain away his singular views.

Colonel Moore asked me my opinion of the Message.
I told him it was, like all the President's docmnents, cahUi
deliberate, statesmanlike, but his friends would not unite
on his financial propositions, nor his proposed Constitu-
tional Amendments. The clamor of the stupid and ill-
mannered dimderheads in Congress, and newspaper cor-
respondents and partisans out of it, who denounced the
Message as infamous, and denied his right to lecture Con-
gress, or in plain words give an opinion against their
party schemes, was absurd.

1868] GRANT'S PROBABLE COURSE 483

There are many, and some very whimsical, rumors and
speculations concerning Grant's policy and Cabinet. As
r^ards policy and measures, he has none. He can no more
foreshadow, or anticipate, or design a course of political
action than he can make a speech to a popular audience, or
a plea of abatement, or a sermon on total depravity. Yet
he has shrewdness and a certain amount of common sense,
with avarice, selfishness, and ambition. Of the structure
of the government, and a proper administration of its
affairs, he is singularly and wonderfully ignorant.

For personal rights he has as little regard as for the
Constitution, — cares nothing for either. He has sustained
all the wicked and vicious legislation, so violative of the
Constitution, of the rights of the States, and of individual
rights, which disgraced the last and present Congress, and
has really no idea that the Constitution is any more re-
straint upon him as President than as General. He may
be taught better by his friends, may learn the civil duties
of Chief Magistrate, may apprehend and comprehend the
powers and limitations of the fundamental law; but he
does not now understand them so well as the generality of
his countrymen and is stupidly indifferent to them. Nev-
ertheless, he is not destitute of judgment which, with a low
order of common sense, enables him to get aloiLg by riding
on the opinions of others and making them his own. Be-
cause he does not know the fundamental law or the stat-
utes, it must not be supposed that he disregards them,
unless they are troublesome.

. . . Horse-flesh has more charms for him than brains
or intellect. He likes Bonner for his fast horses, not for his
sharp transactions and business qualities. The race-course
has more attractions for him than the Senate or the coimcil
room. He loves money, admires wealth, is fond of power
and ready to use it remorselessly. ... He does not in-
tend to labor like a drudge in office, does not propose to
study public affairs, has no taste for books or intellectual
employment. If I mistake not, he designs to let his Cabinet

484 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. u

perform each his own work, like department military
commanders. He will approve or disapprove, listen when
convenient; but leave investigation and almost entirely the
decision to them. Appointment of his friends to oflSoe is
ihe extent of his ideas of administrative duties. . . .

December 14. Had a little talk with Senator Hendricks
this morning on naval matters and political affah^. He is
sensible and judiciouS; one of the best and most useful
Members of Congress.

Commodore Meade has been turned loose from the
lunatic hospital by Judge Sutherland of New York. The
press has been used to set him at liberty, and the court
yielded. Meade is certainly crazy at times and ought long
since to have been cared for. When arrested, he had five or
six loaded pistols, and threatened the lives of several of his
own family and others; among the latter, I imderstand
was mjrself . He is, with all his bluster, a great coward,
and therefore will scarcely harm any one, yet, should he
kill, no punishment can be inflicted, for it would be proved
that he is a lunatic.

The Radicals are not inclined to do much business this
session. There is a disagreement among themselves, a want
of confidence in each other, and they fear a split on almost
any important measure that may be considered.

December 15, Tuesday. Seward says that within six
weeks — probably less — after the 4th of March he in-
tends to be in the City of Mexico; that he will not remain
one day in office after the expiration of Mr. Johnson's
term. He has, probably, an understanding with Romero,
late Mexican Minister.

December 16, Wednesday. Admiral Dahlgren is too timid
and selfish for his position. He will not, if he can help
it, give an opinion on any subject involving the slight-

18691 CONGRESS AND THE RAILROADS 485

^8t responsibility, for fear he shall in some way compro-
mise himself, yet he is covetous of all honors. He wishes
the navy yard here. I should be willing to put him al-
most anywhere, were I to remain. As it is, will make no
change. Rear-Admiral Bailey called last evening. He also
wants the navy yard; has been intriguing for it through
McCulloch, who is a family connection. Not being suc-
cessful, now asks me to introduce him to the President.
I understand his object. Told him there were others de-
sirous of the place who never yet had a navy yard. But
he is regardless of the rights of others when they conflict
with his objects and wishes. He has been much favored and
has little gratitude.

December 17, Thursday.

December 18, Friday. Browning read parts of reports
on different railroads. The Government and people have
been terribly swindled and plundered by schemers. Con-
gress has been lavish in subsidies, grants, corporations
to favorites, and all sorts of favors for party ends. These
are some of the means by which the prerogatives and rights
of the Executive have been crippled and the character of
the government changed.

Seward read part of a memorandum concerning troubles
in Corea and the project of a treaty with that country,
which cannot at this time be effected. I said we were better
without a treaty than with one; that the case of the General
Sherman, which had been destroyed in thfe Ping- Yang
River, called for no action by the Government. This whole
subject has been investigated by the naval authorities
on that station and reported upon. The object of Seward
is, I perceive, the future. He avails himself of naval in-
formation to place on record a statement of the facts, as if
the results of reports to him and of his investigation.

December 19, Saturday. Then has been some discus-

486 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [dec. 19

sion on the finances in Congress, and also in the news-
papers. Ahnost the whole that I see is crude absurdity.
Morton of Indiana has submitted propositions, and made
a speech which exhibits some ingenuity and talent, but,
if sincere, they evince little financial knowledge or abil-
ity. There are some clever things, of course.

I do not, I confess, read much of the shallow, silly tradi
that appears in the debates. There is not, so far as I can
perceive, a single financial mind in Congress. Most of the
editors are perfect blockheads on the subject. The more
ignorant give us the most words.

Senator Doolittle is beginning to bestow attrition on
financial matters. He made some inquiries of me this even-
ing. I told him I had given the subject very little thou^t
for years. It has been painful for me to do so, from the
time Chase commenced issuing irredeemable paper and
making it a legal tender for debt. Where the crude, imwise,
and stupid management of party schemers and speculators
is to lead the country, God only knows. We have no fixed
standard of value. Everything is uncertain. There is a
redundant currency, all of irredeemable paper, and thougih
Radical leaders may at any time increase it and make what
is bad worse, there is no coin in circulation. In this, as
in almost everything else, the country is drifting, and
the government and all sound principles are likely to be
wrecked. Morton is said to be fishing for the Treasury,
but it would be a source of regret to see him appointed
Secretary, yet I know not who Grant can select. There
is talk of E. B. Washbume, who has no capacity for the
place. He can —and so could any thick-headed numbskull
— oppose appropriations without judgment or discrimina-
tion, but this affectation of economy from a notoriously
mean man is no qualification for a financier.

The whole pack of Radicals are, as I expected they would
be, fierce in their demmciations of the President for his
suggestions, yet many of their leaders have made quite
as exceptional propositions.

1868] THE FINANCES OF THE COUNTRY 487

The President did not intend repudiation, although his
financial scheme renders him liable to be so represented.
I was sorry he made it. His scheme is virtually a plan to
extinguish the public debt by paying the interest for six-
teen years and a fraction. But tiie creditors are entitled
to the principaL

If our financiers will bring around specie payments
the debt can be reduced; loans at reduced rates could be
negotiated to advantage. But there is no proposition yet
made to effect the first, and until that is done we cannot
expect to accomplish the other.

So long as the Government discredits its own paper, there
will be no resumption of specie payments. The first step
to be taken is to stop the issuing of any more fractional
currency. Call it in ; bum it up. The vacuum will be sup-
plied by specie, which will come when invited, treated
respectfully and according to its worth. Let the second
step be a prohibition against all paper money below five
dollars. This might be gradual. Coin would take its place.
Specie will come when demanded. Supply and demand in
this, as in other matters, will regulate themselves.

lliese steps cannot be taken without an effort. Values are
to be established and prices brought to a proper standard.
They are now inflated. We are not to get a return to specie
pajnnents without some embarrassment. But the move-
ment can be made, and carried much sooner and easier
than is supposed. Senator Morton's plan of hoarding
specie until 1871 is ridiculously absurd. Instead of hoard*
ing in the vaults of the Treasury and the banks, let it go
into the pockets of the people when demanded for ordin-
ary business transactions. Then there will be a basis for
resumption. The gold and silver would be retained in the
coimtry, for here the demand would be greatest, imtil
there was a supply.

To discredit its own paper, compel it to be received
as money and in payment of debt, and sell the specie which
it collects is bad government. While the practice is pur*

488 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES tDHC.i9

sued we cannot exjpect resumption. Our wise Congress-
men think they can order resiunption by law without any
strain or pressure on the public, but they are careful to
fix a distant day, and before it arrives they know and in*
tend it shall be further postponed and abandoned. If they
would forbear persecution, hate, and oppression of the
South, let war cease when none but themselves make war,
give us real peace instead of constant strife, develop the
resources of the country, they will contribute to therestonir
tion of confidence and a stable currency.

December 21, Monday. Fox, ^o was at my house last
evening, says he had a long conversation with Admiral
Porter yesterday. He says Porter is a seriously sick man;
that, in regard to a place in the Cabinet, he has never
had an intimation or word from Grant. It is his wish te
have a board of admiralty on which he may have a place.
Probably he is fishing for both positions, and will be satis-
fied, for a time at least, with either. Fox says he asked
P. if he understood the object of Edmunds' pr(qx)6iti0n
to exclude Army and Navy officers from civil positions. P.
said it was aimed at Sch(^eld. F. told him it was more
direct at him (P.). It is as much at Grant as either. Porter
tells Fox that C. F. Adams will be Secretary of State.
Tliis may be so, but P. knows nothing about it. Sunmer is
much disturbed with this rumor. The truth is Grant him-
sdf does not know ; be has little knowledge of men, oi public
affairs, or of his approaching duties.

Rev«rdy Johnson is doing neither himself nor the country
credit in EIngland. By last accounts he was corresponding
and dining with Laird. Thofeis, in much of his conduct, and
especially in this, a degree of servility that is disgusting.
Laini ten years ago was professedly an intensified ab(^
tionist. — could not use sugar or anything else that was
the product of slave labor. But when the slavi^cJdas
attempted to break up the Union to save slaveiy, laird
hasteiied to help them. To ityure the Union he was le-

1868] ACQUISITION OF LEAGUE ISLAND 480

oonciled to slavery, and to fill his pockets was ready to serve
slave-owners.

December 22, Tuesday. The Mayor of Philadelphia, Mor-
ton McMichael, with a committee of the Goimcil, made a
formal call to present a title-deed of League Island. Some
complimentary remarks were made by the Mayor, and a gen-
eral conversation took place. There was an obvious desire
on the part of the committee that the proceeding should be
more formal than I cared for. It was an opportunity for re-
viewing and reciprocating compliments, for we had each
earnestly and persistently labored to consmnmate the trans-
fer and acceptance of this location for naval purposes. But
while the Mayor was pleased to bestow upon me high com-
mendation for my action, and I was willing to award to the
Philadelphians proper acknowledgments for their mimific^it
donation, I cared not to spend time or words on the sub-
ject. The place is eligible for naval purposes beyond any
other locality that I know of, and in advising its acceptance
I have been actuated only by a sense of duty, and yet for
years I have been denounced and have received the most
ungenerous abuse for faithfully discharging an honest duty.
Professor Bache of the Coast Survey first called my atten-
tion to League Island. Congress, on my recommendation,
voted to accept it, provided a board of officers deemed the
situation available, but Senator Foster inserted a proviso
that New London should be escamined by the committee
which the Secretary of the Navy might appoint. I se-
lected a board of such officers as were available without
prejudice or partiality, for the duty was plain and re-
quired no mental effort. But a majority of them were naval
officers who felt disposed to oblige me, and, knowing I was
from Connecticut and partial to New London, they made
choice of that place, which was destitute of some of the
required advantages that were sought, in preference to
Philadelphia, which possessed them. They were, more-
over, old-time meUi with old notions that a naval station

400 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES iDsan

should be near the sea. The result has been a long and
angry effort on the part of a few speculators in New London
to substitute that place for League Island, or the Phila-
delphia Yard. I was slandered and defamed because, 8
citizen of Connecticut, I would not give in to their schemes,
and in consequence of their opposition the acceptance oi
League Island was postponed for years.

Subsidies to Pacific Railroad were discussed in the Cab-
inet. Evarts was in their favor; Browning yields. The
President, while doubting, has been seen, and the result is
this monstrous concern controls all. I thrust in a doubt
or two, but they were of no avail.

December 23, Wednesday. Sam Bowles, editor of the
Springfield Repvblican, was arrested and confined a nig^t
in Ludlow Street Jail, New York, at the suit of Fisk,^ one
of the Wall Street adventurers, who is largely concerned
in the Erie Railroad. The arrest and confinement was a
sorry exhibition of petty spite on the part of Fisk that will
injure him more than B. in the end, though the latter had
been severe and cutting in his remarks. His paper is, how-
ever, more correct and more enlarged in its general scope
and management than almost any of the party to which it
belongs. A great outcry has been made by the whole press
over his ill-treatment, which was scandalous enough, but
most of those who are so indignant had no mercy or com-
passion for the hundreds who were seized and thrown into
prison by Stanton and Baker,' or later by the satraps of
the South.

December 24. A general clearing-out has taken place in
anticipation of Merry Christmas. But few Members of
Congress remain in the city, and many in the Departments
have left.
; A dispatch from Rear-Admiral Davis of the South

^ James Fisk, Jr., better known as Jim Rsk.

* General Lafayette C. Baker, Chief of the Secret Servioe.

1868] GRANT AND THE PRESmENT 491

Atlantic Squadron gives but little additional infonnation
concerning Paraguay, but from what he says I infer he
has no great apprehensions as regards Bliss and Master-
man.^ The papers annoimce the arrival of Webb and
Washburn at New York, and we shall soon have fulmina-
tions and declarations from these worthies.

Seward has gone to Auburn with the British and French
Ministers to spend Christmas. All his movements in these
days are for political party effect. But his lifelong and de-
voted friend is reported a confirmed invalid, and he there-
fore cannot count on the assistance of Weed, which has been
for him always potent and effective.

December 28, Monday. The papers annoimce that Gen-
eral Grant leaves Washington with his wife to spend the
New Year's Day in Philadelphia; that he does this to
avoid calling on the President on that day according to
custom. He has never called on the President, nor ex-
changed a word with him since the deception which he
practiced in the Stanton matter and his detection and ex-
posure. I apprehend he has neither called on nor spoken
to any of those who witnessed that occurrence; he has
not with me. The President-elect proposes to fight truth;
is mad that he was exposed. The correspondence be-
tween the President and General Grant ought never to
have taken place. Certainly the President should not have
permitted himself to be drawn into such an altercation,
but having done it, we who were witnesses could not do
otherwise than state the truth. I should not say that Grant
had not spoken with any of the witnesses; Seward, who
equivocated after having explicitly and imequivocally
confirmed the President's statement, has debased and b^
littled himself to get in commimication with Grant. The
papers in Seward's interest speak of his being continued as

> Porter C. Blin and George F. Maatennan, United States citisenB eon*
nected with the Legation at Asuncion, arrested and confined on the charge
of being Brazilian spies.

402 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [DBa 9B

Secretary of State under Grant. I do not believe it, or that
any influence can be brought to make G. sino^^ly consider
it. He never liked Seward and must despise his twistingg
and hesitancy to aflSrm What he had asserted and knew
to be true. Seward and Weed may have flatta:^ them-
selves with the idea that Grant could be persuaded to
continue him.

Grant is malignant and revengeful, is wanting in g^er-
osity and magnanimity, for President Johnson showed him
great &vors and consideration. But for Seward, I question
whether the two would have had their disagreement;
Seward's temporizing policy and advice brought about
misunderstanding, though unintentionally.

It has been surprising to me that Seward, whose views
are so unlike President Johnson's, should nevertheless
have been so potent and influential in many essential
matters. Seward procured the retention of Stanton for
more than a year after the President had determined to
dismiss him, and he succeeded in bringing Evarts into
the Cabinet, and thereby strengthened his position. The
two combined are powerful, and, when acting together,
they usually carry their points. Yet neither of these men
has earnest convictions, — honest, fixed political opinions.
They believe in expedients and believe they can best
frame expedients. They trust to their own cunning rather
than to right principle to effect a purpose. Both have
ability. E. has the best legal mind and knowledge, yet
he follows Seward, who has oflBcial standing and exper-
ience, — is a precedent and authority for E.

Stanbery called on me last Thursday. He is looking
very well and expressed himself hopeful, though imable to
see how the country is to be extricated from the evils and
mismanagement in which we are involved.

December 29, Tuesday. Quite a discussion took place
on the subject of the currency at the Cabinet-meeting.
The President insisted, positively and with sincerity.

18681 T5E C5i;raiBJENCY QUESTION 495

that specie payment might be resumed to-morrow withouli
difficulty or derangement^ although believing that gold
and silver, like other commodity, is r^ulated by demand
and supply, provided there were no paper substitute. I
could not assent to the feasibility of an immediate re*
sumption without causing someeml^rrassment. It might be
less, perhaps, than was generally believed, but whenever
we did return to a specie standard there would be suffering
and hardship. Fasting is essential to the restoration of
health after a plethora. McCulloch came in while we were
discussing the subject, and he and the President soon be*
came engaged, the President laying down certam propo*
sitions which I did not perhaps fully comprehend, to the
effect, if I understood him, that if twenty-five per cent
of the greenbacks were redeemed at once, their place
would be immediately supplied by gold. McCulloch con-
troverted this, said tibe customs barely yielded sufficient
coin to pay accruing interest and the requisitions of the
State and Navy Departments. To resume at once, there*
fore, he declared an impossibility. The greenbacks and
paper must be gradually retired, and had not Congress
improperly interfered and prevented the withdrawal of the
greenbacks, we should at this time have been near thei
point of resumption. The President insisted resumption
could just as well take place now as if the withdrawal had
gone on. Schofield protested it would be most imjust to
the whole debtor class to resume without previous notice.
I asked if injustice had not been already done the whole
creditor class by cheapening the currency, by which they
received really but seventy cents on the dollar. This view
completely stumped Schofield, who evidently had thought
and talked on only one side of the question.

This subject is one of absorbing interest, and its right-
ful solution is of the utmost importance. It must nee-.
essarily be attended with some hardships, but less, I ap-
prehend, than is generally believed. The great body of
the supporters of Grant are not h^d-money men. They

494 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES (dec. 20

belong mostly to the old Whig Party, and, while full of
expedients, have no sound or fixed principles on ciurency,
finance, or any other subject. If Grant has any views in
regard to ciurency or finiuice, they are not avowed or de-
clared. I doubt if he has any, and should feel quite as well
satisfied to know that he had none as that he had, for he
may, provided he is well advised, fall into a correct train,
if not already committed to scnne one or more of the many
wild and vague theories that are pressed. If he has any
opinions on these subjects, my apprehensions are that his
notions are crude, and that from ignorant obstinacy he
will be likely to aggravate existing evils.

The coimtry needs at this time a firm, intelligent, and
able Executive, and he should be sustained in wholesome
efforts by a decisive Congressional majority. A wise pol-
icy persistently adhered to is wanted. Our Members of Con-
gress are so weak and iminformed themselves — such demar
gogues — that they will give way on the least pressxure
of hard times, and fluctuate and surrender to any demand
for a change of policy, to obtain relief. If the Executive
and Congress yield to the cry of more paper money, give
up and sell the gold, and try a new path, it will be a vicious
one and there will be no hope. The standard, or measure
of value, must be maintained to insure stability and con-
fidence.

December 30, Wednesday. There was, last (Tuesday)
evening, an interesting party of two or three himdred
yoimg folks at the Presidential Mansion, called thither to
meet the grandchildren of the President in a social dance.
It was the President's birthday, he being sixty years old
this day. The gathering was irrespective of parties, and
all were joyous and festive. General Grant, the President-
elect, would not permit his children to attend this party
of innocent youths, manifesting therein his rancorous and
bitter personal and party animosity. Not much that is
good can be expected for the coimtry from such a character.

1868] THE END OF AN EVENTFUL YEAR 495

December 31, Thvrsday. The closing hours of the year
are stormy, with the prospect of an unpleasant day to-
morrow. The year has been eventful, and there is much
that is painful in the recollection. I speak of political and
public affairs. There has been much to impair confidence
in the intelligence and integrity of the mass of the people
to govern themselves. Under tiie influence of passion and
led on by bad men, they hastily plunge into war. Our C!on-
stitution, or frame of government, is wise and beneficent,
if adhered to and respected. But it is notorious and in-
controvertible that the Radical Congress, in the excess of
party, have trampled the organic law imder foot when
party ends were to be subserved, have disregarded the
fundamental law without hesitation or scruple, assaulted
and broken down the distinctive departments of the gov-
ernment, and violated the reserved and indisputable rights
of the States. In all this reckless wickedness they have
been under party discipline, sustained by the people, and
a majority of the next Congress is elected to support their
vicious revolutionary proceedings. An amiable, forbear-
ing, and honest President, striving to uphold the govern-
ment, has been impeached in party hate, and barely es-
caped conviction. Representatives and Senators readily
forswore themselves, became persecutors of the Chief
Magistrate, conspired against him, and committed per-
jury in obedience to the dictates of party leaders who foimd
him an obstruction to their revolutionary schemes. The
President made errors, but they are venial, and he had
done nothing to draw down upon him these assaults, except
that he at first yielded too much to Radical demands, —
hesitated and lost.

LXV

The PresSdent's New Year's Reception — Grant's Failure to call on the
President — The President decides not to attend Grant's Inauguration

— The Naval Surgeons seeking to be made Commodores — Death d
General Rousseau — The Tenure-of-OfiSce Repeal Bill passes the House

— Seward concludes his Fifty-sixth Treaty — Evarts favors abandon-
ing Confiscation Proceedings — Senatorial Elections — The Alabama
Claims Treaty discussed in Cabinet — Fenton defeats Morgan for the
Republican Senatorial Nomination — Seward's Subserviency to Grant

— Senator Grimes introduces a Bill to reorganize the Navy.

January 1, 1869, Friday. A disagreeable, rainy day.
Hie ground covered with snow, save where the heavy
rain has melted and washed it away.

At a little before eleven went to the President's with
Mrs. Welles, my sons, and nieces. Foimd the house al-
ready filled with a miscellaneous crowd. The President
and family had not yet made their appearance. Secretary
Seward and Marshal Gooding had, as usual, got every-
thing confused and without order or system. The Presi-
dent had said on Tuesday that the Cabinet should be there
a quarter before eleven, previous to the admission of any
others. Seward, fond of notoriety, of precedence and show,
secretly and without authority or consent invited the
foreign legations there in advance of us, thus, with a crowd
to look on, throwing everything into confusion. As soon
as the President returned to the Blue Room, Seward,
who had placed himself at the door to take precedence,
called aloud for Baron Gerolt, the Senior Minister. The
Baron, who better than Seward knew the proprieties of
the day, was not ready, and Seward continued to call aloud,
like a crier, for his appearance. His object was to lead in
his crowd of some fifty ministers and attendants in advance
of his Cabinet associates. I, with some others, passed him
still calling for the Baron. The room was already pretty

186BI THE PRESIDENT'S BlEGEPTIQN 497

full, and in a few minuteB was a jam of Cabinet Minis^
ters, judges, foreign representativee, and a multitude who
had smuggled themselves in under Seward's disarrange^
ment.

After exchanging compliments with the President and
his family and other officials and friends, we left and, from
meridian until past 4 p.if., received calls. It is a tedious,
wearisome time to remain so long standing, interchanging
civilities, and yet is submitted to with pleasure, I believe^
by most persons. Except as a matter of duty, I should pre^
fer to be excused. Biit few ladies called, the weather was
so inclement. Men of all parties and stations in life came,
were courteous, and seemed gratified. It is our last official
New Year's reception, and I so spoke of it freely.

Janxwry 2, Saturday. The weather is still impleasanL
Made a short business call on the President. He says'
General B. F. Butler called on him yesterday; Butler also
called on me and I believe most of the Cabinet. It was
impudent and vulgar to intrude himself on the President,
the man whom he had vilified, slandered, and abused,
for the President could not, if so disposed, treat him as he
deserved. Butler undertakes to discriminate between the
man and the President ; says he has no controversy or diffar--
ence with Andrew Johnson, and the Senate, wiser than
himself, have acquitted the President of official misconduct
with which Butler and his co-<R>nspirators deliberately and
maliciously charged him. The President, while conversing
freely on Butler's call, was careful to express no opinion
as to its propriety or otherwise. He says the visit was
entirely unexpected, and was .prompted as much by the
absence of Grant as a desire to be courteous to him.

In running away to Philadelphia at this time in order
to avoid the interchange of civilities customary among of «
ficials at this season, in restraining his children from the juv*
enile gathering on Tuesday evening, and in shunning and
shrinking from the P^resident, his family, and others. Grant

498 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. s

was only bringing out in bolder relief his infirmities a^
vulgar characteristics. His own letters and correspondenoe
developed his want of sincerity and truth, though he afr
fected to be offended that he had even been doubted in
those qualities. If he had any cause to be offended with
either the President or the gentlemen of the Cabinet, it
was because they had not remained silent and suppressed
the truth when he had equivocated and falsified what had
taken place. It is the consciousness of unsuccessful guilt
and detected error, as much, perhaps, as weak and imhappy
traits of character, which excites his animosity. He is
deficient in some of the nobler qualities of mind. . . •
Ten years ago he was a porter ... in a leather store; but
for the War he would be there still.

We concurred as to his attributes and weakness. I sug-
gested that with his narrow mind and intense malignity
he might not consent to a public inauguration in our pre-
sence. The President said he had given that subject a
thought or two, and it might be well for us all to go to the
- Capitol together and leave it together. I asked why we
should be present at all. If the President-elect was so dis-
respectful and wanting in courtesy as not to comply with
common customary civilities and call, as was his duty, on
the Chief Magistrate whom he was to succeed, I did not
feel disposed, and hoped he did not, to be a part of the
train on the 4th of March. General Jackson declined to
call on Mr. J. Q. Adajtns when he came to Washington
in 1829, and Mr. Adams and his Cabinet very properly
declined to attend the inauguration. The President said
he was not aware of that fact. It was a precedent for us
which he was glad to learn.

January 4, Monday. Mr. Hubbell^ and Judge B of

Ohio called on me with an appUcation from yoimg B ,

formerly a lieutenant in the Navy, backed by a number of
prominent citizens of that State, asking to be reinstated

^ Probably James R. HubbeU, Member of C<MigreBB from Ohio, 1865-^7.

18691 A NAVAL REINSTATEMENT CASE 499

in the Navy. He had been dismissed nearly three years
since for drunkenness and worthlessness, or rather had been
retired. On a previous occasion he had been court-martialed,
convicted, and sentenced to be placed at the foot of the
list of lieutenants. Senator Sherman had called earlier in
his behalf. The Judge appears to be a sensible man, is re-
presented as standing high, and I was assured that the ex-
lieutenant had reformed, that the whole Ohio delegation,
of all parties, stood ready to sign papers in his behalf, that
the President had been seen and was willing to nominate
him, and all that was necessary to complete the business
was for me to come into the arrangement.

It is painful to have these cases presented. There was,
however, but one course for me to pursue, and I therefore
informed the father and Hubbell that I could not support
their views, — that there were no vacancies of lieutenant-
commanders, etc. They asked if there were not in lieu-
tenants, and, learning there was, he was willing to go to
the foot of that grade. This I told them was derogatory and
would be so considered by every right-minded oflScer.

After a pretty free conversation, they withdrew, but
returned in half an hour with an indorsement on the ap-
plication by the President, to the effect that he recom-
mended the case favorably, and, if consistent with usage,
would, if I sent over the name, forward the nomination
to the Senate. I informed the gentlemen that this was
embarrassing, but I could not make out a nomination
without an explicit order; that I would see the President
on the subject to-morrow, but I would frankly inform them
I would not recommend it.

They were very earnest, again said the whole Ohio
delegation would unite with them. I asked if the delega-
tion, with perhaps one or two exceptions, knew any more
of the yoimg man than I did. Told them where there was
no responsibility it was easy to give names. The dele-
gation were friendly to the father and willing to oblige him
without r^ard to the welfare of the service. That duty

500 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [jan.4

devolved on me, and, with feelings as kind and friendly
as theirs, perhaps, there was on my part a duty to the
service which I could not disregard, and I could not
advise the appointment.

January 5, Tuesday. ,

I had some talk with the President, as I promised, on

B 's case. He said he knew nothing of it, but had

turned the parties over to me to dispose of.

We had some conversation respecting Grant and others.
The President said he had turned over in his mind the sub-
ject of attending the inauguration since our talk the other
day, and he thought we owed it to ourselves to take the
groimd that we could not, with proper self-respect, witness
the inauguration of a man whom we knew to be untruthful,
faithless, and false, — a dissembler, a deUberate deceiver,
— who, in order to extricate himself from the difficulties in
which he was involved by his equivocation and intrigues,
had attempted to impugn the veracity of all of us. What-
ever may be said by him, and whatever prejudices and mis-
conceptions he may, for the time being, spread abroad,
we, said the Pi-esident, know him to be a liar, guilty of
dupUcity, false to his duty and his trust. Knowing these
things, shall we debase ourselves by going near him, and
thus assist in giving him a false character?

In connection with this he brought forward the pub-
lished correspondence in relation to Reconstruction. Grant
had sent in what appeared to be the whole correspondence,
but last Saturday the President said he had obtained a
letter written by Grant to Sheridan on the 4th of June,
1867, but which Grant had suppressed, in which he told
Sheridan to do as he pleased in Louisiana and Texas with-
out regard to the letter of the Attorney-General. That
letter, the President said, relieved Sheridan of much of
the odium of his action, justified him in his remark at St.
Louis that he acted on the suggestions of Grant, and, had

1809] SI7BOE0NS SEEKING NAVAL RANK 501

he carried out Grant's wishes, he should have gone much
further than he did. This lett^ of the 24th of June Grant
had withheld to conceal his treachery and guilt; this
suppression itself was equivalent to a falsehood.

January 6, Wednesday. Mr. Hubbdl called on me again
to-day with a communication headed by Senator Wade and

signed by all the Ohio delegation in behalf of B ^ whom

they wished to be reinstated. This is all done without
knowing him. These men would, in sympathy, lend their
names to demoralize the whole service. I shall be glad when
relieved from such miserable l^pslative influences.

January 7, Thursday. The naval surgeons have for a
long period been laboring to be made conunodores and to
have naval rank. It was known that, while I would give
the whole staff personal recognition, I have not favored the
schemes of the staff to take rank and title with the line.
I therefore have not be^i consulted in their late move-
ments by either line or staff. As there was much contro*
versy, I was glad to be excused by all of them. The line
officers have, many of them, exhibited a want of manly
frankness in the matter. They had not the moral cour-
age to resist what they knew to be wrong. Admiral Far-
ragut himself, in kindness of heart, has given them an
approving letter that conveyed more than he really in-
tended, which was read on the floor of the House. Vice-
Admiral Porter, who is opposed to extending recognition
or even justice to the staff, I am told, gave them a favor-
able letter, but refused to have it made public. O the du-
plicity and moral cowardice of some of our heroes ! He was
here yesterday, and I doubt not his object. It was not to
back up his letter, but the reverse.

The doctors were in high glee this morning and confid-
ent of success in the House, but after a short debate the
scheme was killed by a vote of two to one, and the whole
was laid on the table. The end is not yet.

502 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan.8

January 8, Friday. A full Cabinet. Among mattaiB
presented, Seward had a long document in regard to St.
Thomas which he proposed to send to the Senate. He said
it was a statement of the facts. The President did not re-
quire it to be read. This I regretted, for there will be likely
to be some misunderstanding. I think that in the present
condition of affairs we want the money more than St.
Thomas, and the purchase has been inconsiderately pushed
by Seward, certainly for no present public necessity or
purpose.

We received to-day intelligence of the death of General
Rousseau at New Orleans. The Radicals, who forget all
merit and all service in any man, however patriotic and de-
serving, and who have made war on R. and threatened to
annihilate his ofiSoe in order to get rid of him, because he
was opposed to their wild notions, wiU now, perhaps, cease
their opposition to him. Hewas brave and patriotic. In the
early days of the War, had great and deserved influence in
Kentucky, and rendered valuable service there and in the
field. He was of the Presidential party in 1866 when we
"swung roimd the circle,^' and the contrast between his
presence and that of Grant — his lofty person and cheerful,
joyous countenance beside the diminutive form and stolid
face of Grant — was marked. The crowds, when the two
were seen together, were disposed to give homage to Rous-
seau rather than to Grant, which sometimes mortified and
annoyed the latter.

January 9, Saturday. The President to-day spoke of
comparing our Reconstruction plans, which were printed
on slips and were before the Cabinet in 1865, in April, —
Stanton's programme, first ordered by President Lincoln,
with my amendments. I had informed the President I still
retained my copy.

In the afternoon, an hour or two later than this conver-
sation, Garrett Davis^ and myself, among other matters,

^ Senator from Kentucky.

1860] TEKOR&*<)F^EFICB RBPEAL BILL 503

fell into conversation on the subject of the Reconstruction
acts, — the version given by Stanton, etc., — when Davis,
to whom I had related certain circumstances, expressed
a strong desire that I would give the facts publicity. I
doubted its expediency at this time, but he finally pro-
posed with the President's consent to introduce a resolution
calling for information in relation to the early Reconstruc-
tion proceedings.

January 11, Monday. Had another long interview with

tiubbeU and B relative to the reappointment of the

latter to the Navy. They dwelt chiefly on the fact that
they had got in their behalf all the Ohio delegation, of al
parties. I told them I cared no more about the Ohio dele-
gation than any other equal number of respectable genlde-

men, unless they personally knew B and his case.

They did not claim that more than two knew him, but
Hubbell said B.'s father was a reputable man of great influ-
ence and it would benefit the President and his friends
hereafter. Told him such considerations should have no
influence.

Colvocoressis ^ also ciJIed. His case is hard, I think,
but there is no remedy. Wanted to examine the record.

Congress, or the House, by a vote of 119 to 47 repealed
the Civil-Tenure Bill to-day. This is a comment on Radical
legislation, — the honesty, consistency, and regard for the
Constitution of the Radicid majority. To embarrass Pre-
sident Johnson and break down the Executive while being
honestly administered by a man to whom they were op-
posed was the moving cause of their partisan, superficial
legislation in that enactment. I shall be glad to see Con-
gress return to its duty and ibs government reSstablidied
on right principles, but das I' I fear the ^latta: can nevisr
again be restored.

January 12, TueBday. ButiieTy who yesteirday carried the

1 George Muflalaa OolvoooresBls^'D^N^, re1fteA^«aiyta& fal VM^ <■ "

tOi DIART OF GIDEON WELLES [jan.is

repeal of theTenuie^f^O^be Bill through the House, macto
his long-promised speech to-day in favor of paper money
and against specie. In plain words a preference of false
promises over truth. Irredeemable paper is a lie: gold is
4ruth. He is a controlling spirit in this Congress and with
the Radical party. He is strong-willed when clothed with
power; energetic, cunning, unscrupulous, and consequently
dangerous; potent for good sometimes, for evil often. There
is very little true wisdom or good sense in the House on
Aiatters of currency or finance.

Seward had three or four treaties to send ixp to the Sen-
ate. He said, with a self-complacent air of triumph, that
they completed the fif ty-sitth which he h^d concluded, —
about as many as had been made during the whole previ-
ous existence of the govemm^at. I could not resist re-
marking, ''£nt£mgling alliances I Our predecessors deemed
it wise and prudent to have no more than were absolutely
necessary.^' The remark vexed him.
. Evarts brought forward the subject of confiscation,
which certain robbers, Radical disunionists, are pressing.
He thought the subject had been pursued far enough.
Seward wished he would make out a schedule of the amount
which would probably accrue to the Government. Scho-
field thought this would be prudent in view of assaults that
might come from those who stood ready to attack such
a movement. I said there had been enough of persecution,
•^ let us now have peace. I wished the whole confiscating
proceedings to cease, — to be abandoned. Browning and
Randall concurred. So did MeCulloch, but thought it
Well to guard i^ainst attacks. Schofield said if the whole
matter of confiscation liad been dropped two years ago
all would have been well^ and much irritation and animos-
ity prevaited, but as things Were now situated, it would be
best to let Congress take action on the subject, and decide
what should be done. Evarts asked if that view had not
gdne far enoil^. Why was Congress to absorb and take
to itself the exeoutive bnmoh of the government entirely?

m9] ^NATOBIAL ELBCTIONS 506

Were we doing our duty in yielding everything ? This
was a lebuke from the right quarter to a vicious policy.
I could not forbear giving my voice in approval. Seward
seemed puzzled. He abandoned his wish for a schedule.
Said it was a mere suggestion. The final unanimous con-
clusion was that the Attorney-General should abandon
his poUcy, and end the suits which had been commenoedi
so far as it could be done in good faith. This stand l^
Evarts has surprised and delighted me.

January 13, Wednesday. A great struggle is going on in
some of the States for Senator, — Maine, New York,
Pennsylvania, Indiana, Missouri, Wisconsin, and Minne-
sota. The Radicals have majorities in the l^pslatures of
all the States, but are divided among themselves, — not
on any principle, but desire for ofi^ce. In Maine, HamKn
and Morrill are contestants. The Springfield RepiMican
styles the former a dirty-shirt demagogue. Morrill, a maxi
of usually honest interests and intentions, debased himselti
— first in the matter of imseating Stockton, and after-
wards in the impeachment villainy. In the Radical nomr
inating caucus, Hamlin got 75 votes, Morrill 74, and there
was one blank. H., having one half the votes, claimed the
nomination; Morrill's friends resisted. Good men will be
glad to have both defeated. Fessenden, who for years has
been all-powerful in Maine and whose potential view would
have decided for either in past years, is said not to have
a friend in the legislature whom be can influence, and the
suspicion that he favors Morrill hurts that gentleman with
the Radicals.

In New York and Pennsylvania money enters largely into
the election, and the longest purse, if freely used, will prol>
ably win in the former. Cameron and the raikoad interest
have already secured the nomination of John Scott, the at-
torney for the great central road, a man unknown beyond
the limits of his State. The railroad controls Pennqrl*
vania, and Cameron has had the adroitness to secure itb.-

506 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 13

Here in Washington, as elsewhere, money, special priv-
ileges, luxury, and kindred vices bear sway, and in the
current events of the times we have regxhibited the decad-
ence of the Republic of Rome and the degeneracy of her
people. The press is terribly in fault, — is weak and
wicked, often corrupt and ignorant. Flippant and ready
writers who read novels and magazines, but who are desti-
tute of reflection or profound thought, who have never
studied the science of government, and who are deplorably
ignorant of the structure of our own, are the editors and
stipend correspondents who lead, or mislead, the people.

January 14, Thursday. General Butler's financial speech
does not meet the approval of his own party so far as I can
perceive. In making the speech he must have had an
object, but not a good one. No one but a knave or a fool
would take the position he does, and Butler is not a fool.
There is, however, very little good sound sense on financial
matters in CJongress. Indeed, want of statesmanship,
want of ability, want of enlightened legislation are daily
more perceptible.

January 15, Friday. Seward and myself were a little in
advance of others at the Cabinet-meeting. He told me he
had got three treaties signed with Great Britain, and the
press was not aware of the fact. One is relative to San
Juan, one relates to naturalization or expatriation, one re-
lates to the Alabama Claims and all claims on cither side.
I asked if the English were to present claims for loss of
property by their people during our Civil War. He said
yes. I said such a treaty, including prize captures and
cotton, is in every point of view adverse to us. The
balance of account will be against us; but why should we
consent to submit to arbitrament at all the destruction of
British property sent to assist the Rebels, or which was
destroyed within Rebel lines? He said we could not have a
treaty imless it included all claims on both sides. But why

1869] THE ALABAMA CLAIMS TREATY 607

I)ermity or admit, that such property captured on Rebel
vessels or in Rebel territory can be recognized as a clainii
— a matter of controversy? He asked if we did not claim
for the Alabama captures. I answered yes, but that was
a very different question. They had improperly interfered
against our Government, with which they had treaties and
were at peace, without cause, to our injury. We had done
no such wrong towards them. While, therefore, we had a
just and equitable claim, they had none. If they have con-
sented to arbitrament on the question of British muni-
cipal law in permitting the Alabama to be built, fitted
out, and manned in England, they have done it to get an
advantage of us in the matter of sovereignty and other
particulars also.

When Seward a short time after stated in full Cabinet
he had made this arrangement, McCulloch said the English
would make a balance against us. He doubted, however,
if these matters would be adjusted in omr day, — they
would pass down to another generation. Seward was an^
noyed, but said nothing. He looked at me as if he thought
McCulloch and I had had consultation on the subject,
which we had not, although we both took the same view.
Browning expressed himself gratified that the Alabama
claims were specifically mentioned, — a remark which
soothed Seward. No other member of Cabinet gave any
opinion; but the President said that, right or wrong, we
would try it. He and Seward have evidently had previous
consultations, and it may be that I have not right impres-
sions of the terms and conditions.

Before we broke up, the President said to me he was so

importuned and pressed in B 's case that he wished I

would send over a nomination and he would let the Senate
dispose of the matter. I told him it would be a singular
proceeding, and without precedent; besides the Senate had
the subject before it, the Naval Committee had sent to me
for the facts. He said he understood it had not got to the
Senate, and B 's f riends^were very importunate. When

508 IXIABY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan. 15

leaving^ I inquired if I fihould send in B 's name for

a lieutenancy, or for his position among his former asso-
ciates who were lieutenant-commanders. He said for lieu-
tenant. Browning, who stood by, remarked that it was
against law and usage. It is impleasant and bad in every
point of view that the President should be persuaded into
such a proceeding. I ordered the nomination made out and
sent when I reached the Department, and wrote a letter
to the President that it was by special direction, but
Faxon advised against sending it.

January 16, Saturday. Wrote a letter to Grimes and
Naval Committee and sent documents and charts con*
ceming Midway Islands in the Pacific Ocean. ^

Stanton has written letters to Michigan for Chandler,
and to New York for Morgan, to aid their elections. I can
hardly suppose he can influence a vote in either State, —
certainly not in New York. Chandler has been nominated,
and will, of coiu^, be elected. The Radicals at Albany
hold their caucus to-night. The contest is narrowed down
to Morgan and Fenton, with a general impression that M.
will succeed. He has the most money, though F. is aided
by M. 0. Roberts, A. T. Stewart, and other capitalists.

January 18, Monday. Seward gave a party (dinner) on
Saturday to which Grant was invited, and which he ac-
cepted. Thus ends the assumption that he would cut all
those who convicted him of falsehood, and Seward has
crawled abjectly to the man who for two months has not
spoken to him. It is a pitiful exhibition of each. Grant

^ Two small islands belonging to the Hawaiian group, but some fourteen
hundred miles to the west-northwest of Honolulu. Secretary Welles in his
Annual Report of July 1, 1868, had recommended the acquisition of the
islands by the United States on account of a good harbor inclosed between
them. They had recently been surveyed by order of the Department, and
the harbor was named Welles Harbor. The Midway Islands now belong to
the United States, having been acquired with the Hawaiian Islands in 1898.
They are a station of the Philippine cable.

1S091 FENTON PEFEATS MQBOAN 600

was convicted of an untruth; Schi^rard was identified by
letter, word, and thought with all who witnessed the in*
terview, but equivocated, shuffled, and was false to hi^
colleagues when put to the test. Grant, who professes to
be, and doubtless is, offended because his veracity is imr
peached, shows his real regard for truth by associating and
taking to himself this equivocal and faithless shuffler.
Fudge on such pretenders!

At the caucus of the Radical members of the New York
Xiegislature at Albany on Saturday evening, Fenton beat
Morgan by ten majority, to the surprise of every one.
This is the fruit of Morgan's intrigues and labors since he
commenced his deceit two or three years since. I am not
surprised at this inglorious termination, though disap-
pointed at the result of Saturday night's caucus. Yet,
reviewing the subject, now it is over, it is not marvelous.

The papers state that Morgan, who was waiting the
result in a private house in Albany near by, on learning
the fact that he was beaten, proceeded with all haste to
the Delavan House and extended his congratulations to his
successful opponent Fenton. This insincere exhibition
of magnanimity is despicable. It is well to extinguish ami-*
mosity, not to retain resentments, to honor the success of
an honorable competitor, but there is none of this in this
case. Morgan has said to me in past years that Fenton was
treacherous, a liar, an intriguer, in whom no confidence
could be placed. What sincerity was there in his congratu-
lations to such a man, — one of whom he had such opin-
ions? Fenton is what Morgan said of him. He is cunning,
false, selfish, is no statesman, but a shrewd politician of a
bad school, a trimmer, mdustrious and piessmg.

Morgan is a preferable man, or was, but he has become
sadly debased. No man ever had a better opportunity
to obtain a high and honorable name, to have pimsued a
more quiet and useful career, to have in these days ren-
dered a greater service, but he has labored to forfeit all, and
has succeeded. He knew what was ri^t| but did what was

610 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES tJAK. 18

wrong, and he has got his reward. I am sorry that Fenton
is elected, as he is, virtually, but am not sorry that Morgan
is defeated.

Morgan's course on the Reconstruction measures, be-
ginning with the Civil-Rights Bill, was impatriotic, un-
wise, mistakenly selfish, partisan, and against his convic-
tions of right. He knew better, for we then consulted. But
his most disgraceful and reprehensible conduct was in the
matter of impeachment. When I remember how wickedly
he voted to admit improper testimony against the Pre-
sident, who had always treated him kindly and who had
committed no public impeachable offense, and how he
servilely, stolidly, and doggedly voted against admitting
truth to be given in evidence which exctdpated the Pre-
sident from false charges, I cannot regret that Morgan is
defeated. No one who participated in the infamous con-
spiracy to impeach President Johnson ought ever to be
tmisted.

January 19, Tuesday. Mr. Seward read his letter to
the Conunittee on Foreign Affairs of the Senate relative
to the proposed consolidation of several missions in South
America into one, opposing the movement. I inquired
whether it would not be advisable to abolish the Paraguay
Mission, or embody it with some other. That country or
people has no minister or representative here; we have
no residents there, except persons attached to the legation,
nor have we any conmtiercial intercourse with Paraguay.
Seward thought it important, in order to prevent Brazil
from becoming too formidable, that we should continue
the mission, though we had no special interest there.
I excepted to any such ulterior purpose or supervisorship,
which tended to entangle and embroil us and already
caused difficulty. No one made any remarks on either side
of the question, for the reason, I presume, that they had
^ven it but little attention and knew little or nothing on
the subject. The matter was dropped.

18991 SEWARD^S SUBSERVIENCY TO GRANT Ml

A very sharp and ill-tempered letter from Bancroft to
General Dix was read. Napoleon was annoyed by some
remark said to have been made at a dinner in Berlin, when
B. said that, in the event of a war between France and
the North-German States, the United States would
favor the Germans, for they had not forgotten the course
of France towards us during the Rebellion* The French
Minister complained to Dix, who thought B. had been
misunderstood, or that, if not, the remarks were his per-
sonal opinions. But he communicated the complaint to
Bancroft, and also wrote Secretary Seward. B. took fire
and wrote a sharp letter to Dix, so personally offensive
tibat the latter will scarcely have further intercourse with
him.

McCuUoch feels sore and disquieted with Seward for
his sneaking subserviency to Grant. The latter had
avoided all interviews with him, as well as with the Pre-
sident and the rest of us who had witnessed the last inter-
view between the President and the General, until Seward
humbled himself in order to get on speaking terms with
the man whom he had declared, as he was, guilty of false*
hood. Through the instrumentality of Evarts, Blatcb-
ford, Grinnell,^ and others, Seward succeeded in procmr-
ing a recognition, and a consent, on the part of Grant, to
dine with him. McCuUoch considered it not only de-
grading in Seward, but discourteous and a breach of
faith towards his colleagues, and wrong and insulting ta
the President in whose Cabinet he sat. I agreed with him
fully.

Randall, who joined us, was full of disparaging remarks
of Grant, whom he met at Seward's after dinner on Satur-
day, but who was churlish, reserved, and with [whom he
exchanged not a word. R. tried to palliate Seward's
course; said S. told him he had always kept on speaking
terms with Grant. This is not true, and I am not to be
deceived by the pretense.

^ Moses H.Giim)«ll,''nerdlMi^ pitiMe" of New^ '^ ^^

512 DIART OF GIDEON WELLES (Jan.»

January 20, Wednesday. The President's first season's
reception last evening was one of the pleasantest of these
gatherings I have ever been at, and was generally attended
by the officials of the Army, Navy, and Civil Service.
Grant was not there, not was any one of his staff. Only
a few of the opposition Members came. Some sense oi
shame restrains them.

January 21, Thursday. Attorney-General Evarts gave
last evening a reception. It was extremely crowded. A
multitude of Members of C!ongress were there who w^e
not at the President's the preceding evening. I was pre-
sent for a short time, but it was so imcomfortably close
and crowded that I left early.

January 22, Friday. Our reception last evening was
very pleasant, and the guests professed and seemed to be
highly pleased. We have never permitted party differ-
ences to influence us in the invitations which we send out,
but some of the carpet-baggers and scalawags we did not
ask. Van Wyck, a New York Representative, was not
invited, because, whatever his position, he is a base and
untruthful man with whom I want no association, yet
the fellow had the impudence to intrude himself. General
Grant, having through his aide, Badeau, given public notice
through the press that he would not attend a dinner given
to Mr. Evarts in New York if I and certain others who wit-
nessed his equivocation and humiliation when [he was]
questioned by the President and he attempted to justify
and apologize for his treachery, duplicity, and falsehood
[were present], I would not permit myself to invite him,
although he is President-elect, and although I am always
disposed to treat with attention honorable and truthful
public men in official stations, whatever may be their
opinions. I should, as a matter of duty, extend to him the
courtesies and civilities due to the President-elect, what-
ever miight be my own opinions and convictions of hixn

1869] THE PAY. FOE THE STONEWALL 513

as a man and officer, but he has rendered it impossible.
Conscioxis guilt and abased feeling have influenced him,
and self-respect governs me. We are strangers henceforth.

Seward handed me to-day a memorandum in relation
to the ironclad steamer Stonewall, sold to the Japanese
for $400,000, of which they paid $300,000 at the time of
transfer, and the State Department undertook to pay [sic]
the remaining $100,000 through Van Valkenburg, the
Minister. But a civil war prevailed in Japan when the
vessel reached that country, and our Minister, sanctioned
by the Secretary of State, forbade her delivery, and as-
sumed to pay the expense of her detention. Seward now
wished me to divert over $50,000 from the back pay which
is due, to defray the expense which he and Van V. have
incurred.

I told him I had no authority to make such diversion;
that it was due and should be paid; the non-delivery of
the steamer was not a naval act; we were in no way re-
sponsible for it, etc., etc. He wished me to take the memo-
randiun and consider it. It is a specimen of a certain kind
of management and maladministration of which I cannot
be the willing victinL I doubt if the money will ever be
paid to the Navy or covered into the Treasury.

Jarvuary 23, Saturday. Had letters to-day from Reaiv
Admiral Davis of the South Atlantic Squadron relative to
the difficulties with Paraguay, which he appears to have
adjusted, and Bliss and Masterman, who were reported
to have been tortiu^ and murdered, have been delivered
safe and sound on the deck of the Wasp. There has been
a vast amoimt of raipty indignation and ignorance ex-
hibited by the press and the public men in this matter,
and our Ministers, Webb and Washburn, have demon-
strated unfitness for their position in regard to it, now as
well as previously.

Called with my brother on the President this evening
and had an hour's conversation on various matters. He

514 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [jan.ss

has sound and correct views, is honest and patriotic, but
has not the tact, skill, and talent to wield the admin-
istrative power of the government to advantage in times
like these, with a factious majority in Ck>ngress against him.
The opposition, managed by wicked and unscrupulous
conspirators, aided by fanatics, has grown up on sectional
hate and become powerful, while the Administration, de-
voted to reconciliation and peace, has fallen away and
become feeble.

January 26, Tuesday. I sent yesterday a letter to Seward
returning a dispatch from Mr. Harvey, Minister to lisbon.
In the dispatch the Minister denounces naval officers for
making purchases of Messrs. Abecassis, whom he vilifies
as Jews, adventurers, tavern-keepers, etc. The monopoly
of trade has been long previously enjoyed by certain Amer-
ican officials, who gave the trade to favored parties and
received therefor a high commission. The brothers Abe-
cassis made sales at less rates than those furnished by
the officials, and hence their offense. It was first said the
Abecassis could not sell coal at the rates charged without
cheating or unless it was a stock owned by Rebels. Now,
since we had so supplied oimselves from Abecassis, it is
said that coal can be bought cheaper. The Minister has,
patriotically or for some cause, taken upon himself the
supervision of the naval officers, and is violent against the
Jew interlopers who have disturbed old arrangements.

Admiral Farragut, Fleet Paymaster Bradford, Com-
modore Smith, and others speak highly of Abecassis; so
do the Portuguese Minister and others.

I have little confidence in Harvey, who was a mer-
cenary correspondent here prior to, and at the commence-
ment of, the Rebellion, a tool of Seward's who gave notice
to the Rebels of the expedition to Sumter, and had his
reward in the mission to Lisbon. His animosity and per-
sonal feeling betray themselves in his letter, and show
unusual interest in contracts for a Minister. .

18091 BILL TO REORGANIZE THE NAVY 516

The President g&ve his first State dinner for the season.
There were present the Cabinet Ministers and their fam-
ilies, with those Senators who voted against impeachment.
Fessenden and Grimes were not present. The former
attends no parties, and Grimes is not well. Nevertheless,
it is probable other reasons may have influenced them.
Although these two men voted against impeachment, they
are both strong Radicals and unwilling to be identified in
any manner with the President. It may injure them with
their party. They seem not aware that they are already
marked and for the time doomed men, or that the Radical
organization, while it continues, will not recognize them
or admit them to fellowship. These two Senators usually
act in concert. Whether they would have declined a State
dinner by the President-elect is a problem. Mr. Trumbull,
who attended, left the table early, — long before the dinr
ner was over. He had time to see who were his associate
guests, and who were absent. After leaving the Presid-
ent's, Mrs. W., her sister, and M. C. went with me to the
weekly reception of Sir Edward Thornton; his parties are
pleasant and not overcrowded. Most of the foreign minis-
ters were there with their families. Chief Justice Chase, etc.

January 27, Wednesday. Senator Grimes yesterday
introduced a bill to reorganize the Navy. He did not con-
sult me in regard to it, nor show me the bill before intro-
ducing it, as usage and courtesy would seem to require,
especially if the bill comes from the Naval Committee.
There are many things in this bill which I approve, and
I am, on the whole, glad I was not consulted and have none
of the responsibilities, and consequently ought to receive
the blame of no one. Still I shall be censured by many who
will feel aggrieved if the bill becomes a law, because they
will very naturally conclude that, coming from the Naval
Committee, I was consulted, — probably think I advised
and prepared the bill. I had, when we were together at
Portsmouth last summer^ one or two oonv^Batibns with

616 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [jan.27

Grimes, and some of my views are, I perceive, embodied
in the act he has introduced. But I had no explanation
of it then, and some of his propositions I do not indorse.

January 28, Thursday. The correspondence in relation
to Paraguay is published, or so much of it as Mr. Seward
deemed proper. Some of Webb's rant is omitted. A few
weeks since, our impetuous, heedless, almost senseless
press was boisterous for war and fight. The Navy was de-
clared to be too slow and indifferent because it did not
bombard their cities and take possession of their harbors,
nine hundred miles in the interior of South America.

January 29, Friday. Had last night our last public
reception. It was largely attended by a pleasant company,
irrespective of parties. The company, male and female,
was select; civil, naval, and military officers with their
families, and Members of Congress were present.

McCulloch wants us to send a naval vessel to Alaska
to protect the seals from extermination. Our appropria-
tions are so reduced by Congress that we have no super-
numerary force to aid the revenue department in that
quarter.

Seward said to-day that the Senate had confirmed a
treaty with Mexico for adjusting claims with that country,
which was the same, in words, with the Alabama Treaty.
I asked if it involved the same principles, — whether we
had a similar difficulty with Mexico as with England. S.
did not thank me, I saw by his looks, for the inquiry. He
said we had unrequited claims upon Mexico, which were
left to commissions. But there were no national wrongs and
a grievous injury inflicted or winked at by that Govern-
ment, said I, no controversies mvolvmg questions of
public law analogous to that we had against England. He
said all disputed points involved questions of public law.
I perceived he did not wish points raised, but he invited
them. He says there is an authorized agent here from San

1869] HAMLIN DEFEATS MORRILL 517

Domingo who wishes that country to be annexed to the
United States, on whatever terms we please. One of the
Japanese princes wishes to sell out his territory to any one
who will buy it.

January 30, Saturday. Sent a letter to Senator Grimes
in relation to defects in the appropriation bill. My inten-
tion has been not to urge corrections after the full and
explicit statements in my reports and other documents,
especially as the Conmiittee on Appropriations have not,
in their partisan spite, the courtesy to consult me. But
Faxon thinks we had best keep ourselves right on the re-
cord, and there is regard for the service and my successor,
whoever he may be, that ought not to suffer from the faults
and follies of his hasty friends. It is a misfortune that
a man so ignorant, so wanting in civility as well as intel-
ligence as E. B. Washbume should be in the position he
occupies.

Stockton has been elected to the Senate, while Morrill
of Maine, whose vote unjustly displaced him, is defeated
by Hamlin. While I am sorry that Hamlin is elected, I am
not sorry that Morrill, for whom I have had special re-
gard, is defeated. He and Morgan have, I am constrained
to believe, voted against their convictions in the impeach-
ment conspiracy and usurping measures of the Radicals,
and they have each got their reward.

LXVI

Students of Georgetown College visit the President — John P. Hale
Minister to Spain — General Sobofield advocates consolidating the War
and Navy Departments — President Lincoln's Clemency towards the
Defeated South — Did Grant and Sherman act under Instructions from
him in making the Terms of the Surrender? — Senator Morrill of Ver-
mont compliments the Administration of the Navy Department —
Insurrection in Cuba — The Butler and Bingham Factions among the
Radicals — General Dix resigns as Minister to France — Hawley urged
for Grant's Cabinet — The Panama Canal Treaty — Grant's Nepotism
— Simeon Johnson and Coombs's Claim — Johnson's Ignorance of the
Duties of the Departments — Grant's Cabinet still in Doubt — The
Question of governing Alaska — The Course to be followed by Presidoit
Johnson and his Cabinet on Inauguration Day.

February 1, Monday. The students at the Roman Cath-
olic college in Georgetown visited the President this morn-
ing with their mstructors. By arrangement of Father
McGuire on Saturday, the Secretary of War and mjrself
were to be present. The President notified us a little before
eleven, and I went over, but the Secretary of War did not
come.

The young men appeared very well, and their speakers,
in a few brief remarks, well expressed, addressed the Fre^
sident, who replied at great length. Had his speech been but
one third the length, he would have acquitted himself with
credit. He dwelt on the Constitution, the importance of
limiting men in oflSce, and of observing with scrupulous
fidelity the fimdamental law. General Grant, President-
elect, I am told, declined to receive the young men.

February 2, Tuesday, The papers publish a letter of
John P. Hale, Minister to Spain, complaining of the Sec-
retary of Legation, Perry, and attacking Seward, who, he
represents, is concerned in improper speculation with P.
He probably does S. injustice, but I could not forbear tell-

18091 J. P. HALE AS MINISTER TO SPAIN 519

ing Seward that he deserved all the good things Hale might
say of him. Seward said he was imfortunate in some of his
appointments, — alluding to Hale and Nicolay,^ Consul
at Paris, whom the President inclines to displace. I, with-
out alluding to Nicolay, told him Hale was unfit for the
position of Minister, was undeserving of it; that during
the whole War, most of which time he was chairman of
the Naval Committee of the Senate, he had, as Seward well
knew, thwarted and opposed the Navy Department and
tried to cripple and embarrass my efforts; that this was so
palpable and so offensive that the Senate, without any re-
quest or motion from me, felt compelled to displace him;
that his State refused to reelect him, although the legisla-
ture was overwhelmingly of the same party. In the face of
all this, he (S.) had appointed Hale to a first-class mission
abroad. I did not regret that he was manifesting his true
character towards the Secretary of State. Seward did not
deny, but admitted, that Hale was his selection. When the
appointment was made, he put it on Mr. Lincoln, but I
never doubted who was the author of that appointment.

February 3, Wednesday. The marriage of General Corn-
stock to Bettie Blair, which had been on the tapis for some
time, took place to-day. Comstock is on the staff of Gen-
eral Grant; Bettie is the daughter of Montgomery, and
niece of General Frank Blair, Democratic candidate for
Vice-President. This brings the Blairs into court influ-
ence, f Grant attended the wedding at church, and by some
blunder got into the same seat as Mrs. Patterson, the
President's daughter, and her husband Senator Patterson.
Mrs. Grant was at Commodore Lee's party, the uncle of
the bride. We met, but without recognition.

Boyer of Pennsylvania, who is on the Military Com-
mittee, tells me that General Schofield, Secretary of War,
was before the committee to-day and advised the consol-
idation of the War and Navy Departments under one head.

> John G. Nioolay, Linooln's Private Secretary.

620 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [fxb.s

This is a natural sequence of late measures, — a repetition
of history long since told. A simple government is a mil-
itary department with one head; a republic is climMy and
troublesome. The Radical Congress, by usurpation, has
undertaken to destroy the executive, one of the three
constitutional departments of the government, by de-
priving the President of his rightful powers and to confer
them by legislative enactment on theGreneralof the armies.
A Radical general was made Secretary of War. It is not
strange that he should come to the conclusion that power
should be consolidated, and that it should be vested in the
miUtary head, instead of the Constitutional Executive.
My only surprise in this is that Schofield, who is shrewd
and not frank when he is likely to be affected, should have
expressed himself so far on the subject. I apprehend he
did not expect it would get abroad, but was a supposed
quiet effort to plant the seeds of central, despotic military
feeling. They are undoubtedly his convictions, and to those
who have little faith in public intelligence and virtue, who
believe in a government of form and not of opinion, who
dislike the turbulence of elections, and who prefer the calm,
quiet regularity of despotism, the views of Schofield will
be acceptable. Much can be said on that side of the ques-
tion, but men have not the courage to express their con-
victions if they are supposed to conflict with the directors
of popular sentiment. It appears to me that, were I a
centralist, I would openly avow it. I have no hesitation
in saying I am opposed to the whole modem scheme of
Congressional aggression, and that I have less faith in the
exercise of general executive power by the legislative body
than by one responsible head.

February 4, Thursday. A telegram brings tidings of the
death of my brother-in-law, John Mulholland Hale, who
died this morning of typhoid pneumonia at Reading, Penn-
sylvania. His death is a great loss to his family and friends,
and to them his loss is irreparable. He was endowed with

2800] LINCOLN'S TERMS TO THE SOUTH 621

great business capacity, and his life and principles were
exemplary. Mrs. Welles, Mrs. Morgan, and Edgar left
this evening for Reading to attend his obsequies and pay
the last earthly duties to the departed*

There was to have been this evening a large but select
party at our house, which the death of Mr. Hale prevented.
Forty-one and a half years ago, in the month of July,
1827, I alighted from tiie stage^soach in Lewistown, and
among a crowd of men and boys I selected a black-eyed lad
with a large black mole on his cheek, as my cousin John.
He was a sturdy boy of twelve. After twoscore of years
eventful to both of us, he has closed life's journey, and
I must soon follow.

February 5, Friday. Seward read the last of the tart and
not very creditable correspondence between Bancroft and
Dix. I have some time since ceased to be an admirer of
these men, and this correspondence fails to restore my for-
mer high opinion of either. The weakness of a driveler and
the impertinence of a pedagogue are the characteristics.

Montgomery Blair tells me of an article which ap-
peared some four or five weeks ago in Wilkes' paper,*
which he says was prompted by Grant. It relates to the
terms of capitulation at Appomattox Court-House, and of
Johnston to Sherman, which the article avers were pre-
sented by Mr. Lincoln to the two generals at Bermuda
Hundred, when he was there in March, 1865.

Blair called my attention to this article in Wilkes' paper
in consequence of some remarks of mine, stating the sub-
stance of an interview which I had with Mr. Lincoln, soon
after his return from Richmond and only a day or two be-
fore his death, in relation to the authority he had given
to General Weitzel to call together the legislature of Vir-
ginia in order that they might repeal their secession ordin-
ance and enactments. I may have in my notes mentioned
this matter. Lest I have not, — for I find many most

1 George WUkM'B 5ipM qf (Ae IVmea.

622 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES tFBB.5

important events are omitted, while some of little con-
sequence are mentioned, — I now state it.

The proclamation, or order, of General Weitzel for re-
assembling the legislature of Virginia in the early part of
April was received with great indignation, and was de-
nounced by Stanton, Speed, and others. Although it waa
authorized by the President, he was, on his return to Wash-
ington, greatly annoyed by their opposition, and he either
sent for me or in a business interview brou^t up the sub-
ject, and asked my view of it. In reply, I questioned the
pohcy of his movement. He said his object and intentions
were to bring about harmony and reconciliation at the
earliest moment, and he should not stickle about forms;
that it seemed to him best to meet the Rebels as men and
coimtrjmien who were to be trusted; the legislature was
composed of leading men from the several counties, who
must have a local influence, and he believed if they were to
come together and undo their own work, it would hasten
amicable feelings and better satisfy them and ourselves
also. I suggested that they might not when assembled
counsel submission but combine to resist. Besides, in
recognizing them as a legislature, was he not giving them
character and power never yet conceded them? There was,
moreover, a skeleton organization imder Pierpont, which
we had tried to vitahze and maintain. How could we
recognize another?

The President said he had no fears of any further at-
tempts at resistance, — they were too thoroughly whipped
and exhausted, — but there might be something in the
other suggestion that we were countenancing the Rebel
organization. He did not think much of it, however, but
pubhc prejudice must be considered, and the manner in
which the movement had been received by Stanton and
others had caused him to hesitate and he had wanted my
views, — complimenting me for calm consideration when
others were impulsive.
^ I related this interview to Blair, and remarked that I

imi CENTRALIZATION SCHEMES 523

had long ago come to the conclusion that Sherman in his
terms to Johnston had acted under instructions received
from President Lincoln at City Point, and that the clem-
ency of President Lincoln was probably the cause of the
mild conditions extended by Grant to Lee and for which
Grant takes credit. Blair tells me that the article in Wilkes
takes the same view*

February 6, Saturday. The schemes for centralization
are becoming stronger and increased in niunber in Con-
gress. Suffrage is to be wrested from the States and made
national. Corporations are being multiplied and by the
legislative branch of the government special privileges are
granted to all the favored who ask. The government is
being perverted, and its character destroyed. There is a
strange conglomerate in the Senate, where arrogance,
assiunption, corruption, littleness — everything but states-
manship and wisdom — are to be found. Lawyers of some
smartness, like Edmunds of Vermont, and Howe of Wis-
consin, but who have not calm, fair, deliberate minds, —
necessary qualifications as legislators and statesmen, —
profligate fellows, like Nye and Pomeroy and Stewart; and
expediency men, like Morrill of Maine, Ferry, Cattell, and
Sherman; cunning, unscrupulous managers like Butler
and Cameron, prevail. It is useless to enumerate fiuliier.

February 8, Monday. Senator Morrill of Vermont in a
conversation to-day complimented my administration of
the Navy Department in terms that were as unexpected
as agreeable. The economy as well as eflSciency was com-
mended, and the country, he said, would in time do me
justice, notwithstanding the abuse that had been so abund-
antly and persistently inflicted for years.

February 9, Tuesday. Seward read a long dispatch to
the Vice-Consul at Havana, who is clearly with the revolu-
tionists in Cuba and wants our whple squadron there to

624 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [FiiB.i

give them encouragement and perhaps aid. The accoimts
which we receive from Cuba are very contradictory.
Under the censorship which the Governor-General has
established, and the extraordinary efforts to suppress
intelligence in regard to the rebels, with whom there is
but little outside commimication, we cannot expect much
reliable information.

February 10, Wednesday. Congress to-day coimted and
declared the Presidential votes. There was nothing novel
or interesting in the proceeding, save that certain States
were excluded. The truth is. Grant is elected by ill^al
votes and fraudulent and unconstitutional practices. He
would not have had a vote south of Washington but for the
usurping and inexcusable acts of Congress.

The folly of the Democrats North in nominating Sey-
mour insured Grant's election and gave encouragement to
the outrageous legislation to help them.

Further schemes to tinker the Constitution are before
Congress, and the Senate sat the whole night of Monday
to force through the measure then before it, giving suffrage
to negroes and fools by the Central Government in total
disregard of the rights of the States, and of the funda-
mental principles of our system. How far these schemes
are to be pressed, and whether they can be averted in
season to save our system of government, is yet to be seen.

February 11, Thursday. It seems there were some not
very creditable proceedings in Congress yesterday when
the two houses were in joint session, followed up by the
House after the joint convention was dissolved. The sub-
ject has been continued and discussed to-day, though with
less heat and rancor. Still there has been sufficient to show
the antagonisms in the Radical Party which must break
out before Grant shall have been long in office. The hate
between Butler and Bingham is intense. Both are un-
scrupulous and unprincipled; both are cimning and adroit.

1809] BUTLER AND BINGHAM 52B

Butler has most talent, most will, most daring and per-
sistency; Bingham is more subtle and deceptive, has more
suavity, is more snaky and timid with less audacity. Most
of the members are with Bingham at present. He has also
Stanton and Grant — who are afraid of Butler — to support
him. The difficulties yesterday grew out of the Radical
intrigue and villainy to exclude the vote of Georgia, and
treat her as out of the Union. These revolutionary and
wicked proceedings are having their effect in more ways
than one on their authors. I do not see how Grant, if he
has the comprehension, which is doubtful, can reconcile
these differences, and before his Administration will be
half served out, serious calamities are likely to befall the
country.

February 12, Friday. Seward sends me a letter from
Harvey at Lisbon, showing a disposition to be impertin-
ently offensive and intrusive in the matter of purchases f (Mr
the European Squadron. I directed Admiral Radford and
the officers of the squadron to exercise their own judgment
in obtaining supplies, regardless of Mr. Harvey.

General Dix notifies of his resignation of his place as
Minister to France, to take place in about two weeks. It
will be well if others will imitate his example. We have
a very feeble set of representatives abroad. Not unlikely
Dix expects or hopes for a Cabinet appointment. He is an
old political soldier.

February 13, Saturday. The Congressional Conunittee
officially waited on General Grant and informed him of his
election. In reply he made the commonplace response
which any ordinary person would make for a smaller office,
of doing his duty, collecting the revenue, and practicing
economy. This will, of course, be taken up and paraded as
wonderful and most satisfactory by toadies of party, but
when General Grant comes to act, he will, like others, do
and fail to do. He will not be likely to enslave himself like

626 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [fkb. 18

President Johnson^ who has crowded the White House
with clerks, and has rooms filled with records and files, but,
while laboring on details and httle matters of a clerical
nature, and which belong more appropriately to the De-
partments, the weightier and more important concerns
must suffer. Grant will generahze, if he does anything,
and therein will do better than President Johnson, but
most likely will turn over his duties to others, for he is
inexcusably ignorant of the structiu^ and workings of the
Government.

Marshall Jewell, the Radical candidate for Governor in
Connecticut, has been here for a few days in behalf of
General Hawley. The effort is to put Hawley in Grant's
Cabinet. Jewell got an interview with Grant throu^
General Terry. In this interview Jewell took occasion to
speak of the favorable influence on the Radical cause
which would follow the selection of a Cabinet officer from
Connecticut. He wished to insure his own election, and he
wished to carry the First Congressional District. Grant
said he perceived Dixon was to be a candidate in that dis-
trict, and hoped he would be defeated; said he had read
the resolutions of the Radical State Convention and liked
them.

The Radicals are not satisfied with Grant. The Demo-
crats, in their folly, are trying to persuade themselves that
he is as much their man as he is of those who elected him.
Butler's demonstration on Wednesday was not successful.
The Democrats could, perhaps, have made it so. The re-
sult is hard and distrustful feelings among the Radicals,
but Butler is audacious and Bingham will yield.

February 15, Monday. Caleb Gushing has returned with
a successful treaty, it is said, for a ship canal across the
Isthmus. We shall have particulars, I suppose, by to-
morrow. There have been, and probably still are, some
extensive private speculations in this movement, and
some political and personal intrigues connected with it.

1860] GRANT'S NEPOTISM 627

Seward expects great glorification and perpetual fame
from it, — smoke, not substance.

February 16, Tuesday. The President sent the nomina-
tion of one of the Dents ^ to the Senate for the Chilian Mis-
sion in place of Kilpatrick, one of Seward's and Weed's
pets, who has been here for six months lecturing and speech-
making through the country. The appointment of K. to
that mission ought never to have been|made. I so said in
the day and time of it, but the President yielded to Seward
and has been sorry ever since. I know not who prompted
the nomination of Dent, but it is injudicious. It is rumo]red
that Butler instigated it. Not unlikely, but the President
should not lend himself and office to selfish schemes of
Butler nor any one else. Grant has been active in getting
all of his relatives as well as those of his wife in place.
His father is postmaster, his son a cadet, and how many
brothers, brothers-in-law, etc., etc., in office I know not.
Why the President should volunteer to send one of the
tribe to ChiU I am not advised. I regret such movements.
No good can come of such temporizing. I would neither
court Grant nor embarrass him, and some petty sugges-
tions in relation to appointments have found no favor
with me.

The Senate refuse to confirm necessary appointments.
Two pension agencies, one at St. Louis and one at Brook-
Ijm, are vacant, and great trouble and difficulty will ensue
if there is no agent to make those payments which come
due in March. But the Senate is recklessly partisan, and
regardless of the necessities of pensioners when party ends
are to be served.

February 18, Thursday. Simeon Johnson, who is one of
the board to revise the laws, appointed in place of Caleb
Gushing, has been once or twice to see me in relation to a

^ Judge Louis Dent, one of Grant's brothers-in-law. He was not confirmed
by the Senate, and Juidson Kilpatriok oantinued in the office.

628 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES {fbb. 18

claim of Ck>ombs for the steamer Louisville. Early in the
War, Coombs, by some contrivance, got a permit from
President Lincoln to go within the Rebel lines to trade.
The Rebels seized the steamer, sent her on one or more
trips to New Orleans. In the mean time, our Navy having
captured that place and the river squadron coming down
from the North, she could not be used, and the Rebels took
her into Red River and laid her up. Then the force imd»
Porter a year later captured her, had her appraised imder
the law, and took her into service. The case was sent to
the Southern District in Illinois for adjudication, and was,
I think, first condemned as good prize, which was the fact.
By some legerdemain she was subsequently condemned as
captured or confiscated property, and the captors were
awarded salvage, receiving about S12,000; the appraisal of
the vessel was about $68,000. At a later period the comt,
without notifying the Department or the captors, reopened
the case, had a new appraisal by parties in Springfield
without their ever seeing the steamer, and had her valued
at $150,000. For three years, Coombs, himself first and
since by numerous agents, including Guthrie when Sen-
ator, Montgomery Blair, Eames, and various parties less
worthy, male and female, has prosecuted this claim.
Doubtless mention has been made in previous data of this
diary of the proceedings. Johnson, who now comes, is a
special friend and supporter of the President, and for that
reason has the job. He was an editor of the Union under
Buchanan and is an old claim agent. The call to-day was
the second or third he has made on me with a request that
I would send the case to the Fourth Auditor or Second
Comptroller, or both, for adjudication or decision. I asked
him what he meant by such a request. He said his object
was to get a final disposition of the case; that he had had
one or two interviews with the Second Comptroller, who
thought it a clear case, and was ready to take it up and act
whenever the Navy Department would submit it to him.
If Johnson is sincere, it was an extraordinary application%

1809] DTTTIBS OF DEPARTMENTS 629

I expressed my astonishioeixt at this gross ignorance of
this intelligent man on most subjects on mere routine
duty, and his manifest want of knowledge of the powers
and duties of the Departments and of the organization and
principles of the government* He was abashed and em-
barrassed by my remarks, but at first made a stand and
cited the course of the War Department and Third Auditor
as his justification. I asked him if his ideas of administra-
tion placed the Executive and the Departments under
the control and direction of the accounting officers of the
Treasury, — if he supposed that cases arising under the
Departments and which it was the duty of the Secre-
taries to decide were subject to appeal and finally to be
adjudged and disposed of by an auditor or comptroller
or any other subordinate. He said no, but the duties of
a head of Department were executive, not judicial. I
said they were adnunistrative, ministerial, executive, and
if we ened, the remedy was with the courts, or Congress,
not with the accounting officers of the Treasury.

The strange, inexcusable ignorance which prevails
among intellig^it men in r^ard to the working and organ-
ization of the govenunent is amazing. I do not believe
it to be ignorance on Johnson's part, whatever may be
his protestations. Johnson says Attorney-General Evarts
is no better informed than he is; probably not, and Mc-
Culloch, I know, submits to the ignorant assumption of
the First Comptroller, who claims a supervision over the
Departments.

February 19, Friday. Seward says he intends to leave
Washington on the 8th of March and go to Auburn. The
President appears to think that the Cabinet should all go
out at noon on the 4th of March. This is my wish, and I
believe that of most of the members of the Cabinet, and yet
there is an apparent impropriety, if not a positive wrong,
in abandoning our posts until there has been a reasonable
.tune for our successors to qualify and take upon themselves

530 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES iraB.i9

the duties. There is some embarrassment in the case, re-
sulting from Grant's conduct towards those of us who wit-
nessed the interview between him and President Johnson
a year since, when his insincerity, deceit, double-dealing,
duplicity, and want of truth were apparent, when, in plain
words, he was detected in a dehberate falsehood. He
affects to be in a miff because we stated the truth in regard
to that interview, and has had intercourse with none of us,
except Seward, who has demeaned himself and played an
equivocal part to conciliate the little high official.
^ For one I want not his favor and shun not his wrath.
I do not wish to come imder his orders, nor would I be dere-
lict of duty or propriety because he is vulgar. It would
be unpleasant to remain one day in office under his ad-
ministration; it may be wrong, however, to leave until
a successor appear.

No intimation is yet made as to any one of the next
Cabinet. There is nothing remarkable in this, thouf^
many think it strange. I doubt if Grant has fully deter-
mined in his own mind. It is not usual with him to make
up his mind definitely until the last moment. He is com-
monly considered, or has the name of being, a judge of men,
or that he knows those whom he can use. Rawlins, Sher-
man, Sheridan, and others, all men of ability, he favors and
encourages because they defer to him, have really made
him what he is, and do not permit themselves to obstruct
him or be in his way. George Thomas, Rosecrans, Han-
cock, and others are not favorites, though tolerated, and
the latter he feels to be in his power. Mixed with jealousies
and aspirations, he has constant suspicion and inveterate
enmities. He is fond of power, never refuses or declines it,
loves wealth, accepts and encourages gifts, is sly, shrewd,
cunning, secretive, ambitious, and selfish, with some exec-
utive, but little administrative, ability ; Imows how to ap-
propriate and avail himself of the talent and labor of others.
At present he is cajoling the Democrats by letting them
hope he may favor them and not the extreme Radicals.

1869] THE GOVERNMENT OF ALASKA 531

The Radicals distrust him and have apprehensions that he
may go over to the Democrats. By these manoeuvres he
strengthens his position; he weakens the Democrats and
brings the Radicals into subjection.

McCulloch brought up, as he has once or twice previ-
ously, the question of governing Alaska. No government
has yet been established there by Congress, — the Mem-
bers are busy in eflforts to confer power and privileges on
the negroes. Some conversation took place. I suggested
that there need be no difficulty, — General Sickles, or one
of the Reconstruction militaiy governors, might be sent
there, who embodied in himself all governmental author-
ity, legislative, executive, or judicial. This touched Scho-
field slightly, who again sneered at jury trials, asked if
they had not better be established in Alaska, contrasted
the ready military method of administering justice in the
Southern States, with the slow, unending process of jury
trial, when a verdict was matter of chance.

February 20, Saturday. The President spoke to me sev-
eral days since in relation to the "Copper Bill" which
had been presented to him for approval. I expressed very
fully my disapproval of it and of the system of corpora-
tions and special privileges which Congress is establishing.
He said he coincided with me, and I find the bill will be
vetoed.

Mr. Grimes, Chairman, has addressed me a letter from
the Naval Committee concerning the transfer of a govern-
ment vessel for a school ship, to a charitable association in
New York. Sent him a pretty full reply to-day. Took
occasion to express my repugnance to such donations, or
uses, of public property, while I am earnestly friendly to
having and training young seamen. Regretted that Con-
gress at its last session had discouraged the apprentice
system.

Am importuned, as my exit is near, by retired officers for
promotion. The old commodores arei many of them, ex*

532 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [raB.ao

ceedingly anxious to obtain the advanced grade. I am not
surprised at it, although I cannot assist them. Congress
has embarrassed the Department and excited these move-
ments by heedless legislation. I am also sadly troubled on
the other hand by the President, who kindly 3delds to the
appeals made to him and would, I verily believe, promote
all, and pardon all.

Had some talk with the President in relation to inaugur-
ation day. Something was said a few days ago about his
going to the Capitol and remaining to the close of the ses-
sion to sign bills, etc. I advised him to do no such thing,
but to remain at the White House and discharge his duties
there. Unlike preceding inaugurals, the next Congress
would assemble on the 4th, — there would be no interrup-
tion of business. He should, therefore, put himself to no
special inconvenience, and was not requested to do so.

February 22. I inquired how he was to dispose of him-
self, if at the Capitol at 12 meridian on the 4th prox.
Would he go on the platform with the man who had de-
ceived him, been false to his trust, and who had insulted
him (the President) because he had detected and exposed
his falsehoods? Would he leave the Capitol and go down
the steps in view of the throng of partisan spectators,
who would be there assembled to witness the triumph of
this ignorant, vulgar man ? Would he think of leaving the
Capitol by any other door than the one by which he en-
tered? To me it was plain he could not go near the Capitol
on that day and preserve conscious self-respect.

He assured me he would not; that he would close up his
Administration in the room where we were. I do not think
he can be persuaded to a different course, though Seward
and others, fond of show and parade, will urge him to form
part of the pageant.

February 23, Tuesday. I asked Seward, whom I foimd
in the council room alone this noon, when he proposed to

1869] PLANS FOR LEAVINQ OFFICE 538

leave the Cabinet and Washington. He said his resigna-
tion would take effect at noon on the 4th of March, and
that he should leave Washington that day. This would be
personally agreeable to me, but I queried as to the pro-
priety of abandoning our posts before our successors
appeared, and were qualified. Later in the day, and in the
evening at General Schofield's, where we all dined, the sub-
ject was renewed. McCulloch and Browning were very
decidedly in favor of continuing at their posts until their
successor appeared. Browning said he wished to be very
civil and courteous, and proposed, if his successor was a man
with whom he could associate on any terms, to go in his
carriage and invite him to the Department, introduce him
to the clerical force, and initiate him as to his duties. I
said, while I would omit no proper courtesy, I was not
prepared to make, imasked, any such unseemly concession;
that it would, in my view, be demeaning myself, and while
I would receive my successor affably and kindly, I would
not run after him. Mr. Evarts inclined to the opinion that
we should wait and induct our successors. Seward and
Randall were very emphatic that they would not remain
one moment after the termination of President Johnson's
term, — that if the third of March expired legally at
meridian on the 4th, they then would leave.

After this discussion, my impression is that, under the
circumstances and with a man like Grant, we had best all
go out with our chief. The Government and the country
need suffer no detriment from our resignation and retire-
ment with the President. All is under the control of the
President, who can, by dispensing with forms and parade,
take the oath at twelve and at once appoint his Cabinet.
He can return proffered civility with churlish discourtesy,
and would be likely to do it. I perceived there are move-
ments for a session at 3 p.m., and I also noted, in our
discussion to-day, Schofield remarked that the President-
elect could, under the prescribed laws, be as well prepared
and make his appointment of cabinet officers on the day

534 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [pbb.23

of inauguration as at any time. The subject has obviously
been under consideration.

February 2Ay Wednesday.

Attorney-General Evarts called in behalf of a friend,

Chaplain F , who wanted waiting-orders pay instead

of furlough pay. Read to him the laws and told him I had
no doubt he was receiving the legal pay. He said the Comp-
troller and Auditor thought differently, but did not like
to pay extra without the sanction of the Department, and
were expecting I would get an opinion or write them. I
remarked that, being satisfied, I cared not to pursue the
subject; that I saw no cause to change the practice, or
usage, or law; that if the accounting officers were clearly
satisfied I was wrong, they perhaps might, in the days when
the Treasury was being plundered, feel justified in giving
extra pay to this man, who was already a pensioner with-
out having rendered service.

Thismatterhasbeen some time in embryo. Claim agents,
and loose notions, and practices at the Treasury will likely
accomplish the swindle. I so remarked to E., who took it

very calmly; said F was poor; the amount would not

be great on the Treasury. I said it was right or it was wrong;
his was not the only case pending, and his had no merit.
He had rendered but small service, for which he has been
amply paid, and was now a pensioner on the Government,
doing nothing. Had he been wholly retired with one year's
full pay, his case would have been finally disposed of.

February 25, Thursday.

February 26, Friday. An hour or two was spent in
Cabinet over the Pacific Railroad. The two companies, one
from the East (the Pacific) , one from the West (the Central) ,
are approaching each other in the vicinity of Salt Lake,

1869] PLANS FOR LEAVING OFFICE 535

and each is claiming subsidy over the same line. There
are statements not wholly reliable, I apprehend, by each.
In anticipation of these difficulties, and, if possible, to
avoid them, the subject was considered last fall, and as
there was then a dispute whether the road should cross
Bear Bay or go aroimd it, maps and reports were submitted,
and it was decided the route should go round. It is now
said that not only the route but the line of the road was
decided. This was not my xmderstanding.

In conversing as to the course to be pursued on the
termination of the Administration, it was imderstood that
all would resign and leave with the President except Scho-
field, who said he had been invited and should remain for
a brief period. Seward sajrs he has had the files looked up,
and finds the practice has not been imiform, that in some
instances, and generally, the members of the Cabinet have
tendered their resignation to the outgoing President, but
some have remained and tendered them to the newly in-
augurated. This last, I apprehend, has been in those cases
where there has been a mere change of President, but not
a change of policy or of party.

A good deal of speculation, some of it absurd, is going
forward in regard to the new Cabinet. Not more, perhaps,
than in preceding cases. A. K. McClure, an active Re-
publican politician of Pennsylvania and a great friend of
Governor Curtin, having learned the fact that Grant had
said he should select one member of the Cabinet from that
State, hurried on here and |had an interview, in which by
report Grant appears to better advantage than the Penn-
sylvania politician.

LXVII

I^seusBion of the Inauguration CeremcmieB — The Preddent's Last Reoqn
tbn — Good-byes at the Department — How President Johnson and
his Cabinet spent the Last Moments of the Administration — The
Inaugural Ceremonies and Procession — Grant's Cabinet — A. T.
Stewart illegally nominated Secretary of the Treasury — Sumner'a
Wrath at Grant's Course in regard to his Cabinet — Stewart, after
offering to trustee his Business, finally declines the Secretaryship —
Pressure for Boutwell as Secretary of the Treasury — Mr. Faxon and
Mr. E. T. Welles leave the Navy Department — Hamilton Fish suo-
ceeds Washbume as Secretary of State and the Latter is appointed
Minister to France — General Rawlins made Secretary of War —
Admiral Porter, in charge of the Navy Department, appoints Chief
E2ngineer Bang in Isherwood's Place — Porter's Management of the
Department — Debate <hi the Repeal of the Tenure-of-Office Act —
Grant's Scheme of reorganising the Navy — Moses H. Grinnell made
Collector at New York — Porter's Intrusion in the Navy Department —
The Story of his Appointment as Vice-Admiral — Butler ezpreases
Contempt for Grant — Ex-President Johnson in Tennessee — Mont*
gomery Blair on Colonel Moore and other Associates of JchDaaa in
Washington — Butler outgeneraled and the T^iureof-OflSoe Bepeal
Bill compromised.

March 1, Monday. A special Cabinet-meeting was hdd
in regard to the controversy between the Union Pacific
and the Central Raikoad. An hour was spent, before taking
up the subject, on matters relating to inauguration. Gen*
eral Grant, who ei^t years ago was employed to tend and
sweep his broth^s leather store in Gallia, as a porter
and sub-clerk, has given the Committee on Ceremonies, on
the 4th of March, to imderstand he would not ride in the
same carriage with the President nor speak to him. The
Committee have, of course, been embarrassed how to pro-
ceed, and have finally a programme studiousl^^ arranged,
which is for the President and President-elect to proceed
in separate carriages. The President will pass througji
Pennsj'lvania Avenue, on the right, the President-elect,
on the left, etc., etc. Seward andEvarts opened the subject

1860] THE COMING INAUGURATION 537

of the procession and our attendance, and had evidently
had some understanding with each other and with the
Committee in r^ard to it« Seward said he did not know
but they had intended to fihut us off entirely, but since
they have been polite enough to provide us a place, he
believed he would remain over another day to perform his
part. Evarts thought it best we should go in the procession,
and he made inquiry about carriages. The President
brought out a letter he had from the marshal, inquiring
about carriages informally.

I expressed a hope the President would perform no
part in the parade, and advised he should remain at the
Mansion until meridian, ready to discharge any and all
duties. At that time his functions would cease, and ours
would cease with his.

A remark or two was made by Browning and McCul-
loch, each indicating a disposition to go in the procession.
Seward offered Browning a seat in his carriage. The Pre-
sident said nothing. I stood alone. Randall expressed no
opinion. Seward and Evarts became zealous. Seward was
garrulous; told over several egotistical and stale stories,
claimed the President and his suite had the post of honor,
being on the right; appealed to usage, etc.

I asked when, ever before, there had been such a pro-
gramme, — two processions, one on each side of the street.
What did it indicate but division, and what would be the
effect but to irritate and projnote hostiUty? I disclaimed
any neglect or want of courtesy, but, on the other hand,
I would submit to none. There was a decency and proper
self-respect to be observed.

March 2, Tuesday. There are many strangers here to
attend the inauguration, and a number called from curi-
osity to see the heads of Departments. This makes a con-
stant interruption, when time is wanted to clear up affairs.

At the Cabinet much time was consumed as to the
course to be pursued on the 4th« Seward and Evarts wete

638 DIARY OF GIDEON^ WELLES [mabchs

detennined that the President and Cabinet should go to
the Capitol and take part in the proceedings. I com-
bated this course, but no one sustained me except Randall,
who, near the close, expressed a hope that the President
would do nothing derogatory to himself and his position.
McCulloch, who has an itching to go, but feels its im-
propriety, said but little, yet what he did say evinced his
feelings. Addressing Imnself to me, he said he thought it
decidedly best that we should go to the Capitol and take
part in the ceremonies. It would look small and be con-
sidered small if we did not. I remarked that on a somewhat
similar occasion, J. Q. Adams and Henry Clay had declined
to attend the inauguration of General Jackson, and were
not considered small men, nor was their refusal to attend
considered a small affair. Those men were less exemplars
[sic] to me than others who were imwilling to follow their
example.

Mr. Evarts had the matter much at heart, and he and
Seward proceeded to dispose of it as a matter of course
and as if nothing further was to be said. They assumed
for granted that things must be as they wished and directed.
The President hesitated, yielded in a measure apparently,
and it was assumed that the question was decided. The
President, however, did not wholly surrender, but said
we would meet at nine on Thursday morning at the
coimcil room, and then determine. Evarts said we must
bring our carriages, and with an understanding that we
would go in a body to the Capitol. I claimed that was
going further than the President had proposed or than I
was willing to go. "We will meet here," said I, "on
Thursday." "But," said Evarts and Schofield, "the Com-
mittee and managers should know in advance." "By all
means," said Evarts, and he sat down and wrote a notice,
which he read out to Schofield and then to the President,
and the latter did not controvert it. So we are likely to
form part of the pageant, — be a tail to the Grant kite.
I have my doubts if I participate in that pageant.

1809] THE PRESXPENT'S LAST RECEPTION 589

It was concluded that we would consider the 3d as
termmating at meridian on the 4th, if Congress did not
order otherwise.

General Dix's resignation as Minister to France is re-
ceived, and the indications are that he may go to the State
Department.

March 3, Wednesday. There was an immense gathering
last evening at the Presidential reception. These ''jams/'
as they are rightly called, are becoming severely oppressive,
and if Grant has the courage to effect a reformation he will
deserve the thanks of the coimtry. To permit the Ex-
ecutive Mansion and all its approaches to be crowded by
the whole population who may choose to push themselves
forward without order or system, is preposterous. Him-
dreds of friends and officials who desired to pay their
respects, and whom the President and his famUy wished
to see at this last reception, were driven away, unable to
obtain entrance. The evil should be corrected. Some of
the crowd came in with their overcoats, hats, and bon-
nets, and for mere idle curiosity. Not a few were the wild,
fanatical partisans who have busied themselves in slander-
ing, defaming, and misrepresenting the President. They,
male and female, thronged the Mansion and its parlors,
to the exclusion of social friends and political associates of
the retiring President.

Went with the Chiefs of Bureaus and officers to the Ex-
ecutive Mansion to introduce each and give all an oppor-
tunity to bid the Chief Magistrate farewell. Rear-Admiral
Joe Smith, the senior officer, who eight years ago, as now,
walked by my side, then addressed President Lincoln
with a few remarks, saying there were evidences of ap-
proaching convulsion, that "we (Navy officers) will per-
form our duty, and expect you to do yours." I now intro-
duced the officer to President Johnson with the remark
that these are the men who, in war and peace, have
stood fast by the Government and the Union. He received

610 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [Mabghs

them cordially, took each by the hand and bade them
farewell.

On returning to the Department, the Chiefs of Bureaus,
the clerks, messengers, and employees came successively
to take their leave, and express their regard and kind
wishes for me and my future welfare. It was something
beside mere formality. Some, more sensitive perhaps than
others, or possessed of deeper . feelings, were imable to
give utterance to their thoughts; others with tears ex-
pressed their regrets and spoke of lasting obligations. I,
not less than they, was moved. Ties of friendship formed
and many of them continued through eight active and
eventful years cannot be easily and lightly severed or
forgotten.

It was past four when, probably for the last time and
forever, I left the room and the building where I had
labored earnestly and zealously, taken upon myself and
carried forward great responsibilities, endured no small
degree of abuse, much of it immerited and imdeserved;
where also I have had many pleasant and happy hours
in the enjoyment of the fruits of my works and of those
associated with me.

March 4, Thursday. I went at nine this morning to the
Executive Mansion, agreeably to appointment at the last
Cabinet-meeting. There was quite a crowd on the por-
tico and walks as I drove up and entered. Schofield was
already in the council room, having preceded my arrival
a few moments. The President was busy examining and
signing bUls. As I shook hands with him, he said quietly,
*'I think we will ^finish our work here without going to
the Capitol." I expressed my gratification. Yesterday I
had said to him that Congress had not been so courteous
and kind and civil to him as to place him imder ob-
ligations to dance attendance upon them. They, and
General Grant also, had thought it expedient to have the
incoming Congress convene on the 4th of March instead

tm] THE END OP AN ADMINISTEATION Ml

of the first Monday of December, in order that the legis-
lative department of the government might be a check on
the executive. If any legislation was omitted, the new
Congress could remedy it.

The President now said he thought it but right that the
Congress should forward the bills to him here. This I
knew would be a disappointment to my colleagues, and
I had no doubt that a strong effort would be made to
bring aroimd a different result. Randall, who came next
after me, was very well satisfied. Schofield discreetly said
nothing, but I could perceive he was not pleased with the
new phase of affairs. McCulloch was disappointed and
disturbed. Browning said not a word. Evarts, who did
not come in xmtil about ten, was determined to change the
programme ; said the imderstanding was that we should go
to the Capitol, that we were expected there. When the
President occasionally left the room, McCulloch twice told
E. that the President would not go to the Capitol unless
he put in strong for him to do so. Evarts would not take
off his overcoat. Seward came in last, smoking his cigar.
Asked if all were ready; meant to have come sooner; seemed
to suppose we were waiting for him. The President con-
tinued busy at his desk, while Seward, Evarts, and others
talked. At length Seward, who sat on the opposite side of
the room from the President, asked aloud if we would not
be late, — "Ought we not to start immediately?'' The
President said he was inclined to think we would finish
up our work here by ourselves.

There was discomfiture, of course, and it was easy to
perceive they thought me the author of their disappoint-
ment. McCulloch came to me about twelve, and said,
"Well, you have carried your point." I disclaimed this,
otherwise than in frankly giving my opinion whenever the
subject was broached, but [said] that I had, at no time,
introduced the topic.

In this whole matter,'! have felt that the President,
after the offensive, silly, arrogant^ and insolent declarations

542 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mabgh4

of Grant to the committees and others that he would
not speak to his official superior and predecessor, nor lide,
nor associate with him, could not compose a part in the
pageant to glorify Grant without a feeling of abasement.
These airs are put on by Grant to relieve himself from
conscious degradation which he must have felt for his
treachery to the President and the odium of fals^ood
which he knows others heard, saw, and witnessed. But
his insulting impudence to the President and others who
witnessed that humiliating spectacle will never eradicate
the knowledge of the duplicity and falsehood of which he
was guilty, — as well as of the ingratitude to the man
who had trusted him.

A few minutes past twelve the President said we would
part. As he was to leave, it was proposed that we should
wait his departure. He then shook hands with each of us,
and we with each other and, descending to the portico,
where oiu* respective carriages were waiting, the President
entered his, mine followed, and we drove away.

At my house were the President's dau^ter, Mrs.
Patterson, and her children, who had come over in the
morning. They propose to remain with us a few days
before going to Tennessee.

The proceedings at the Capitol are represented to have
been without order or system, and the immense crowd
swayed and pushed aside the dignitaries. I am more than
ever gratified that we did not attend. General Grant rode
up in a dogcart with Rawlins. There was a long pro-
cession, mostly of negroes, — at least two thirds, I should
judge. But fewof them had muskets. Congress had passed
a resolution authorizing and requesting that four thousand
muskets should be placed in the hands of these vagabonds,
and quite a crowd came from Baltimore and the country
aroimd, expecting each to obtain a musket. But President
Johnson refused to approve the biU, which was to place
over eighty thousand dollars' worth of arms in the hands of
Bowen, the demagogue mayor, to distribute. Of course

1860] GRANT'S CABINET 643

gi^t dissatisfaction is expressed by the colored crowd
towards President Johnson for his meanness in withholding
the guns.

March 5, Friday. The city was full of strangers this
morning. It was difficult for them to get off in the crowded
trains last night and this morning, and there is an immense
throng of party expectants, waiting the Cabinet nomina-
tions. These nominations were sent in about 2 p.m.,
and produced a rapid dispersion. The excitement had
been great for some days and had reached fever heat, but
there was a cold shower-bath on the annoimcement of the
names.

It is obviously a Grant Cabinet. The members belong to
the Radical-Republican Party, but neither one, unless it
be Creswell, would have been selected by that party.
They are not the men the Radicals wanted, but they are
such men as Grant wants. Washbume is coarse, compar-
atively illiterate, a demagogue without statesmanship or
enlarged views, with none of the accomplishments or at-
tributes that should belong to a Secretary of State. Jef-
ferson is the first; Washbume is the last. Hamilton, a
man of talents and genius, was the first Secretary of the
Treasury. He had financial skill and ability to develop
the resources of the nation. Stewart, the last Secretary
of the Treasury, has made a princely f ortime in the trade
of silks, calicoes, laces, and stockings. So of the others.
From first to last there is not an experienced politician
or statesman among them. Most of them are party men.
All are Grant men. Creswell was a Secessionist in 1861,
and, like Logan, raised a company to resist the Unionists.
There is now not a more bitter and intolerant Radical
in the coimtry, but his Radicalism is obsequious and
subservient to Grant.

It is the plan of Grant to cheat both parties, and he is
measurably successful. The Democrats rejoice because
none of the Radical leaders have been selected. Sumner,

644 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [icabghs

Wade, Schenck, Curtin, Griswold, Boutwell, and all of
that class are ignored. None of the men in whom the Rad-
icals had confidence are chosen. Their minds did not
concentrate on the jewels which have been dug up. Grant
was the man to unearth and bring forth the brilliant li^ts
which are to govern and illuminate the coimtry , if he acted
intelligently and deliberately. He has been reticent; kept
his secret well. The great men of the coimtry were hid
under a Radical bushel imtil he brought them forth.

The Radicals are astounded, thunderstruck, mad, but,
after taking breath, try to reconcile themselves and be
composed that things are no worse, — that Grant has not,
besides kicking them one side, selected Democrats. In
this is consolation. They therefore try to praise the Cabi-
net and like it. The Administration is to be Grant's, based
on Radical usurpations. Both parties are to be bam-
boozled, and if he really has any policy, — which I doubt,
— it is that the animosity of each is to be played oflf against
the other.

The inaugural address, a mess of trite, flat, newspaper
partyism, in a day and time when noble utterances ou^t
to be expected, is praised and extolled by the Radicals.
His support of the public credit of a specie standard, —
of the payment of the debt, — if such be honestly and
squarely his purpose, is well. His idea of digging the pre-
cious metals, — his strong-box figure, — to discharge the
debt, indicates his narrow, barren thoughts, while some
arrogant expressions weaken and do not strengthen it.
Still, it is lauded as a remarkable state paper.

It is not to be expected, however, that partisan editorSi
correspondents, and place-hunters would have — cer-
tainly they would not express — opinions against the in-
augural address, or the new Cabinet. They are here and
everywhere to express approval, although the address is
indifferent and the Cabinet distasteful.

As regards the Cabinet, no statesman and patriot with
right intentions would have selected it, or any other of

1860] STEWARTS APPOINTMENT ILUSGAL 545

untried men for such positions. If General Grant thinks
he can take up five or six men, personal adherents, syco-
phants like Washbume, money-givers like Stewart and
Bone, to discharge the highest and most responsible po-
sitions, and believes that such persons can successfully
administer the government, he is himself imfit for the
place of Chief Magistrate. But if General Grant has as-
pirations above and beyond the Constitution, he might
well put in his Cabinet men without knowledge of, or ex-
perience in, public affairs, men who themselves mean well
and have no unhallowed ambition, but who are ignorant
of the structure and workings of our peculiar system. I
impute no wrong motives to these men, with the exception
of Creswell and Washbume. But, with the limited ideas
which most of them possess, they can be easily led into
error by a cunning and ambitious man of ability and at the
head of the government.

Grant has both avarice and ambition. Two of the men
have been liberal in their donations, and he appreciates
their gifts. Washbume is servile and obsequious. Of Hoar
I know little, and nothing to his personal disparagement.
He belongs to the school of centralists, and is, I doubt not,
committed to what are called the ''Heconstruction"
measures, by which States and people, in violation of
the Constitution, are despoiled of their rights. Cox is
patriotic, but with less ability, perhaps, than Hoar.

March 6, Saturday. There is disturbance and trouble
in the Radical camp. Mr. Stewart is not ready to give up
his extensive business for the office of Secretary of the
Treasury. Grant did not know that it was illegal for an
extensive importer to be Secretary of the Treasury. A
sagacious and honest-minded man would have seen the
incompatibility of such a conjimction, even were there no
legal objections. Had Grant been less secretive, he would
have been wiser. His friends, had he consulted them,
would have advised him properly. Stewart, of course,

546 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [1€ABCH«

knew no better. The Senate confirmed Stewart unan-
imously, supposing, probably, that it was arranged that he
should give up his business to take the place. This was the
general supposition. But to-day Grant sends in a special
message addressed to the Senate only, asking Congress to
permit the newly appointed Secretary of the Treasury to
be exempted from the law; that the most conspicuous caae
of the propriety and necessity of the law in the whole
United States shall be relieved from the disabilities which
the law imposes; that Mr. Stewart, the largest importer,
shall have a privilege which the law was enacted to prevent
and which is denied every other importer. This message
is a more conclusive evidence of imfitness than the ignor-
ance of appointing. The first was from a want of know-
ledge; the second from a want of honest principle. It is
said, however, he had Congressional advices in the last
movement, and Patterson of New Hampshire and Sher-
man, two partisan Senators, showed an obsequious want
of moral principle in their movements to relieve Grant
from his dilemma.

It is not strange that unscrupulous party papers should
advise and urge an abandonment of the laws and regula-
tions which were enacted as safeguards to the coimtry
and which have existed from the foimdation of the govern-
ment, to please the King, and there are Senators no better.

Admiral Farragut tells me that Grant told him that
he gave the ojffice of Secretary of State to Washbume as
a compliment, — not that he is to continue in the place.
Here is another evidence of the traits of character of our
new Chief Magistrate. High places of the Government he
considers his perquisites and he bestows them on personal
favorites as a matter of compliment, without regard to
fitness or the true interest of the coimtry.

March 8, Monday. Uneasiness, discontent, doubt pre-
vail in regard to the Administration. The Cabinet is
weak. Whether the President is also weak will soon be

18691 STEWART'S PROPOSAL 547

more generally known. He is not gaining confidence and
strength in the public estimation, but, though ignorant of
the structure of the government and of governmental
duties, he is not destitute of cunning and is intrenching
himself in position by the bestowment of governmental
favors. The Cabinet is his, and will be devoted to his use
and purpose, whatever that purpose may be, or they will
be compelled to give way to others.

Stewart proposes, in order to retain the office of Secre-
tary of the Treasury, to put his inunense business in the
hands of trustees, and to dedicate all the profits to poor
soldiers and their families. This extraordinary bid for the
place leaves no doubt of his great anxiety to obtain and
hold it. It can hardly be supposed he will be able to pur-
chase this high office under the affectation of benevolence.
Mr. S. has never heretofore been renowned for his char-
ities. I have suggested that instead of putting his business
in commission it might be better to put the Treasury in
commission, and let the trustees manage the finances
instead of Stewart's affairs.

Faxon informs me he was summoned to the White House
by the President, where he foimd Washbume, the other
Assistant Secretaries, army officers, and a miscellaneous
crowd. Grant was sitting in one comer of the fireplace,
smoking his cigar. Washbume was at the table, writing
orders apparently, and every few moments rising and run-
ning from one room to another. There was trouble and
anxiety about some pardons which had been granted by
President Johnson, which Grant desired to revoke. He
ordered the Assistant Secretaries to send out no commis-
sions, and to do only necessary routine work; said his
regular Cabinet days would be Tuesdays and Fridays,
and directed the Assistants to attend until the Secretaries
entered upon their duties. Faxon informed him that no
commission would go out which had not the President's
signature. This seems not to have been known by him
or his Secretary of State, Washbume.

548 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [icabcrs

No action was taken to-day in Congress on the Act of
1789, or Grant's message asking exemption for Stewart.
Faxon tells me that Sumner does not, when with friends,
conceal his wrath and indignation at Grant's eourse; says
that he (Sumner), the father of the Senate, chairman of
the Committee on Foreign Relations, was offered nothing,
was not even consulted in regard to the Cabinet, appoint-
ments abroad, or the policy which the Administration
should pursue.

March 9, Tuesday. The Intelligencer of this morning
contained a very extraordinary leader, first under its
head, double-leaded, laudatory of Stewart and Grant,
because the former offers to give his income, some two
millions a year, to the poor of New York, provided he can
thereby be permitted to hold the office of Secretary of the
Treasury and manage the finances. Every one on reading
the article pronoimced the paper purchased. I have no
doubt of it, or of its readiness to be purchased for any pur*
pose. When the previous course of the paper is considered,
there can be no question that it has been influenced by
a consideration. Newspapers, as well as the poor for whom
it affects great interest, are soothed by money. It is plain
that Stewart wants position. Wealth does not introduce
him into the first circles. He thinks official distinction will
elevate him. The censorious insist that he will make more
money than he gives, if made Secretary of the Treasury.

March 10, Wednesday. The papers published Stewart's
deed of trust, and also his letter declining the office of
Secretary of the Treasury. It was found, after inquiry
and consultation, that the arrangements would not work,
and that the rich man could not openly buy the place.
To Grant and Mrs. Grant the misgo is a great disappoint-
ment. Stewart's silks and laces, scandal says, were potent
in the appointment, and in other wa3rs he had also given
largely to Grant. Who shall be substituted is now the

msn PORTER IN THE NAVY DEPARTMENT 549

question. The friends of John A. Griswold are pressing
him, but the gossiping rumor alleges he did not contribute
80 largely as others in proportion to his means, and there-
fore cannot succeed. He is, however, a better man and
better qualified than Stewart. Boutwell is pushed most
earnestly, but it seems, though the Radicals urge him, h^
has not been a free giver and consequently does not suit
Grant. Boutwell was tendered the Interior Department,
but Grant would not give him the Treasury. Still the
demands and clamors of the Radicals are so loud and
persistent, he may feel it necessary to yield. He has,
moreover, been taken down and tamed by his blunders
for Stewart. We shall see how matters operate. It is said
he will not give way and the Radical pressure for Boutwell
will only make him more determined against that gentle-
man. It is also claimed that Hoar is from Massachu^
setts, and there cannot be two Cabinet officers from the
same State. Grant has laid this down as a fixed fact, a
cardinal principle, from which he will not swerve. But, it
is said, this can be arranged by getting through a bill
enlarging the number of judges, and putting Hoar on thie
bench.

All of this trafficking and shuffling seems to be considered
right and well enough by the Radical leaders. There is no
thought or even a conception that the public are entitled
to consideration, — that they are to have a voice or wish
worth a moment's attention, or that the public interert
and welfare are to be consulted. Places for Grant to give
and for Radicals to receive are their ideas of administra-
tion.

Vice-Admiral Porter was telegraphed by Grant to come
to Washington and take charge of the Navy Department
yesterday, and he at once came over from Annapolis by
a special train. Borie, the Secretary, who is here, waited
his coming, and the two went to the Department arm in
arm; Porter told Faxon and others that he had come to
''run the Department,'' that Borie wouldn't do much,

550 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES ffiARCs 10

that Bone yielded to him. Faxon commenoed to inform
B. of the general routine, but Porter stopped him, and said
Faxon could inform him (P.) and he would communicate
to B., and B. submitted meekly.

The War Department is put in the keeping of the
General and the Navy Department is under the control of
the Vice- Admiral. All things are tending to centralizatiim
and military supremacy.

Faxon and E. T. Welles took leave of the Department
to-day. Their resignations were tendered on the 8th and
accepted when a successor could relieve them. Faxon took
the noon train to-day for Connecticut. He has been asso-
ciated with me the last eight years, and our intercourse has
been always pleasant. I have f oimd him ever faithful and
useful, and cannot but feel regret at our parting. He tells
me that Schofield is not pleased with the recent order
placing the General over the War Department, and has
asked to be speedily relieved. The ex-President, Johnson,
goes to Baltimore to-morrow to attend a banquet tendered
him by the city authorities, and has lurged me to go with
him, but I declined; wish he had also, and hoi)e he will
attend no others.

March 11. Grant has finally surrendered and nominated
Boutwell for the Treasury. He would not at the beginning
give him the place, but has been humbled and subdued in
a measiu^ by the exposiu^ of his ignorance in the first in-
stance; by his readiness to cheat the law in the second;
third, by his inability to procure a repeal of the enactment
and being finally compelled to withdraw his grossly im-
proper proposition. The Radicals have been very clamor-
ous and violent for distinctive recognition as a power,
which Grant has tried to evade, but he at last yields. He
yields in another respect from his repeated declarations and
immovable principles that he would not have two members
of his Cabinet from one State. But it is reported that this
difficulty will soon be corrected. The Supreme Court is to

DAVID D. PORTER

• i

■

I -

■ .1

1869] CABINET CHANGES 561

be enlarged, and Hoar is to be got rid of by being trans-
ferred to the bench. Bargains, intrigues, and arrangements
are the order of the day; the country's welfare is of little
consideration. There is an inaccuracy and readiness in
these vicious proceedings which is startling. But the ' ' party
of moral ideas" seem to consider the whole thing proper.

Hamilton Fish of New York is appointed Secretary of
State. Washbume held the office four days. He could not
fill it. Grant told Farragut that he gave Washbume the
place as a compliment. That was in character. Grant con-
siders the government offices his, not the country's. They
are bestowed on favorites for their personal service and
devotion to him, not for qualification of the recipient nor
for the public welfare. Fish is a New-Yorker of medium
talents, a man of wealth, of some experience and fair ao-
complishments, a moderate Republican, an old Whig, not
an extreme man, will be rightly disposed, and be likely
to do tolerably well, if things move rightly, but without
energy or force to correct Presidential errors or to resent
wrongs. He is a great improvement on the coarse, un«
cultured Washbume. This "fellow," as I once heard Mr.
Lincoln call Washbume, is appointed Minister to France.
He may represent correctly the man who appoints him,
but is no credit to the coimtry.

General Rawlins succeeds Schofield as Secretary of War.
Of the three persons who figured not very largely eight
years ago in the village of Galena, but who are now in the
most prominent places in the Republic, I have always con*
sidered Rawlins as possessing the superior, though not
great, mind. His health is not good, but I think his influence
will be in the right direction, beneficial for Grant and the
Administration.

Porter has begun his career by an onslaught on Isher*
wood, who is superseded by Chief Engineer King. Isher*
wood has his peculiarities, but is mentally superior to any
one of the chief engineers with whom I have come in con-
tact. He has not great business talents, but is devoted to

662 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES liiABCHil

his profession. His engines, which have been assailed and
denounced by rivals and opponents, have rendered good
service and given better satisfaction than any others. He,
as well as the Engineer Corps generally, and all the staff
have erred in their clamor for rank. Isherwood has not
thestuiviter in modo in his intercourse with others whom he
believes wrong, he is no double-dealer, but speaks his mind,
roughly and offensively at times. He holds a ready pen.
There were rumors of his connection with the Martin boiler
and Lowell's condenser that were never fully cleared up,
and which his opponents have used with some effect
against him. Eling, who succeeds him, is his antagonist; is
smooth and never uses harsh language. Those who differ
with him charge him with plausibility, insincerity, and
not very great ability. He was at my house this evening,
and says he knew nothing of and had no intimation of his
selection until he saw it in the paper. . . .

I hear of some new and strange orders issued, or about to
be issued, by the Navy Department. Likely there is some
foundation and some exaggeration. Porter will, from his
nature, strive to do something dtjfereni from what has been
done, more likely to be evil than good ; will issue some
counter orders, adopt a contrary policy, effect something
novel without much regard to its good or bad qualities.
I have so detailed officers as to avoid cliques, and clannish
aggregations, and therein have dissatisfied Porter, who is
given to favorites and has dislikes and prejudices without
cause. In breaking up cliques, incipiently forming, and
dispensing with those who were indulging in those per-
sonal factions, I know I have performed a benefit to the
parties themselves, as well as to the service. But Porter
is resentful because he had not his own way.

March 12, Friday. Commodore Glisson called on me this
evening. Is here in relation to League Island and the Iron-
sides, but says there is such confusion and bewilderment
at the Navy Department that he can accomplish nothing.

1809] ADMIRAL PORTER'S MANAOfiMENT 653

It is time to make arrangements for letting the unoccupied
lands. E[ad o£fers of ten thousand dollars for them for pas-
turing, to which the lands have been put for the last thre^
years. But they prohibit him from pasturing them; say
it is not proper that lands which are to be used for a navy
yard; though not occupied, should be pastured. Glisson
told them the crops would not be gathered as hay. They
did not want it should be. He said to let the grass and
weeds grow and perish on the ground would breed disease.
But his views were disregarded. Porter, he says, is the man
who answered him and gave the orders.

C!ommodore Melancthon Smith called later in the even-
ing. He says Porter is trying to flourish and make a noise
in order to be noticed in the papers. Has appointed a large
number of boards to examine ships, engines, etc. Over-
looks the Bureaus, which can fumidi all the information,
but he wants officers to move about and report. Has Golds-
borough chairman of one board; has detached Stringham
from a court martial and ordered him on another board;
and has other boards in embryo. Tells Conmiodore Smith
and other Chiefs, if they want anjrthing, to apply to him,
not to the Secretary.

The officers of the Navy and Army were presented to-
day to the President. He said there were so many Navy
officers that he supposed Congress would be for reducing
the Navy. There were about sixty of them, and over two
hundred of the Army officers, but the Navy men say the
President made no remarks to the Navy [sic] branch of the
service indicating reduction.

March 13, Saturday. John P. Hale, the worthless and
worse than worthless Minister to Spain, is continued,
and Perry, the efficient Secretary of Legation, is dismissed,
provided the Senate consents.

The papers contain ten or more general naval orders,
most of them frivolous and captious, manifesting great zeal
to differ with, or cast reflection on^ the late Admmistra^tiop

S54 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES (Mabchis

of the Department. It is not difficult to trace them to
Vice-Admiral Porter, who received many favors from that
administration, to which he was always superciliously ob-
sequious imtil about the period of the Presidential election.
Among the orders revoked is one suspending and repri-
manding Sawyer, a second assistant engineer who de-
nounced President Johnson as a traitor that ought to
be impeached. Grant indorses the revocation, because
Guyon, the principal witness, spoke disrespectfully of
CJongress. Neither the Vice-Admiral nor the President
discriminates between denunciation of a superior, which is
destructive of discipline, and denimciations of a legislature
or other body. Both are improper, but one is criminal
and mutinous, insubordinate, and a high military offense.
Had Sawyer said that Admiral Bailey, his immediate com-
mander and commandant of the yard, was a traitor and
deserved to be court-martialed, he would have been tried
and punished, or had one of the Army subordinates said
the same of Grant, he would have been tried and punished;
but, according to this order, he might berate and assail
the superior of Bailey and Grant, the Commander-in-
Chief of Army and Navy, with impunity.

Had charges been preferred against Guyon for disre-
spectful language towards Congress, he might or might
not have been court-martialed, although it would not, in
that case, have been a military offense, and he might not
have been found guilty, as Sawyer was, of insubordinate
and disrespectful language towards his superior. Party
feeling has moved the President and his Vice-Admiral in
the wrong direction.

Two general orders are issued in the name of the Secre-
tary of the Navy, revoking the sentence of a court martial
in the case of Collins and Bache, the former commander
and the latter navigating officer of the Sacramento, which
was wrecked in the Bay of Bengal, — a loss to the Govern-
ment of six or eight hundred thousand dollars. Collins was
playing chess, and Bache smoking, forward, when she

I8e»] CIVIL-TENTJRE REPEAL IN SENATE 656

stranded. But the revocation says nothing appeared
against the latter. He belongs to a distinguished family
and is the nephew of Vice-Admiral Porter; why should
not his sentence, and suspension, which has expired, be
revoked ?

March 17, Wednesday. This is St. Patrick's Day, and the
Irish do not forget it. An interesting debate is going on in
the Senate on the repeal of the civil-tenure law. Trumbull,
who was an active partisan for its enactment, and who has
forgotten or surrendered most of his old Democratic, strict*
construction principles, is imwilling to repeal an unconsti«f
tutional act which gives undue power to the Senate; but
several of the Radical Senators are disposed to retrace their
steps, admit the law was personal, passed to cripple the
constitutional authority of the late President, etc. The
confession is more candid and more creditable than the
persistent wrong of Trumbull and others, who, having by
party usurpation and fraud got xmauthorized power, are
unwilling to relinquish it. Edmunds of Vermont, more of
a lawyer than legislator or statesman, takes ground with
Trumbull. Carpenter, the new Senator from Wisconsini
made his d^but in a speech claiming that the power of re-
moval is with the Senate, but is willing to suspend the
power. He is another lawyer who is regardless of the fun-
damental law and not a statesman or wise legislator. On
the whole, the Radicals do not appear to advantage in this
discussion, and the wickedness and injustice by which a
usurping majority embarrassed and thwarted the late
administration is apparent.

A smart debate took place between Butler and Schenck,
neither very scrupulous men. Schenck has, perhaps, more
influence in the House, but Butler knows the most.

The papers say that Attorney-General Hoar has given
an opinion that Grant has no authority to revoke the
pardons granted by President Johnson, which he had
attempted. I know nothing ol tl^e merits of any of th^

556 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES EKaboti^

cases, and should not be surprised if they were not de-
serving of pardon, but that Grant should interpose and
try, by straining and violating the law, to defeat an act
of clemency on the part of his predecessor, displays male-
volence as well as ignorance, and is characteristic.

I this evening parted with ex-President Johnson and his
family, who leave in the morning for Tennessee. No better
persons have occupied the Executive Mansion, and I part
from them, socially and personally, with sincere r^ret.
Of the President, politically and officially, I need not here
speak further than to say he has been faithful to the Con-
stitution, although his administrative capabilities and
management may not equal some of his predecessors. Of
measures he was a good judge, but not always of men.

March 18, Thursday. The Senate is still debating the
Tenure-of-Office Law. There is great reluctance to yield
power on the part of mankind generally, especially if im-
properly obtained, and the Radical majority of the Senate
is no exception. Although the most stupid of them must
be aware that the power and energy of the Executive a»
crippled, and that the public business, and especially the
collection of the revenue, is thereby greatly impaired, still
they cling to power. Office is really the great impelling
motive of the Radicals, the alpha and omega of their acts.
No regard for the Constitution or principle governs them.

March 19, Friday. Honest John Lenthall, Chief Naval
Constructor, called on me last evening. He feels unhappy
over the condition of affairs at the Navy Department.
Thinks Mr. Borie well disposed, but that he is feeble,
timid, and inefficient. Porter, on the other hand, is offi-
cious, presiuning, and meddlesome. Borie is dwarfed and
overborne by the self-assimiing and arrogant Vice-Ad-
miral. L. says P. displays a great amount of ignorance and
puerility in his orders and assimiptions; talks of economy
but Spends recklessly. Bridge (Paymaster) came in lattt*

tad$] CIVIL-TENURE REPEAL IN EIENATE $57

in the evening. Listened attentively; hates Porter, but is
afraid to say so. I was amused at his timidity, and also
disgusted with it.

Grant sends in no nominations; holds up to compel the
Senators to surrender their usurped power. Tells appli*
cants that he wishes the law repealed and holds himself
imder no obligation to remove incumbents whilst it re*
mains. He does not send in a message to Congress, boldly
and explicitly stating these thingSibut does it, as he aided
iii the passage of the law, in whispers and behind-the-door
conversations.

March 22, Monday. The city is filled with a hungry
crowd, wanting offices which they can't get. Grant uses
them to compel the Senate to repeal the Tenure-of-Office
Bill. But the Senators are reluctant to give up power; dis*
like to back down; are also mad. While Grant has now
the right of this question, it is to his discredit that he was
guilty of exerting himself to impose and continue that
villainy as an embarrassment to the Administration of
President Johnson. The Radical Senators are getting
much divided among themselves; have never had much
confidence in each other, but still adhere together for power
and plunder.

March 23, Tuesday. There is some satisfaction in look-
ing on the movements, and feeling that one has no respons-
ibiUty for what is done or omitted. The strife here is great
and the disappointments will be many. Some remedy
should be devised for the great evil of officenseekingand the
greater evil of Congressional intermeddling with appoint-
ments. The best men in the commimity for places of trust
and responsibiUty are not those who rush here to get
them. But where is the remedy? Congress itself is made
up of vagabond adventurers to a great extent, fellows who
sell their votes for money, and who intrigue for the worth-
less on receiving a consideration. There is but little moral

'558 DIARY OF OIDEON WELLES pcABCtttf

or political principle in Congress. The few who are not
Vicious and debased are destitute of independence; and
jdeld to the discipline and tyranny of party.

The supporters of the Tenure-of-OflBice Bill, finding that
they were in a minority of the Senate but in a majority of
the party, resorted to the device which they have prac-
ticed extensively for the last three years of calling a caucus,
to which they endeavored to transfer legislation, and then
by party machinery enable the actual minority to decide
the fate of the bill. Edmunds and Conkling, two fierce
partisans, projected this scheme. The former is a mere
lawyer legislator, with no conception of his duties, al-
though an attorney of some sharpness and ability. Conk-
ling has more legislative capacity, but is an egotistical
coxcomb, with less political honesty than Edmunds, who
would, at any time, sacrifice the ri^t to benefit his party.
The friends of repeal were not insensible to the trick which
was sought to be practiced, would not be caught, and de-
clared in caucus they would not be bound by its proceed-
ings. This is a good indication. Party machinery and
party tjrranny may yet be broken. Morton and Conkling
are reputed to have had a sharp passage in caucus.

March 24, Wednesday. The bill to reorganize the Navy,
which Grimes introduced into the Senate a few days
since and hurried through that body without discussion,
has been checked up by the Representatives. There was an
intention of nmning it through the House without refer-
ence to a committee or any examination, but this did not
succeed, and a reference took place. In the committee
there was soon a conviction that so important a bill, and
one involving such radical changes and such marked dis-
criminations, should be well matured. Porter and Borie
went twice to the Capitol and presented themselves before
the Naval Committee to urge immediate action, and Isher-
wood tells me they had a letter from Grant expressing a

igeo] NAVY REORGANIZATION SCHEME 660

wish that there might be no delay in its passage, which
they read to some of the members of the committee. It
was the absorbing subject with the head, or heads, of the
Navy Department, but the House Naval Committee came
unanimously to the conclusion, after patiently listening
to Porter, hearing Grimes, and imderstanding the wishes
of Grant, that it was best to move slowly, and they there-
fore deferred the further consideration of the bill imtil next
December. This is a sockdologer to Porter, who had made
his arrangements, based on this bill. Without it he is
literally an intruder in the Department. The bill, among
other provisions, establishes a Board of Survey to consist
of three admirals, of which it is well understood Porter
was to be the President. This would have placed him in
the Department as superior or superintendent.

It is obvious that the scheme of bringing Porter here to
take charge of the Navy Department and the new Secretary
also has been long since planned, and is a part of Grant's
military policy. When Porter, last autumn, in the midst
of the election campaign, volunteered his testimony to
the effect that Grant was a total abstinence man, it was
a bid which was well understood, and which no man of
position, unless a Porter, would make. Those who know
Porter well are aware he can certify to almost anything.

It was easy for Grant to place the War Department
under the military, but the Navy Department is dif-
ferently organized and some management was necessary.
The selection of a man like Borie, without knowledge of,
or experience in, public affairs, was made on personal
grounds, with reference to the end to be accomplished.
Weak, as regards the duties, but willing to oblige Grant,
he became an instrument. Porter was summoned here
by Grant, before Borie was permitted to enter the Navy
Department, and B. was at once put in Porter's keeping.
Porter came duly prepared, his pockets filled with general
orders which he had been weeks preparing, — some of
them on the most trivial subjects, others mere repetitions

660 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES ivabgbm

or verbal alterations of existing orders. The Book of Regu-
lations— the uniform regulations, which would require
a tailor some days to prepare — was at once established,
a winter's work was at once introduced, and in all this
poor Borie was a passive tool. He is now a mere clerk to
Vice-Admiral Porter, not the Secretary of the Navy. This
is Grant's work and purpose. The government is to be
conducted on a military plan and system. Law, usage, and
civil service are set aside.

The Judiciary Committee in the Senate reported a bill
on the Teniu'e-of-Office Law which is a perfect cheat and
swindle. Grant is said to have been consulted by the
committee and a compromise was effected. The lawyers
duped and cowed him. The poor devil has neither the sa-
gacity and obstinacy for which he has credit, if he assents
to this compromise, where the Executive surrenders every-
thing and gets nothing.

I shall not be surprised, however, if Trumbull has in-
duced and seduced Grant. In heart and sentiment Trum-
bull has become a perfect Senatorial oligarch, and aims to
concentrate all power in the Senate. His original Demo-
cratic principles — State-Rights and strict construction
— he has almost totally abandoned, and seems to sup-
pose the powers of the government are lodged with the
Senate; at all events, he wishes the Senate whilst he is
a member to exercise them.

March 25, Thursday. There was a rumor prevalent
to-day that ex-President Johnson died last night from a
sudden attack of paralysis. It was founded on the fact
that he had a severe attack of disease of the kidneys, and
that his physician. Doctor Norris, had been sent for. The
President and his family arrived home at Greenville
safely on Saturday, where they were received with greet-
ings cordial and sincere from their old neighbors and
friends after their long absence.

Moses H. Grinnell has been nominated Collector of

im] GRINNELL NOMINATED COLLECTOR 561

the Port of New York. I am not surprised at it. He is
proud, a man trained in the corrupt and corruptible
school of New York politics, an old admirer of Daniel
Webster. At one period he was one of the merchant
princes; he still has a commercial standing and occupies
a prominent social position, which will make him careful
about prostituting himself or his office. His restraints will
be due as much to his commercial standing as to his moral
instincts and he will have a studied desire to guard his re-
putation. Like Hamilton Fish he was formerly devoted to
Seward, and like Fish he has become estranged in a meas*
ure from his former leader. Both keep up the formalities
of friendly intercoinrse, but there is no heart-feeling on
their part, or Seward's.

Commodore Jenkins tells me that Vice-Admiral Porter
devotes his time apparently to criticism, — complains of,
and picks flaws in, my administration. He has got his
boards organized — by appointment of Borie, who is a
mere puppet — to examine the hulls and engines that are
building, or that were commenced diuing the War and
have since been completed or suspended. Jenkins says
he went into the Secretary's room, where Porter had the
ledger and books, and Stribling, who is to be president of
one of these boards, was examining them with Porter.
Stribling manifested any other emotion than that of pride
in his work, and, subsequently, in an apologetic way, made
inquiries of Jenkins about the employment of workmen,
the form of intercourse at the navy yards, the assumption
of the Bureaus and their subordinates, and the want of
proper deference to commandants of the yards. Jenkins
advised him to examine the method of proceedings at the
yards, — to make proper inquiries for himself before com-
ing to a conclusion, — and he would find he was on a false
scent, and that he had been imposed upon. Stribling
seemed mortified, expressed the greatest respect for me,
but supposed that old usage had been sacrificed, that com-
xnandants had not their rightSi and that a worse practice

562 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [mabch25

had been introduced. Jenkins said such was not the fact so
far as his Bureau was concerned, nor did he believe such
practice existed with any other; certain he was that I was
vigilant and that, had any deviation been brought to my
notice, it would have been properly corrected.

This is a specimen of the low schemes and intrigues
that are being practiced. I have done too much for Por-
ter, who is incapable of gratitude, and is eaten up with
selfish ambition. The creation of the office of Admiral,
which became necessary in order to have naval rank
corresponding with that of the military conmiander of the
armies, necessitated the promotion of some one to the office
of Vice-Admiral, made vacant by the appointment of
Farragut to the highest grade. There was no Rear-Ad-
miral entitled to such promotion. Goldsborough, who was
senior, had not a single qualification but size, belly, and
lungs. Davis was literary and a scholar without a strong
naval fighting record. Dahlgren was cold, and so calcu-
latingly selfish that he feared to do anything lest he migiht
injure his past reputation, which was on the "gun line,"
— not in their use but the manufacture or make of them.
Porter, who had a mixture of good and bad qualities, was
preferable, I thought, to either of them, but yet without
just claims for the distinction. He had acquitted himself
very well at Fort Fisher by persevering in his eflForts to
carry into effect the wishes and views of the Navy Depart-
ment. I had placed him in command of the squadron
after Farragut declined, because he had energy, ambition,
and I knew he would feel that his future success would
depend on accomplishing the work prescribed. When it
was over, although there were many things which I dis*
approved, I could not, when the vacancy occurred, do
otherwise than give him the place over the heads of others,
and after the War was ended, I placed him in the eli^ble
position of Superintendent of the Naval Academy. He
had, I thought, some excellent qualities for the position
at that particular time, and for two years he discharged the

18601 ADMIRAL PORTER'S INTRIGUES 663

duties well. The third year his restless nature began to
develop itself. Change, novelty, new schemes were intro-
duced. He first wanted the European Squadron when it
was given to Farragut. Later the party intrigues and
Presidential movements enlisted him. He had fostered a
factious clique at Annapolis, and began to use the officers
for himself and purposes. I did not accord to him full
sway, for I perceived his error. Among others he had
Walker, a nephew of Senator Grimes, in the academic
sta£P. I regretted the necessity of ordering Walker to the
Academy, for I knew the use that would be made of him.

Secret movements soon commenced against the De-
partment, and Grimes began to change his views. Walker
came to Washington every few days, and Grimes became
distant, changed his views, had new schemes such as he
once disapproved. His broken health subjected him more
entirely to the malign influence that was brought to bear
upon him. Walker was the unconscious dupe and tool of
Porter, and Grimes, in his feeble health, was subject to
that influence.

When Farragut returned, and the time had arrived for
Porter to have the European Squadron, as he had requested,
he asked to be excused; said his health was so impaired he
could not discharge the duties; the routine at the Academy
was pleasant and beneficial to an invalid who could not
perform other duties. All of which I understood and was in
no sense deceived. Though still obsequious to me, he was
paying his court in another quarter. Grant was likely to
be elected President and he had volunteered to testify
to Grant's total abstinence, which by his published stand-
ard deserves reward. He had been accustomed to say to
me that Grant was nothing unless associated with Sher-
man, whom of the two Porter admired most; that together
they made a great general. Latterly nothing is said of
Sherman. Gradually his calls on me have fallen off. His
visits to Washington have been frequent during the fall
and winter, but I have seen him only two or three times.

664 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [Vabchv

Grimes introduced a bill for a Board of Survey, — a
scheme of Porter to get position in Washington. Until
Walker became the messenger of Porter, Grimes steadily
opposed this Board. The refusal of the Naval Conmaittee
in the House to consider Grimes' bill until next Deo^iH
ber disconcerts Porter, who is at present a mere intruder
in the Navy Department without any legal status.

March 26, Friday. The House by a majority of over
twenty refuses concurrence with the Senate in its modifici^
tion of the Tenure-of-Office Act, and insists on uncondi-
tional repeal. Grant is quoted as having surrendered to
the lawyer intriguers, but the House, more sensible, mwe
sagacious, and more firm, holds out. Still Bingham,
Schenck, and the scheming ultra-Radicals are in concert
with the Senate intriguers, and, having made a dupe of
Grant, . . . they will labor to have the Senate recognized
as a part of the executive power, clothed with authcuity
to check and control the Preiddent for party purposes.
Trumbull and Edmunds, two Radical lawyers, are active
in this scheme.

Borie has sent a letter to the Naval Committee for the
repeal of the eight-hour law. Though right in this, it was
not wise or politic at this time. The demagogues in Con«
gross enacted the law regardless of the public interest,
and dare not repeal it, whatever may be their convictions.

March 27, Saturday. The President has rescinded that
part of his order which placed the War Department im-
der the General of the armies. It was a part of a scheme
for a military government that Grant has had in view,
which neither Congress nor the coimtry was yet prepared
to sanction. The Navy Department was in like manner to
have been organized, and may be yet. Porter is ready to
take on himself any authority which others will permit,
with law or without law.

Doolittle tells me he has had a talk with General Butler,

1869J BXJTLER'S CONTEMPT FOR GRANT 665

who says the House will to the end insist on repeal of the
Civil-Tenure Bill. He, B., has seen Grant and tried to have
a conversation with him and make him comprehend the
features of this amendment. "But/* said Butler, "he is
stupidly dull and ignorant and no more comprehends his
duty or his power under the Constitution than that dog,"
pointing to a small dog near them. Butler's expression of
ineffable contempt, Doolittle says, cannot be described,
when he alluded to Grant.

I am also told by Doolittle that Stewart, when he found
he could not be Secretary of the Treasury, requested as
a special favor that Ethan Allen might be appointed Dis*
trict Attorney in New York. But Grant regretted to inform
Stewart that he had promised that place to a Mr. Ford,
the brother of one of Grant's cronies. This promise he had
made last summer. Ford is an obscure lawyer, without
standing or position. Poor Stewart is mortified and cha-
grined that he has made himself an ass and expended his
money for nothing.

Sprague, though not an orator, has been telling the
Senators some truths. At first they were disposed to treat
his attacks on, or exposure of, the lawyers with levity,
and Nye . . . attacked him with severity, but though this
amused the galleries for the moment, Sprague's remarks
remain.

March 29, Monday. Ex-President Johnson has re-
covered from the painful attack which prostrated him,
and is announced to speak at Greenville, Nashville, and
Memphis. He has been an effective speaker in Tennessee
in former years, and may succeed again, but ten years have
changed the character of the people, and the people them-
selves, nor is it likely that he remains unchanged. I shall
not be surprised, therefore, if he is not as successful as
in former years, and, under the sweeping proscription by
which Brownlow and his faction have aimed to disfran-
chise all who are opposed to them, the ex-President may

566 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [bcabchs^

find it more diffictilt than he apprehends to serve the
State.

March 80, Tuesday. Montgomery Blair came to see
me. His brother Frank has sued the authorities in St.
Louis, who refused his vote imless he would take the iron-
clad oath of Missouri, which required him to swear that
he had not opposed the administration of the general
government nor the government of the State of Missouri,
whereas he had opposed and defeated the Rebel governor
and Rebel organization of that State in 1861, and with
General Lyon extricated the State from Rebel control. His
vote being rejected, he brought suit, which was last week
argued before the Supreme Court. Montgomery B. thinks
the case was well presented, and they will gain their case.
He is, however, a sanguine man, and never doubts that
his brother Frank is always right. I think he is in this in*
stance, and is of tener right and has much greater sagacity
than his opponents believe.

Montgomery Blair regretted that President Johnson
should have gone to Coyle's after leaving the Executive
Mansion. The habits, practices, and character of C. should
have prevented it. He says he foimd it difficult to get to
the President, but he asked Rives, one of his aides, what
he intended doing and where going when he left the White
House, and R. told him where he was to go. As he did so,
R. shrugged his shoulders. B. expressed his regret, and R.
also. He said to Blair — what he declared he had said to
no one else — that Coyle and too many like him had sur-
rounded the President during his whole term. Blair sajrs
they flattered and deceived him, . . . and Blair thinks the
President could not have been entirely ignorant of facts
that were so notorious. But Blair is censorious. He said,
however, he imputed nothing corrupt or venal to Presi-
dent Johnson. The difficulty was he tolerated scoundrels
around him, and permitted them to do what he would
scorn to do himself. I remarked that I had inquired of hinri

18091 BXJTLER OUTGENERALED 567

heretofore concerning Moore, who is a Washingtonian.
Blair said that was some time ago and he had given no
attention to the subject then, but since, and recently,
damaging information had come to him, and that he now
knew personally that Moore had played a false part and
deceived Johnson. I had no reason, I said, to suppose he
was imfaithful to the President, except the fact that
Stanton had placed him there and that he had pre-
viously been in Stanton's employ. I never heard an ex-
pression from him against Stanton, even when Stanton's
treachery was detected and exposed, and on one or two
occasions some facts appear to have reached Stanton
which I could account for in no other way than through
Moore. In everything, aside from Stanton, it always ap-
peared to me he was true to the President and serviceable
to him — and I could not say [sic].

March 31, Wednesday. The Tenure-of-Office Bill went
to a committee of conference, on which was Trumbull,
Edmunds, and Grimes for the Senate, Butler, Washburn
of Wisconsin, and Bingham for the House. The opponents
of repeal had the advantage, except that Butler was relied
upon as equal to all opponents. But he was flattered by
the association, cajoled, and failed his friends. Like other
too cunning men, and men under the shade, he was too
compliant and shrewd. He gained his points as regards
ultimate removal, but yielded a principle. His sly, tricky
management was outwitted and his fierce energy moUified.
Butler vanquished himself. He has congratulated him-
self that, if the public denounced him as a knave, no one
asserted he was a fool, but this self-laudation is his no
longer. He has been befooled, flattered, and made an ass
of.

I hear that the compromise passed both houses. Very
likely, and each congratulated itself that it has beaten the
other. Butler has been outgeneraled, has lost reputation
for shrewdness.

LXVIII

Tbe Compromise on the Tenure-of-Offioe Bill passee Both Houses — Porter
as ** Lord of the Admiralty" — Comiecticut goes Radical in the State
Election — Possibility of War with Spain — Congress adjourns after
placing the Matter of Reconstruction in the President's Hands —
Morton's Amendment requiring the Adoption of the Fifteenth Amend-
ment to the Constitution before a State is given Representation —
Corruption not confined to one Party — A General Sweep of Official
Incumbents — Diplomatic Appointments — Motley goes to England,
Washbume to France — The Senate rejects the AlalMuna Treaty after
a Speech against it by Sumner — Regrets at leaving Washington — A
Courtesy from Vioe-Admiral Porter — Reflections on relinquishing
Office — The Return to Hartford — Call on Admiral Farragut in New
York — The Admiral suffering from Official Neglect — Changes in
Hartford in Eight Years — Getting settled — Grant's Unfitness for the
Presidency — Secretary Borie a Nonentity — Admiral Porter's Order to
Change the Names of Men-of-War — The Alabama Question and the
British Public.

April 1, Thursday. Secretary Borie has rescinded one of
his illegal general orders, issued by direction of Porter.
Some one has informed the [indecipherable] that it was not
only without authority of law but in violation of law. It
is not the only general order liable to the same charge.
But Porter never paid much regard to law or regulations at
a time when either conflicted with his convenience, and, as
for Borie, he seems to know nothing either of his duties or
of law, nor cares to know.

The compromise on the Tenure-of-Office Bill has passed
both houses. All the Democrats and some of the most
sensible and reputable Republicans voted against it. On
looking at the subject more deliberately to-day, my last
evening's impressions are confirmed. The only question is,
Was Butler a treacherous knave or a silly, egotistical dupe?
He has betrayed those who trusted him through either
design or ignorance, and he is not a fool, though in this
instance foolish. But Grimes and Washbume are equally

1809] PORTER LORD OF THE ADMIRALTY 569

implicated, though Butler was considered the leader. They
each trusted the other, doubtless, and thought to patch
up and heal a disagreement in the party.

f Commodore Jenkins has resigned his position as Chief
of the Biu^au of Navigation and is assigned to duty as
Secretary of the Lighthouse Board. Rear-Admiral Har-
wood, who was secretary of that board, has been detached
and is to be placed as one of the Retiring Board, which is
hereafter to hold permanent session in Washington. It is
easy to perceive that one object in this movement is to
control the action of the retiring, or "ex," board in certain
cases. Favorites will be treated li^tly ; those who are under
the displeasure of the "Lord of the Admiralty," as Porter
is now called, will be likely to fare hard. A factious clique
aims to govern the Navy.

I Jenkins is one of the most faithful, industrious, labori-
ous, and best-informed officers in the service; better fitted
for the position he occupied than any man of his grade.
There were prejudices against him, deeply and cimningly
introduced and magnified by the man who has compelled
his resignation.

April 2, Friday. President Grant sent in quite a batch
of nominations to-day. From this I infer that he acquiesces
in the passage of the mongrel, bimgling, exceptional piece
of legislation on the Tenure-of-Office Bill which was rushed
through the two houses. There was some expectation of a
veto among his best friends, but it is not in him, and his
Cabinet advisers have hardly the stamina for such a step.
Besides, the matter is in such a shape that the whole thing
is embarrassing.

Butler and the extreme Radicals were defeated yester-
day on the Mississippi question by a union of the more
considerate Radicals with the Democrats. It was a very
handsome rebuke to the despotic demagogue.

An order has gone out from the Navy Department re-
ducing the wages of workmen one fifth below outsiders in

570 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [apbh. 2

consequence of the eight-hour law. The order is correct in
principle, but will be fiercely resisted in Congress by the
demagogues who passed it.

Borie has sent a letter to the Naval Committee urging
the establishment of a Board of Survey; sajrs he shall be
compelled to reduce the staff if it is not done, etc. The
handiwork of Porter is perceptible in all this, and the
threat may accomplish the work. It is disgraceful that
there should be such an intrigue in the Navy Department.
Borie would not himself have attempted it, but Porter
would not hesitate to instigate and pass it. Under men-
ace, the staff officers may yields though I should be sorry
to see it.

April 8, Saturday. An opinion has been obtained from
Attorney-General Hoar reversing the opinion given by
Attorney-General Bates on which the action of the Depart-
ment was founded in March, 1863, with the approbation of
President Lincoln, increasing the relative rank of staff
officers. I have always doubted whether the regula-
tions could be maintained, if dissented to or opposed and
brought to a legal test, and therefore advised the staff
to have the regulations confirmed by Congress and then
legalized. But they were not satisfied with the rank given
them and therefore would not move, — not unlikely would
have opposed legislation, had it been attempted. But the
regulations have been in force six years, have been re-
cognized by the Executive and Congress, have become a
usage, are equitable and right in themselves, provided there
is to be assimilated rank, and no person avows himself op-
posed to them. But the staff do not favor a Board of Sur-
vey, and without such a board, Vice-Admiral Porter has
no legal status in the Department. The Naval Committee
have decided they would not consider the subject of such
a board until December, and this opinion has been ex-
torted from the Attorney-General, when overwhelmed with
more pressing and important business, in order to gratify

18691 CX)NNECTICUT GOES RADICAL 67^

the grasping aspirations of the Vioe-Admiral. Having got
Attorney-General Hoar's opinion, reversing that of
Attorney-General Bates, Mr. Borie signs an order which
had been prepared for him, reducing the rank of the staff.
Not unlikely this Congress will be wheedled and dra-
gooned into Porter's schemes of a Board of Survey, by
coercing the staff into an assent to that measure, provided
they can secure the rank which was given them by me.

April 5, Monday. Great excitement in Congress and
New York on the subject of the Pacific Railroad. I have
looked upon the transactions connected with that road as
in some particulars outrageously fraudulent. Diirant,
the manager, has the reputation of being a knave, and
there are Members of Congress involved in the swindle.
Fisk, an adventurer and operator in New York, had a fight
with the concern, and, the board refusing to produce their
books, the court has authorized the safe to be broken open,
which has been finally done, after a day's labor, with
sledge-hammers, crowbars, etc., etc.

April 6, Tuesday. Grant yesterday signed the new
Tenure-of-Office Bill. He has been defeated and over-
reached in this matter. This is not surprising. Thus far he
does not promise a very wise or successful administration.
The folly of making a Chief Magistrate of a man who is
totally ignorant of civil affairs and destitute of statesman-
ship will perhaps be demonstrated to the satisfaction of
all by the present Executive.

Returns from the Connecticut election, which took
place yesterday, indicate the success of the Radical ticket.
Party, not principle, has controlled. How soon the people
will come out from Radical delusion and take care of
themselves and their rights, God only knows. The people
of Connecticut are as capable as those of any State to
govern themselves and take care of their liberties, yet, in
the madness and delusion of party, they vote away the

672 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [afbil 6

foundation principles of free government. They are blind,
stupidly and inexcusably blind, to their own best interests,
when they strip their State of its sovereignty and transfer
it to the Central Government.

There has been less interest, apparently, in the election
than usual, though great questions were involved, and
there was some not very judicious management. The
nomination of Dixon in the First Congressional District as
the Democratic candidate was a mistake. He was the
candidate of a party which, for a quarter of a century, had
opposed him and he it. Although he has placed himself
squarely on the Democratic platform, and of late has pur-
sued a course which Democrats approve, still old antagon-
isms were not forgotten, and with them there was distrust,
disgust, and lack of zeal. Dixon flattered himself, and
many Democrats deceived themselves, with the belief that
he would secure votes from his old party friends and asso-
ciates, — a not uncommon mistake. Personal influence,
under such circumstances, is of little account. It is doubt-
ful whether he got ten such, while he lost hundreds which
a different candidate would have seciured.

April 7, Wednesday. I hear of quite a number of vessels
being ordered to be fitted for immediate service. Other
vessels are ordered to join the North Atlantic Squadron.
Their movements indicate trouble in the Antilles, and
especially in Cuba. It may be proper that the squadron
may be reinforced since the disturbances in that island
have assumed such magnitude, but great prudence and cir-
cumspection, as well as vigilance, are necessary. From the
large force which is being fitted out, and the characteristics
of Porter, who evidently has entire control of the Navy
Department, is reckless of exi)enditure and ambitious to
make a display, and from certain manifestations which I
have heretofore observed in Grant, I am somewhat appre-
hensive that we may become involved in difficulties with
Spain. In that case the whole of the maritime countries

1860] POSSIBILITY OF WAR WITH SPAIN 673

of southern Europe will sympathize with her. General
Banks, who is chairman of the Committee on Foreign Re-
lations in the House, is not a suitable man for the position
at any time, and especially not now. He is voluble and
shallow, aspiring and pretentious.

A war with so weak a government as Spain in the present
unfortunate condition of our exhausted country would be
lamentable. The Administration is in feeble and incom-
petent hands, — men who are partisans or nothings; the
Union is disrupted by exclusion; States are plundered of
their property and rights, and are governed by force; an
immense debt and imreliable measures make the prosi)ect
sad. But the people have brought these things upon them-
selves. They have not yet aroused to their true condition.
In devotion to party they have to a great extent f orgotten,
or been inattentive to, their obligations to the coimtry.

While the Administration is sending a large number of
armed ships into Cuban waters, and we have rumors of
illegal expeditions fitting out in our country to aid the
insurgents there, and our countrymen are sympathizing
with them, no proclamation enjoining neutrality is issued
by the President.

April 8, Thursday f and 9, Friday. Chief Engineer King
called upon me this evening. Says he has had some dif-
ficulty with Vice-Admiral Porter. The late order reducing
the rank of the stafif he thought unjust, and he addressed
a letter to Secretary Borie on the subject. This Porter did
not like, — he tolerates no differences. I had been told by
others of this disagreement, which was represented to be
much sharper than K. mentions, and I am also told that
P. said he was much disappointed in K. and cared not how
soon he resigned.

Commodore Lenthall^ also called. He laments the change
that has been made; thinks the men at the head of the

^ Naval Constructor John Lenthall, as Chief of the Bureau of CoDstmo*
tion and Repair, had the rank of Commodore.

574 DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES [april 8

government scarcely know what Porter and Borie are
about. Orders upon orders are received of a most singular
character. Commodore Selfridge, chairman of one of
the boards, sent to the different navy yards to examine the
vessels, has made reports recommending changes in the ves-
sels wUch exhibit his own incapacity, and at the same tune
his desire to please those who sent him on this examination.
As a constructor, L. says he jBbads it necessary that he should
take lessons of Selfridge to xmlearn the lessons, teachings,
and experience of a lifetime. Porter was anxious that L.
should adopt Selfridge's recommendations, but L. said he
could not adopt and make them his; if, however, explicit
orders were given him, he should execute these orders. P.
asked if he would not adopt some. L. said he could not.
*'Well, then," said P., "let them go." L. says, however,
he has complied with a request of P. that more sail should
be placed upon vessels of the Algoma class.

Each of these bureau officers is, I see, exceedingly dis-
satisfied, and my sympathies are with them and the staffs
who are each subjected to improper treatment, and I
freely, too freely perhaps, to them and others expressed
my opinions and feelings.

April 10, Saturday. Congress adjourned to-day at noon,
as agreed by resolution. Sumner, Butler, and some of the
extreme Radicals were opposed and would be glad to have
a continuous session. They desire to govern.

The President sent a message to Congress on the sub-
ject of Reconstruction. Congress passed a resolution, or
law, putting the subject in his hands. Morton^ put on
an amendment that the States should not be admitted, or
represented, until they adopted the Fifteenth Amendment
to the Constitution, which is now pending. As if Congress
could override the Constitution, dictate terms to a State,
and prescribe conditions on which it should have repre-
sentation ! But this is all in character with the disunion

^ Senator Oliver P. Morton of Indiana.

im] THE FIFTEENTH AMENDMENT 575

proceedings of the Radicals. An amendment of the Con-
stitution, thus forced by a usiui)ing Congress upon the
country, is a nullity, and should be so treated whenever
the government is rescued from Radical hands.

The Senate is to continue in session to act upon appoint-
ments and treaties. But little good can be expected from
that body with such a President and Senate as we now have.
Office and power are the great end and aim of each. In
vain do we look to them for reUef and statesmanship.
Overwhelmed in debt, no financial scheme is matured;
none has been broached, even, which has received or is
entitled to decent respect. The Union wrenched asunder
by the Radicals, who professed regard for its maintenance^
States denied their inherent, reserved, and guaranteed
rights, the Constitution and its obUgations disregarded and
trampled down by those who were elected to carry out its
provisions and swore to support them, the country is in-
deed in a lamentable condition. The tyranny of party is
vastly stronger than any ties of patriotism or the obUga-
tions of an oath.

Some of the Radical Senators revolted at this new and
villainous proposition of Morton and voted against it, but
the carpet-baggers came opportunely to his support. A
reaction must take place against these atrocious measureSi
which are a mockery of free government and enlightened
public opinion.

April 12, Monday. The Senate convened to-day at
noon, and the President sent in quite a list of nominations,
— many of them renominations, I suppose, that were not
acted upon at the regular session which expired on Satiu*-
day. Ashley, the impeacher, was confirmed as Governor
of Montana, after a long and severe struggle in the Senate,
by one majority. The nomination and confirmation of this
corrupt wretch after the exposure of his profligacy and
baseness in the appointment of Case to be Surveyor-
General of Colorado, which he procured from President

676 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES [apbil U

Lincoln, and the wrong that he exacted in return, — a
share in the profits and plunder which the position gave,
etc., etc., — is further evidence of the total debasement of
the Radical Party. Some Republican Senators, it seems,
opposed him, but. Grant having selected him, the ap-
pointment was confirmed. Had one or two more votes
been wanting, they would have been forthcoming.

• . . • • • • . . ••-
The coimtry is becoming, though very slowly, aware
of the corruptions and abuses which are being practiced,
but does not yet assume resolution to correct them. The
people, carried away by party, try to justify or excuse
their palpable enormities by declaring that degeneracy is
general, and their opponents are as wicked and venal as
their friends. I am sorry to be compelled to believe that
corruption is not confined to one party. It is the disgrace
and wickedness of the times, imputable in part to the evils
of war in the first instance and not checked, but encour-
aged, by the Radicals, who have made corruption common,
and from which some of their opponents have not had the
firmness and virtue to abstain.

April 15, Thursday. The Administration appears to
be making an unusual change or general sweep of all of-
ficial incumbents, irrespective of party. Friends and sup-
porters, men who are faithful and eflScient, many of whom
have been for years, some of them a quarter of a century,
in public employment, are smnmarily ejected from oflSce.
One cannot but feel sympathy for these suffering individuals,
who are unfitted for other employment after having spent
a large portion of their lives in the faithful discharge of
their duties, from which they have been unexpectedly and
without premonition dismissed. But the coimtry is a suf-
ferer as well as the dismissed ofiScials. No new appointee
can make good the place of many of these faithful servants
in the Departments, who have the traditions of the serv-
ice and a familiarity with the law, usages, and routineSy

1869] DEPmMATIC APPOINTMENTS 677

which are only acquired by experieiioe. There are many
worthless fellows in bureiausandat clerical desks who should
be displaced^ but such: are quite as likely to be retained as
any in these party, iU-consideredi and imprudent changes.

The fordgn appointments which are being made of
ministers and consuls are, in many instances, discredit-
able. Scarcely one can be called a first-class selection.
Mr. Motley, who has the first nussion, that of London, is
a literary man, a book^makeri a man of some reputation
in that respect, but he has not the proper talent and abil-
ity for so important a mission as that of England, at so
interesting a period as this. While at Vienna he displayed
no diplomatic ability, nor had he, perhaps, an opportun-
ity. He goes, therefore, to the first and most important
mission abroad without experience, or any manifestation
of diplomatic capacity, and is undoubt^ly indebted to
the ^'McCracken letter," and his petvdant, querulous, in-
solent response, and to the controversy and notoriety
which followed, for his present appointment. He is selected
to spite Seward, — these are the lofty considerations which
influence this Administration.

Washbume, the vulgar and mean, represents the Ad-
ministration, not his country, to France. Then there is
a Jones, whom no one knows but Grant and Washbume,
... is nominated to Belgimn. His only recomm^idation
is that he has been an active party electioneerer for
Washbume, the contemptible. Pile, ^ an ignorant, prej udiced
partisan, formerly a frontier Methodist ranter, is nom-
inated to Brazil. So of others. Small men with limited
comprehension and limited capacity, but Who are Radical
Grant men, are hastily pressed fbrward by scores. Of their
adaptability Grant himself is not competent to judge,
nor could a man more familiar with the necessary require-
ments for these positions have informed himself in so brief
a period.

^ William A. File. He was rejected by the Senate, but afterwards was
mado^ Governor of New Mexioo.

578 DIART OF GIDEON WELLES [iiPBiLis

The consular appointments are most of them deplorable.
The selections made by Seward, I thoughti were many of
them objectionable, but these now made are worse.

Sickles and his friends aver that he was promised the
Spanish Mission by Grant himself, yet the promise was
broken and the place was given to Sanford,^ to the great
disgust, as well as disappointment, of Sickles. It does not
surprise me that Grant broke his promise, — not that he
is an habitual liar, but he can prevaricate and violate the
truth when his necessities are great with as much readiness
as any man I ever knew. Nor ought I, perhaps, to be sur^
prised, when I see what is going on, that he should have
promised a man of the character and reputation of Sickles,
so high, and honorable, and responsible a place as the
mission to Spain.

Kingly, son-in-law of J. P. Hale, was nominated Secre-
tary of the Spanish Legation in place of Perry, between
whom and Hale there has been a controversy.* Hale
requested his friend Washbume to oust Perry, and Grant
ousted him, but has since revoked his action. Hale is
charged with having prostituted his office as Minister to
smuggling. The subject is undergoing investigation by the
Spanish Government. Hale is a canting hypocrite, corrupt
and base. He opposed me, and the Navy and Navy De-
partment, throughout the War and as long as he remained
in the Senate, because I would not allow him to job the
Department. Villainy and baseness ultimately gets its
reward.

April 16, Friday. Sumner has made an able speech in the
Senate on the Alabama Treaty, which received but one
vote, that of McCreery of Kentucky. Thus end the labors
of Seward and Beverdy Johnson on that important sub-

^ Henry S. Sanford, the Minister to Belgium. He was rejected by the
Senate, and General Sickles received the appointment.

' If this nomination ever actually reached the Senate, it failed of oon-
firmation. John Hay was eventually appointed to the position.

1869] THE ALABAMA TREATY REJECTED 579

ject. I never thought that this was the time, or that they
ri^tly appreciated the question, or that they were the
proper men to adjust or to attempt the settlement of it.
Better would it have been had they not made the attempt.

President Johnson had wrought himself into a desire
to arrange a treaty to close that controversy, and identi-
fied himself with his Secretary and Minister in the matter.
The treaty was such, when first submitted, that I am in-
credulous as to the sincerity of Seward, and at no time have
I believed the Senate would sanction it, — though Sumner
would deprecate difficulty with England. This emphatic
rejection is not peaceful, yet I do not in the least appre-
hend hostilities.

I did not admire Mr. Seward's treatment of the subject
of those depredations and the part taken by England during
the War nor since. He exhibited, I thou^t, but feeble
statesmanship and little knowledge of international law,
and, althou^ his present admirers and others award him
great diplomatic skill and ability in his management of
affairs with both England and France, I think he displayed
very little. Sumner, then and now, showed more know-
ledge and talent and a more correct appreciation of the
matter than Mr. Seward. There is more manly vigor and
true statesmanship in this speech than in all of Seward's
diplomacy with England. Simmer is better informed and
better grounded on our foreign relations than on the true
principles of our government.

April 17, Saturday. The Senate did not adjourn to-day,
as many anticipated it would. It is now imderstood they
will adjourn on Tuesday. There seems a strong disposi-
tion with some extreme Radicals to get away. Treaties and
nominations are before them unacted upon ; the Adminis-
tration is beginning to be understood and is gaining
neither strength nor respect.

Grant drove past my house in a dogcart this p.m. His
wife and two cUldren were with him. I was sitting at the

580

DIART OF GIDEON WELLES [AFRiLir

window, and Mrs. Grant turned to me and made a low
bow. I mention the fact because, though we have two or
three times met, it is the first sign of recognition since the
day her husband left the Cabinet.

McCuUoch called on me last evening, and regretted that
I leave Washington. Thinks I would be better satisfied
here than in Hartford, for eight years' separation from old
friends at the latter place have weakened and severed most
of the ties which once endeared the place, while here I
have formed new friendly associations, and am generally
known and properly regarded. There is much truth in
these remarks, and I feel that I have an ordeal and trial
to pass through for a few weeks to come which I would
be glad to avoid. Blair was here this evening and expressed
himself even warmer and more feelingly on the subject
of our approaching separation. I confess to the reluctance
with which I part from the people and society of Washing-
ton, where I have experienced unremitting kindness, and
especially from the circle of intimate personal and political
friends and associates with whom, through storm and sun-
shine, through trials and vicissitudes, in war and peace,
under two administrations, I have had many pleasant and
happy, as well as some sad and trying, hours. But it is
best that the brief span of life that remains to me should
be passed in the land of my nativity.

I have employed the week in preparation for my de-
parture, gathering up, with my wife and sons, our house-
hold effects and making ready to leave.

Vice-Admiral Porter, who has charge and control of the
Navy and Navy Department, has, with great courtesy,
placed the Tallapoosa, dispatch boat, at my service, to
convey my effects to Hartford, when on her way to Boston,
which will save me much trouble and the necessity of
transshipment. This act of the Vice-Admiral is, on his
part, a recognition of friendly oflScial benefits conferred,
and for which he cannot otherwise than feel grateful.
How far his liberality may be justified and approved, is a

1869] LEAVING WASHINGTON 681

question which I shall not scan, but the tender he has made
I have been glad to accept.

Not a feeling, or one single moment, of regret has crossed
my mind on relinquishing office; in leaving the cares, re-
sponsibilities, and labors which I have borne and tried
faithfully to execute, I feel satisfying relief. I miss, it is
true, the daily routine which has become habitual, but
the relief from many perplexities more than counter-
balances it. My duties were honestly and fearlessly dis-
charged. These facts are known by all who have any
knowledge on the subject. They have passed into history.
I look back upon the past eight years of my Washington
official life with satisfaction and a feeling that I have served
my country usefully and well. My ambition has been
gratified, and with it a consciousness that the labors I
have performed, the anxieties I have experienced, the
achievements I have been instrumental in originating and
bringing to glorious results, and the great events connected
with them will soon pass in a degree from remembrance
or be only slightly recollected. Transient are the deeds of
men,, and often sadly perverted and misimderstood.

May 2, Sunday. Hartfordy AUyn House. Two wedcs
have passed since I have opened this book. The days have
been occupied in breaking up our establishment in Washi»
ington, closing our i^airs, preparing to return, and in re-
turning to Connecticut. Friends called to express regret,
many to urge and advise us to remain. Generally, I believe
these friendly manifestations were sincere; and I confess
to occasional misgivings in leaving W., wh^re I have had
many enjoyments, not unmixed with cares and anxieties,
it is true. The climate is to me more genial than that of
New England, — the springs and autumns in genial mild-
ness surpass ours, — and the society, in many respects is
more agreeable and social. But regard for our children,
the counsel of my wife, and many circiunstances admon-
ished me to again return to theState of my birth, thefriends

582 DIARY OF GIDEON WELLES (may a

of early years, and to pass my few remaining days in the
land of my ancestors. Here I expect to, and shall in all
probability, end my earthly pilgrimage, here close the
record of my life, and here lie down beside my children
who have gone before me.

We left Washington on the morning of Tuesday, the
27th of April. Edgar remained to close up our affairs. Most
of our effects were sent on board the Tallapoosa, which
had been tendered me to transport my effects to Hartford;
the remainder were sold on the day we left, at auction.
Mrs. Welles and our sons were faithful and industrious in
packing and preparing to leave.

We have had a pleasant home in Washington. The house
we occupied became our position, and in every respect
matters were made to correspond. The depreciation of
the currency and the great advance in prices have con-
sumed the salary paid me, and in a pecuniary point of
view, I am probably poorer to-day than if I had not been
in office. My business affairs have been neglected, so that
I have made no gains. All my time has been faithfully
given to the public service.

We had a pleasant time from Washington to New York,
and stopped with Mr. Morgan on Washington Square
until the afternoon of the 28th. I called on Admiral Far-
ragut, whom I found quite ill but slightly recovering.
The impression at first was that I had better not see him,
but he soon sent for me, and the interview, I think, bene-
fited him. His ailment is mostly nervous, the result, in a
great measure, of official neglect and the condition of things
at Washington. He feels acutely the slight that is shown
him, and the orders and movements which were calculated
to, and I am constrained to believe were intended to, annoy
him. He and myself have been subjected to similar slights
by Porter, whom we both have favored.

I would not permit the Admiral to dwell on these mat-
ters which so keenly and sorely affected him, but told him
we must for the time being patiently bear with any injua-

iseo] CHANGES IN HARTFORD 583

tioe; that, in considering the subject, I philosophized, and
he better than myself could do so; that I had said to one
or two friends who sought to cheer and comfort me that,
in reviewing the past eight years, I was conscious I had
done well, that I should be gratified if those who succeeded
me would do better, satisfied if they did as well, and if they
failed, the failure would be theirs, the credit would be mine.
In a much stronger degree could he take this view. He
need not fear that his coimtrymen and posterity would
fail to do him justice. My remarks soothed, comforted,
and consoled him.

We left New York at 3 p.m. and reached Hartford at
seven, stopping at the Allyn House. Nearly four years
have passed since I have been here, more than ei^t since
I left and took up my residence in Washington. In that
period I have only three times come back to Connecticut
for two or three days on each occasion. Changes in that
time have taken place. Hartford itself has greatly al«
tered, — I might say improved, for it has been beautified
and adorned by many magnificent buildings, and the pop-
ulation has increased. These I see and appreciate; but I
feel, more sensibly than these, other changes which come
home to my heart. A new and different people seem to
move in the streets. Few, comparatively, are known to me.
A new generationwhich knows not Joseph is here. Of those
that remain scarcely one responds to my warm greeting
with equal warmth. Some that were most intimate are
gone, to find homes elsewhere, or have left the scenes we
loved, forever. In looking aroimd in the few days I have
been here, I learn that hearts which I valued have passed
away. They are cold in the grave; others colder are out
of it.

May 3, Monday. The papers announce my return and
that with my friends I am at the Allyn House. No cordial
welcome or word of approval appears. I came quietly,
without previous announcement and without show or

684 DIART OF GIDEON WELLES (Icats

ostentation; the moving busy throng have left me alone.
I wished no herald to announce my return nor any parade
to give it ^clat. I should have been glad to have seen and
taken by the hand some of the friends of other years, but
only A. E. Burr and J. G. BoUes have yet called and wel-
comed me. I have met many in the street who greeted me
kindly, expressed themselves glad to see me, and I doubt
not were so; but it was commonplace gladness, for neither
they nor their friends have called to see me or mine. Una
seems a cold return for eight years' devoted service as un-
sparing and faithful as man ever gave to his coimtry. But,
while I cannot be insensible or indifferent to it, I do not
impute the slight entirely to estrangement or indiffeience.
The temperament and habit of the people have much to
do with it. Nevertheless, it is unpleasant. I come almost
as a stranger after years of absence, and wish to rent or
purchase a home, but among all my old friends not aoe
extends any friendly aid or assistance, though some of
them know my wants.

Property is extremely high in price, and no purchase
can be made except at a sacrifice. A little friendly advice
and assistance from old friends who are residents and who
know values wovdd be acceptable, but I do not get it.

May 9, Sunday » The past week has been a busy one.
With my sons I have roamed the city looking at houses,
but find none for sale which are in all respects satisfactory.
Prices are ruinously high to purchase, and yet I do not
wish to rent, become familiar, and be again compelled to
move. Age is telling upon me.

After considerable cogitation and search we have pretty
much concluded to purchase the house ... on Charter
Oak Place. It is a more expensive place than I can well
afford, and in several respects not to my mind, but nev-
ertheless is perhaps the best which is inmiediately obtain-
able.

1860] GETTINQ SETTLED IN HAATFORD 585

I was the more easily persuaded into this large invest-
ment in real estate in consequence of the unsettled and
uncertain condition of the currency, owing to vicious legis-
lation and bad management of the finances. There is wild-
ness in Congress; we are without stability or system; all ia
afloat concerning values.

During the week old friends have called and welcomed
me back, and I am not aware that any were turned away
from me. The prompt cordiality of Washington is not
a characteristic of Hartford, and my quiet, unannoimoed
return had doubtless some influence in restraining ad-
vances. My old friend Calvin Day was absent from the
city when I arrived, and did not get home until midnight
on Saturday. As soon as he knew I was here, on Monday
morning, he called. H. A. Perkins, Mrs. Colt, Beach, Sey-
mour, etc., etc., called. Mark Howard is absent. Governor
Hawley saw me at breakfast on Wednesday last and im-
mediately came and greeted me. He declared he knew no-
thing of my being in the city until he saw me, although it
was a week after my arrival had been annoimced in his
paper.

The govemm^it steamer Tallapoosa, which had my
effects on board, drew so much water that the pilot feared
to cross the bar at Saybrook, and they therefore were
landed at New London on Saturday, the 1st, and brought
by steamer thence to Hartford on the 3d. This misfor-
time to me was the occasion of special exultation by party
scavengers. The New York Tribune had two or three
malicious articles on the subject. The Courant of this city
imitated the Tribune in an chicle by its local contributori
which, however. Governor Hawley, the editor, promptly
corrected the following day. The love of scandal and
malice is great with many, and the New York Tribune is
not excelled in this regard. It has little followers.

The General Assembly convened on Wednesday, and
the Governor, Jewell, was inaugurated. The day was pleash
antand the crowd in attendance great. Indayslonggonebjr

686

DIARY OP GIDEON WELLES piAYg

I enjoyed and participated in these ceremonies. It is many
days since the mere ceremony and forms have given me
interest^ and to-day, when I see that by mere party force
a majority gathered to debase the State and surrender the
high attribute of sovereignty to central power, I not only
have no interest in, but a positive disinclination to witness,
the pageant.

The Governor (Jewell) is a pleasant business man, of
ligiht calibre, with no fitness or proper aptitude for the
place. He has been pecuniarily successful, and wealth
alone, without other qualifications, has given him the
office. His intentions are probably well; but of the laws,
institutions, wants, and necessities of the State and people
he knows but little. His message was written chiefly by
others, and its most important declaration of principles
was from my teachings, and views, against corporations
and special privileges.

May 16, Sunday. A letter from McRitchie on the
Tallapoosa, received last Simday evening, informed us that
our furniture and things were at New London. Edgar and
John went there and returned with them on the steamer
Sunshine on Monday. We placed them in our recently
purchased house on Tuesday. • • •

May 30, Sunday. Two days of incessant employment
and care, with family unsettled, effects, books, papers, etc.,
in confusion, with no servants, or with discontented ones,
Mrs. W. disabled and confined to her room from injury by
a fall, have made me, unused as I am to these matters, ex^
oeedingly uncomfortable. Two hundred and twenty-four
boxes were received from Washington, four loads from
Glastonbury, besides a considerable amount of furniture
which had been left eight years ago with friends m Hart-
ford, have been brought to the house to arrange. To assist
in this, with other cares, has left me neither time nor in-
ctbation to write. ^ '

1809] GRANT'S UNFITNESS 687

We came into possession of the house on the 19th inst.,
Wednesday. Our three sons at onoe commenced vigorously
and earnestly to put the household in order, and have de-
voted themselves faithfully to that object since.

Edgar left on Thursday for Saratoga via New York, to
be present at the wedding of one of his classmates. Tom
went yesterday to Granville with a fishing party. I have
not been fifty rods from the house for a week until yester-
day, when I had to go to the bank on business. Met Mr.
Hamersley on my way, who invited me to his store, where
we had an hour, on poUtical subjects chiefly. It is some-
where about fifteen years since we have had such and so
long a conversation.

So far as I have met and seen old friends, I have had
every reason to be satisfied. Though not very demonstra-
tive, or forward in calling, they have without exception
been cordial and apparently sincere.

The Uttle that I see and hear of public affairs confirms
me in the opinion which I formed in daily personal inter-
views of the unfitness of Grant. He has no proper ideas of
government, makes his Administration personal, does not
comprehend nor care for great principles. Measures are
to him of minor importance, and his views of government
consist in displacing and appointing men to office, regard-
less of their qualifications and of the public interest. Grant
has no sympathies, very Uttle patriotism, but intense self-
ishness. His career previous to the Rebellion was not such
as would be likely to elevate and ennoble his character,
and his rapid and great advancement has intoxicated and
intensified a naturally sordid mind. In his Cabinet ap-
pointments he has not been f ortimate. One of his limited
capacity and mental power should be aided by competent
advisers.

The Navy Department is strangely administered, but
is much as Grant wovdd have it. Borie seems to be a
nonentity, and Porter a light-headed factotum, spoiled by
favors too freely granted. To make a change from the acte

68S

DIART OF GIDEON WELLES [may 96

and policy of the last Administration, to do things diJBTer-
ently and pursue a different course, tliou^ worse, seems
to be the great end and purpose of those who now control
the Navy Department. It is necessary to say those, for,
thou^ done in the name of Borie, these things emanate
from Porter, and he desires to have it so understood.
Many of the changes are frivolous and puerile; some may
be well enough; some are not creditable but objectionable.
The last order is to change the names of some of the men-
of-war and give them tame, flat, and insipid English names
instead of American or Indian. To ape, imitate, and copy
the English is the object and pitiful course of too many
Americans, and the present managers of the Navy De-
partment are of the number. To extinguish the native
names as well as to exterminate the native race has been
the narrow purpose of the bigots and fools of our coimtry
from the first. In making these changes vessels in actual
commission are not exempted, and vessels which have
been imf ortunate or lost at sea have their names revived.
It is obvious that Porter had intrigued and had an un-
derstanding with Grant (who does not know the man who
uses him) long before the change of administration, and
that through the winter he was preparing to take charge
of the Department. Borie is evidently a convenient tool,
who was substituted, as the nominal head, after the Sena-
torial intimation that military and naval men should not
be placed in charge of the ci^^ administration of the De-
partments.

June 6, Sunday. Another toilsome, troubled week has
passed. Difficulty in obtaining good and willing servants
is annoying and vexatious. To serve is no part of the in-
tention of a large portion of the hired help or assistants, —
or only to serve according to their own pleasure, and on
their own terms. The great object is to render the least
possible service and to obtain the highest amount of wages
attainable^ with those who perform domestic labor.

1809] THE ALABAMA QUESTION 589

•

especially the shirking part, is particularly the case with
the Irish, — more so than with American or other nation-
alities, — and the difficulties are on the increase. . • •
There has been a class of demagogue politicians who have
contributed largely to this state of things by which our
domestic affairs are disturbed without benefit to the em-
ployers and the employed. The teachings and influence
of the New York Tribune have been pernicious. General
Banks and a class of demagogues in Congress have enacted
what is called the ''eight-hour law"; that is, workmen
shall be paid wages for ten hours, though laboring but
eight, when in the employ of the Government.

The Alabama question has stirred up the British public
since the rejection of the treaty and the publication of
Simmer's speech. There is no doubt the English Govern-
ment and people feel and are fully conscious of the great
wrong they have done us, and the attitude of affairs is to
them anything but agreeable. They are more apprehensive
of war than they are willing to confess, and hostilities may
be nearer than our own people suppose.

[Here ends the diary that my father had kept for seven
years. He continued his habit of writing imtil the end of
his life, but his later writings were chiefly in the form
of contributions to periodicals upon subjects connected
with the War and Reconstruction. — Edgab T. Welles.]

THE END

^>ia

INDEX

PBBPABED BT

DAVID M. MATTESON

Abandoned plantationsi Cabinet
discussion on control by Treas-
ury agents, a, 14&-150; bureau
for, suggested, 150.

Abecassis, Isaac, Portuguese mer-
chant, naval trade with, 3, 514.

Abell, Eidmund, removed by Sheri-
dan, 3, 142.

Adams, C. F., Zerman letter, x, 300;
as Minister, 301; protest against
Laird rams, 406; ignorant of Brit*
ish intention to seize rams, 437;
resigns, 3, 256; suggested as Presi-
dential candidate, 295; and State
portfolio, 488.

Adams, H. A., at Pensacola (1861),
and Porter, z, 28-31; and Preble,
163.

Adams, J. Q., diary, z, xxiii.

Adirondackf wrecked, z, 109.

Admiral, Farragut's commission, a,
562, 563. See also Rear-admirals,
Vice-admiral.

Admiralty, Board of. See Board.

Advertisement, official, a, 490.

Advisory Board, action on subord-
inate active appointments, z, 77.

Agassiz, Louis, at Seward's, z, 506.

Aiken, William, and Reconstruction,
a, 397.

Alabama, rejects Fourteenth Amend-
ment, a, 636.

Alabama (290), at Nassau, z, 109;
depredations and pursuit, 165,
175, 179, 191, 207, 216, 224, 304,
316, 327; and Federal letters of
marque, 253; Welles and pursuit,

497; at Cherbourg, a, 62; mmk,
65, 67, 138; rejoicing over sinking,
67, 70. See aUo Senmies.

Alabama daims, Cabinet disouflsioil
of points. (1867), 3, 241; questioii
of arbitration by King of Prussiay
459; Cabinet and Johnson's pro-
tocol, 468-471, 474; Johnson's
treaty, 506, 507, 516, 579; Sum^
ner's speech, 578, 579; Senate
rejects treaty, 578; English and
rejection, 589.

Alaska, purchase, 3, 66, 68, 75, 83,
84; commissioner, 129, 141, 160;
protection of seals, 516; goverik-
ment, 531.

Aladca, launched, 3, 422.

Albany Regency, career, 3, 224-227.

Alden, James, at Norfolk Navy
Yaid, z, 43-45; and Bureau ol
Navigation, a, 357, 362.

Aldie, engagement, z, 336, 338.

Alexander, B. S., obstruction of the
Potomac, 3, 436.

Allen, , Editor of the IrUeai-

gencer, and Connecticut election
(1866), a, 456, 460.

Allen, C. M., and Georgia peace
commissioner, a, 125.

Allen, Ethan, and district-attorney-
ship, 3, 565.

AUyn, J. P., and Arizona offices, l,
409.

Almaden mines, Halleck's interest,
I, 397.

Alta Vela affair, 3» 305, 316-818,
322,344.

592

INDEX

Altoona Conference, z, 153, 156.

Amendments, Johnson's sugges-
tions, 3, 406, 407. See alao amend-
ments by number.

Ames, Horatio, claim for gUM^ 3t
447-449, 451.

Ames, Oakes, graft in Pacific rail-
roads, 3, 425.

Amnesty, Welles favors punishment
of leaders, a, 43 ; Cabinet discussion
(1865), 294, 306; Johnson on par-
dons (1865), 358; reciprocal, 3, 94;
question of general (1867),183, 193,
197-199; Seddon's application,
230; Congressional acts of indi-
vidual, 386; proclamation of gen-
eral (1868), 394-396.

Anderson, Robert. See Sumter.

Anderson, Fort, capture, a, 245.

Andrew, J. A., on conduct of the
War, z, 162; and coast defense of
Massachusetts, 288; and pur-
suit of Tawny, 375; and Weld,
405; on Seward and Johnson, a,
529.

Andrews, R. F., removal, a, 155.

Ann HamiUon, trade permit, z, 537,
543, 544.

Annexations, Seward's project for

^ French West Indies, a, 393; at-

: tempted, of Danish West Indies,
466, 473, 3i 40, 95-98, 124, 125,
' 502 ; attempted, of Bay of Samand,
a, 631, 643, 3* 7, 40; Alaska, 66,
68, 75, 83, 84; question of Culebra
Island, 94; basis of Seward's pol-
icy, 106, 125; Seward's desire for
Panama, 107; desired by San
Domingo, 480, 517; suggested, of
Midway Islands, 508.

Anthon, W. H., on conviction of
Scofield, a, 201.

Anthony, H. B., impeachment vote,
3f 356, 358, 367.

Antietam campaign, McClellan com-
mands at Washington, z, 104,
109, 113; Confederates invade
Maryland, 110, 111; McClellan hi
field, 114-117, 122, 124; Bumaide

declines command, 124; delays,
124, 129; South Mountain, 130;
battle, 139, 140; Harper's Ferry,
140; Confederates escape, 140,
142, 145, 146, 156; HaUeck's in-
decision, 153; inaction after, 176;
fifth anniversary of battle cele-
brated, 201-203.

Appomattox campaign. Sailor's
Creek, a, 276; surrender, 278.

AragOf captures Emma, z, 445.

Arbitrary arrests, Vallandigfaam
case, z, 306, 321, 344, 347; sup-
pression of Chicago Times, 321;
forged proclamation incidezit, a,
36, 38, 67; Arguellis incident, 36,
45; decision against, in Treamuy
case, 206, 207 ; Milligan decisioii,
242, 245, 471, 474, 476. See oiM
Habeas corpus.

Archibald, £. M., and Peterhoff zziailB,
z, 266.

Arguellis, , arrest aa slave-
trader, a, 36, 45.

Argyle, Duke of, on Wilkes in West
Indies, z, 299.

Ariel, captured, z, 207.

Arizona, officers for, z, 409.

Arkansas, delegation to Washington
(1867), 3, 6; Reconstruction oozh
stitution, 347; veto of constitution
overruled, 388; disturbances, 460-
463.

Arkansas, passes Union fleet, i, 72;
destroyed, 78.

Arkansas Post, captured, z, 224.

Army, grand review, a, 310. See alto
Draft, Indians, Negro soldien,
Stanton, and campaigns and offi-
cers by name.

Army and Navy Gazette, official con-
nection, z, 343.

Army of the Potomac, McClellan's
popularity, z, 105, 111, 113, 116,
116, 129; attitudeof officers (1862),
118; demoralized after Fredericks-
burg, 226; responsibility for com*
manders, 440. See also campaigns
and commanders by name.

INDEX

503

Arnold, I. N., and naval cases, Sf 7&2.

Arrests. See Arbitrary.

Ashley, J. M., impeachment resolu-
tion, 3, 8; character, 12; Conover
allegations, 143 n., 144; Governor
of Montana, 575; oorrapt prao-
tices, 575.

Ashton, J. H., and ease of Brown,
Navy Agent, a, 345; and internal
revenue frauds, 435.

Aspinwall, W. H., and Sumter eocpe-
dition, I, 38; and emancipation,
163; steamer Ariel captured, 207.

Atkinson, Edward, and war-time cot-
ton trade, 2, 66.

AUanta, See Fingal.

Atlanta campaign, Resaca, I9 88;
capture of Atlanta, 135; bearing
on Presidential campaign, 140.

Atlantic cable, naval vessels and
laying (1866), 2, 503, 504.

Attorney-General, question of ap-
pointment (1864), 2, 183, 187, 192.
See also Bates, Evarts, Speed,
Stanbery.

Augur, C. C., visit to Fort Foote, X|
474.

AiAQueta^ pursues Alabama, z* 179.

Aulick, J. H., and promotion (1862),
z, 75; and Ordnance Bureau, 386.

Aulick, Richmond, excursion, 2, 65.

Austria, and Mexico, 2, 479, 485.

Averill, W. W., reported success
(1864), 2, 100.

Azuni, D. A., on use of neutral wa-
ters by belligerents, z* 464.

Babcock, J. F., and Connecticut ap-
pointments, z, 81, 2, 597; and
Johnson's policy, 424; in Ck>nnecti-
cut campaigns (1866), 457, 460;
(1868), 31^264, 329; and Senatorial
election (1866), a, 506, 508; on
Weed and Grant (1868), 3, 249.

Bache, A. D., and navy yard at
League Island, z* 185; and Welles,
2, 117.

Bache, G. M., and loss of Sacror'
mento, 3, 554.

Bacon, J. 0.(7), brings dispatches
from Charieston fleet, z, 234.

Badeau, Adam, Grant's factotum, 3,
465.

Bailey, Theodorus, and captured
mails, z« 270, 272; on Matamoras
trade, 283, 289; and Mont Blanc
incident, 302, 305, 417, 419, 422,
425-427; and Portsmouth Navy
Yard, 2, 148; wants command of
Washington Yard, 3, 485.

Bailor, , pretended peace com-
missioner from Georgia, 2, 125.

Baird, Absalom, and New Orleans
riot, 2, 572, 573.

Baker, L. C., and graft disclosures, x,
518, 522, 525; case against, for
false arrest, 2, 206.

Baldwin, C. H., cruise in VanderhiUt
z,224.

Baldwin, J. D., and Reconstruction,
2, 441, 442.

BaUiCt Weed's scheme for govern-
ment purchase, z, 155.

Baltimore, Butler's rule, 2, 269; elec-
tion disturbances (1866), 620.

Bancroft, George, oration on Lin«
coin, 2, 431; Dix incident, 3, 511,
521.

Bankhead, J. P., on loss of Monitor,
z, 215.

Banks, N. P., Blair on, z, 126; force
fitted out, 192; supersedes Butler,
209; as officer, 210; Sabine Pass,
441, 443; and cotton trade, 511;
Red River expedition, 2, 18, 19,
26, 86, 178; character, 18, 26; nom-
inated to Congress, 381 ; and Radi-
cals, 381; and Navy Department,
381, 3, 325; and French Exhibition,
2, 469; and Mexico, 649; and first
Reconstruction Bill, 3, 40; and re-
moval of Hartt, 139; and navy
yard appointments, 416-420.

Banks, Chase and circulation, z, 580.
See also National banks.

Barlow, S. L. M. (7), and McCleUan,
z, 117, 2, 28.

Barnard, J. G.,at Fort Foote, z. 474.

694

INDEX

Barney, Hiram, on McClenan, i,
116, 117; G. W. Blunt on, 405; and
graft disclosures, 514.

Barney, Mrs. Joshua, and diflTniasal
of son, 3| 605.

Barney, S. C, dismissal, a, 605.

Bamum, W. H., election contested, 3i
129.

Barron, Samuel, and Seward's inter-
ference with Sumter expedition, i,
17-19, 36; character, loyalty
doubted, 19, 20; joins Ck>nfederacy,
36.

Barry, W. F., visit to Fort Foote, x,
474.

Bwtlett, , and Welles, x, 184, a,

259; and Bennett, 258.

Bates, Edward, and Carrington, x»
56, 57; and movement to remove
McClellan,100; and Cabinet-meet-
ings, 138, 320; and dismissal of
Preble, 141; and appointment of
midshipmen, 146, 147; on coloniz-
ing of negroes, 152, 153; and eman-
cipation, 158; and Halleck, 180,
397; and Senate committee on
Seward, 195, 196; and admission
of West Virginia, 205, 206; on cap-
tured mails, 290, 301 ; on draft and
habeas corpus^ 397, 432; Chase on,
413; and Admiral Milne, 468; and
renomination of Lincoln, 500; and
Fort Pillow massacre, a, 24; and
Chase's resignation, 63 ; and cotton
trade, 66; on the Cabinet (1864),
93; on judicial control over prizes,
106; on abandoned plantations,
149; character, 162; and Taney's
funeral, 176; resigns, 181, 183.

Beauregard, P. G. T., and demon-
stration on Washington (1863), x,
859, 377.

Beecher, H. W., and slanders of
Johnson, a, 454.

Belknap, A. A., question of restora-
tion, 3, 205, 206.

Bell, C. H., Sabine Pass, x, 441; and
conmiand of Gulf Squadron, a,
116; to oommand West India

Squadron, 299; report on For-
mosa, $9 182.

Belligerency, Welles on blockade and
recognition, x» 86, 174, 414» 440, a,
159, 160, 246, 254; withdrawn
from Confederacy, 319. See aUo
Blockade.

Benham, H. W., and James Island,
1,160.

Benjamin, J. P., and Jaquess, ay
109.

Bennett, J. G., peace with Weed, i,
78; and French mission, a, 258,
See also New York Herald,

Benton, T. H., and Marcy's report
on Frtoont, a, 42.

Bermuda, prise, controversy over
government purchase, x, 170, 304.

Barrett, J. G., and Belknap, 3, 205.

Bertinatti, Madame, claim, a, 522,
526.

Betts, S. R., Peierhoff mails case, x,
810.

Bigelow, John, on attitude of France
(1864), a, 39; Charge, 205; and
Mexico, 832, 336, 622; and SUdeO
(1866), 585; in Washington (1867),
3, 75; and Seward, 75; on impeach-
ment, 292, 293.

Bigelow, Mrs. John, visits Blairs, a,
328.

Binckley, J. M., Conover case, 3,
165; and Sickles's actions, 182; and
Holt, 172; fraud investigations,
434,435.

Binglutm, J. A., and Civil Rights
Bill, a, 476, 479; and Conover al-
legations, 3, 168; and Grant-John-
son controversy, 274; as impeach-
ment manager, 332, 345, 347; and
Butler, 524; and repeal of Tenure-
of-Office Act, 564, 567.

Birge, H. W., and Welles, a, 313.

Black, J. S., and Stanton (1861), x,
60; and veto of Reconstruction
Bill, 3, 51; and Goldsborough's
claim, 99; attitude (1867), 99; in-
fluence over Johnson, 205; im-
peachment counsel and Alta Vela^

INDEX

595

304, 305, 307, 308, 316-319, 322,
323, 344.

Blaine, J. G., attack on Navy De-
partment, a, 241, 250.

Blair, Bettie, marriage, 3, 519.

Blair, F. P., Sr., and reUef of Sumter,
z, 13, 2, 248; and Senate commit-
tee on Seward, z, 203; abandons
home during Lee's invasion, 350,
354; on Stanton, 355, 356; and
Presidential campaign (1864), 509;
and Admiral (Captain) Lee's ad-
vancement, 533, a, 243, 504-507,
512, 513, 569, 578; and prosecu-
tion of contractors, z» 541; and
Early's raid, a, 70; Richmond
mission, 219, 221; political saga-
city, 364 ; and calling of Union (Con-
vention, 528; and Johnson, 3, 168;
character, 408.

Blair, F. P., Jr., on Vicksburg cam-
paign, z, 405; character, 405; an-
tagonism to Chase, 510, 533, a, 20;
defends Navy Department, z,
531; returns to army, a, 20; forged
requisitions, 20; nomination as
collector rejected, 501; and A\is-

. trian mission, 3, 70, 71; and War
portfolio, 165, 166, 231, 232; Vice-
Presidential candidacy, 397, 398,
408; suit against Missouri on oath,
566. See also Elections (1868).

Blair, Montgomery, and relief of
Sumter, z, 13, a, 248, 304; antagon-
ism to Stanton and Seward, z, 56,
59, 203, 329, 340, 345, 355, 356,
398, a, 84, 91, 102, 112, 369-371,
374, 378, 523, 528, 3, 72, 166, 195;
and McClellan, z, 95, 104, a, 28,
322; on Pope, z, 104, 126; and
colonizing of negroes, Chiriqui
grant, 123, 150, 151 ; on War De-
partment under Cameron and
Stanton, 125-128; on commanding
generals, 126; and emancipation,
146, 159, 210; on killing of Gen.
Nelson, 179; and admission of
West Virginia, 191, 205, 206; and
Senate committee on Sewftrdj 195-

197, 203; influence on Lincoln,
205; character, 205, a, 20, 370, 413;
and McClemand, z» 217; and
Chase, 231, a, 45; on Seward's dif-
ficulties over captured mails, z,
274; and a fugitive-slave case
(1863), 313; and Cabinet-meet-
ings, 320, a, 17, 86; and Vallan-
digham case, z, 344; and Lee's in-
vasion (1863), 352; and Stephens's
attempted mission, 360, 361; and
promotion of D. D. Porter, 369;
foresees end of War (1863), 376;
excursions, 394, a, 31, 65; on dis-
missal of army officers, z, 406; Re-
construction theory, 413, 467; on
habeas corpus and draft, 432; and
Speakership (1863), 481; and re-
nomination of Lincoln, 500; and
cotton trade permits, 511, a, 57,
66, 139; reception, z, 521; cam-
paign contribution (1864), 534; on
Fort Pillow massacre, a, 24; and
date of Republican Convention
(1864), 28; and Hamlin, 47; and
Chase's resignation, 62, 63; and
Early's raid, 70; house burned, 76,
80; and Radicals, resignation, 77,
80, 156-158, 174; Bates on, 93; and
Greeley's peace negotiations, 94;
on Grant as general, 94, 3, 121,
122 ; and politics in Brooklyn Navy
Yard (1864), 136, 137; and col-
lectorship at New York, 137; and
Admiral (Captain) Lee, 146, 161,
172, 513; on Weed's antagonism
to Welles, 155; and d^ief-Justice-
ship, 181, 182; Senatorial aspira-
tions and removal of Hoffman, 195,
243; Richmond mission, 221; on
Bennett and French mission, 258;
and New York papers (1865), 322;
and Mexico, 329, 333; and John-
son, 343, 414, 437, 3, 120, 409; and
Maryland patronage (1865), a,
343; addresses Democrats (1865),
382; at Grant's reception (1866),
478; expects second rebellion, 484,
552, 555, 556; and Union Con-

506

INDEX

^vention, 531, 574; in campaign of
\1866, 613; and Austrian minion
for brother, 3, 71 ; on Grant's prob-
able candidacy (1867), 121; and
Field for State portfolio, 184; and
Grant (1867), 184, 185; and ru-
mor of Cabinet reorganisation
(1867), 203, 204; on Democratic
Convention (1868), 408; in the
campaign, 440; and Coombs's
claim, 528; on Johnson's associates,
566. > i

Blair, Mrs. Montgomery, character,
a, 329.

Blake, G. S., as officer, 2, 353.

Blatchford, Samuel (or R. M.), and
Federal office at New York (1864),
a, 62.

Bliss, George, Jr., and trial of con-
tractors, I, 540, a, 19, 57.

Bliss, P. C, arrest as spy, 3, 491, 513.

Blockade, Seward's interference and
apprehensions, x, 74, 79, 82, 154,
155; trade permits through, es-
pecially at Norfolk, 165, 172-175.
183, 217, 227, 527, 536, 537, 543,
544, 548, a, 56-57; reported raising
at C)harleston,z, 232, 234; question
of raising at Galveston, 1^3; and
Matamoras trade, 283, 334, 388,
443, a, 4; Mont Blanc incident,
capture in neutral waters, Z| 302,
305, 416-427; French tobacco at
Richmond, 338-340, a, 9, 12; in-
structions to officers, especially as
to neutral territory, 451, 454-456,
458-465, 535, a, 34; character of
blockading vessels, i» 496; move-
ment to open certain ports, 510,
511, 514; detention of crew of cap-
tured runners, 517; raising at
Brownsville, 529; ineffectual at
Wilmington, a, 127. See also Bel-
ligerency, Prizes.

Blow, H. T., and Johnson's tour, a,
589.

Blunt, G. W., on Federal officers at
New York (1863), z, 405; charac-
ter, 406; and speed test of naval

vesKk, 512; excoidon, a, 31; on
Navy at Fort Fisher, 228; azid
Henderson case, 306; and appoizit-
ment as Naval Office, 532.

Board of Admiralty (Survey), move-
ments for, a, 233, 236, 240, 241,
3, 247, 570.

BcMOti of Survey. See Board of Ad-
miralty.

Bogy, L. v., and Johnson, 3, 203,
204.

Bolles, J. A., superstition, a, 339;
and Brown case, 345; and Semmes
case, 410, 423, 424, 471; on court-
martial punishments, 449, 481.

Bolles, J. G., and Radicals, a, 586;
removed, 612.

Bond, H. L., and Maryland election
(1866), a, 621.

Booth, J. Wilkes, question of pub-
lishing diary, 3, 95.

Border States, and abolition, z, 402,
403.

Borie, A. E., as Secretary of Navy,
3, 549, 556, 568, 587, 588; and
organization of Navy, 558;
Board of Survey, 570.

Boston, criticism of Welles from, Zy
404, 405; Johnson's visit, 3, 109,
114, 116, 119, 123.

Bounties, effect of army, on naval
enlistments, z, 546; in Marine
C^orps, a, 174; biU (1866), 564.

Boutwell, G. S., violence, a, 634; and
Reconstruction Bill, 3, 47; and
impeachment and arrest of John-
son, 235, 300; character, 239; and
Treasury portfolio, 549, 550.

Bowen, S. J., candidacy for mayor,
3, 375, 380.

Bowie, G. W., and Johnson, 3, 288.

Bowles, Samuel, and Jim Fisk, 3,
490. See also Springfield Repyb*
lican.

Boynton, C. B., naval history, a,
360, 366, 3f 413.

Boynton, T. J., and Mont Blane
incident, z, 419.

Bradford, A. W., and Altoona Con-

INDEX

607

ference, Xy 156; house burned, a,
73; at Antietam aimiyersary, 3,
201.

Bradford, Mrs. A. W., pass to
South, z, 156.

Bradley, Judge, of Rhode Island,
and Internal Revenue Commis-
sioner, 3, 414.

Bradley, J. H., Surratt case, 3, 167.

Brady, J. T., and Fenian trials, 3,
283.

Brandegee, Augustus, Chairman of
Navid Committee, z, 484; and
Welles, 509, 2, 250; and navy yard
at New London, 446.

Brazil, and capture of Florida^ a,
184r-186, 197, 275.

Breese, Samuel, as officer, z, 76.

Bridge, Horatio, on Hamlin, 2, 345;
inspection tour, 3, 422; and Porter,
556.

Briggs, , and Trowbridg&-Lamar

plot, z, 492.

Bright, John, on attitude of Eng-
land, z, 305.

Brinkerhoff, Jacob, and Wilmot
Proviso, 2, 386.

Brooklyn Navy Yard, offensive par-
tisanship at, z, 178; and election
of 1864, 2, 97, 98, 108, 122-124,
136, 137, 142-145, 175; ousting of
Radicals, 616; Belknap's defalca-
tion, 3, 205. See aUo Navy yards.

Brooks, James, political character,
z, 524, 2, 22; and investigation of
Treasury, 22; and McClellan's
letter of acceptance, 140; and But-
ler (1865), 230.

Brown, George, on conditions in
South (1863), z, 316; and delivery
of StonexDoU to Japan, 3, 365.

Brown, Harvey, removed, z, 406.

Brown, J. P., trouble with Morris, 3,
25.

Brown, S. P., and corrupt contracts,
z, 540; question of reappointment,
2, 342, 344-346.

Browning, O. H., and Union Con-
. vention, a, 533, 538, 574, 581; and

Johnson's tour, 587; and Mexico,
624; and Fourteenth Amendment,
628; and welcome to Congress
(1866), 632; and asylum for the
Pope, 639, 640; on negro suffrage
in the District, 3, 5; on Prussian
Convention, 9; and first Recon-
struction Bill, 10, 12; and negro
suffrage for Territories, 19; on re-
linqui^ng of Dunderherg^ 28; on
seisure of R, R, Cuyler, 39; and
Stanton's report on enforcement
of Civil Rights Bill, 45; and In-
dian affairs, 69, 74, 254; and Dan-
ish West Indies, 98; and removal
of Sheridan, 150; and (Donover
allegations, 143, 144; and successor
to Stanton, 231; on conduct of
military governors, 243; and re-
moval of Stanton, 284; and im-
peachment, 297, 298, 345; on
Johnson's talkativeness, 311; and
Democratio nominations (1868),
401; and disturbances in South,
461 ; on Johnson's message (1868),
478; and holding over under
Grant, 533; and inauguration, 537.

Brownlow, W. G., and Fourteenth
Amendment, 2, 557; character, 3,
205; Nashville disturbances, 211.

Brownsville, Texas, raising of block-
ade, z, 529.

Bruce, Sir F. W. A., and Stoneuxdlt
2, 306; and Fenians, 454, 486;
death, 3, 203.

Bruzual, Bias (or M. E.)f and pur-
chase of a vessel for Venezuela,
z, 474-476.

Bryant, W. C, and charges against
Henderson, 2, 60, 61, 78, 228; as
editor, 61; and Administration
(1864), 104.

Bryeon, Andrew, and Fenians, 2,
518-520.

Buchanan, Franklin, and Secession-
ists, z, 19.

Buchanan, James, and secession of
South Carolina, 2, 256; and Sum-
ter (Dec., 1860), 273; death, 3,

598

INDEX

374; character, 374; Government
and funeral, 376.

Buckingham, W. A., reflections, z,
262, a, 5; and draft, x, 406; Sena-
torship and illness, 2, 505, 3, 390.

Budd, William, and Washington
chair, i, 77; as officer, 2, 111.

Buel, , of Bermuda, and Georgia's

peace commissioner, 2, 125, 126.

Buell, D. C, Perryville, x, 165.

Bull Run, second campaign, Cedar
Hill, 1,78; Pope awaits McClellan,
89; fleet in Potomac, 91,93; battle,
McClellan's conduct, 93, 97, 98,
104, 107, 117, 122, 221, 225,226; re-
treat, 98, 100, 104; alarm in Wash-
ington, 99, 105, 106, 109; Pope's
report, 109, 110, 114; Lincoln on,
116, 126; army demoralized, 117;
Porter court martial, 220, 225, 229.

Bullitt, Cuthbert, Union man, z, 81.

Burlingame, Anson, on admirable
Chinese customs, 3, 379.

Burnett, D. G., elected to Senate,
2,642.

Bumside, A. E., and Navy, x, 91 ; de-
clines command in Antietam cam-
paign, 124; Blair on, 126; com-
mands Army of Potomac, 182;
Fredericksburg, 191-193; expected
forward movement (Jan.), 226;
army demoralized, 226; resigns
command, 229 ; Vallandigham case,
306; suppression of Chicago TimeSy
321 ; arrival for Wilderness cam-
paign, 2, 17; and impeachment,
3, 357.

Burr, A. E., on Welles and Senator-
ship, 2, 501 ; and Connecticut poli-
tics, 3, 264, 328.

Bushnell, C. S., and Monitor, z, 214.

Butler, B. F., rule at New Orleans,
I, 209; prospective command in
Mississippi movement, 210; as
officer, 373, 2, 223; and trade per-
mits, z, 536, 544, 548, 2, 56, 57;
preparation for Virginia campaign,
15, 19, 24; in the campaign, 35;
and martial law at Norfolk, 81;

character, 81, 365, 469, 3» 504,
523; and exchange of naval pris-
oners, 2, 168, 169, 171; Wilming-
ton expedition, 209, 210, 213-217,
222; and Grant, 214, 217, 222,
223, 226, 3, 56; dismissed, 2, 223;
in Washington, and political rad-
icals (1865), 224, 226, 230; rule in
Baltimore, 269; and Reconstruc-
tion (1865), 348, 349; (1867), 3f
81, 82; and trial of Davis, 2, 365,
367; intrigue in Grey Jadcet case,
469, 492, 493; elected to Congress,
619; and Conover allegations, 3,
143 n.; as impeachment manager,
321, 326, 333, 336; pressure on
doubtful Senators, 354, 362; in-
vestigation of vote, 36&-368;
calls on Johnson and Cabinet,
497; currency speech, 503, 506;
and Bingham, 524; and repeal of
Tenure-of-Office Act, 564, 567,
568; on Grant's ignorance, 564.

Butterfield, A. G., and Mont Blane
incident, z, 419, 427.

Byington, , sends news of Gettys-
burg, z, 357.

Cabinet, Lincoln's, formation, i, xx,
81, 230, 325, 2, 388-392; Seward
and proposal of regular meetings
(1861), I, 6-8, 136-138; Seward's
attitude, 104, 124, 400; character
of meetings, lack of consultations,
131, 134-136, 274, 320, 348, 351,
391, 401, 429, 526, 546, 2, 16, 17,
58, 59, 62, 84, 86, 91 , 98, 166, 203;
and financial matters (1862), x,
168; assistants at meetings, 319,
3, 318; and renomination of Lin-
coln, I, 500; rumors of reorganiza-
tion (1864), 2, 102; Fessenden and
Seward-Stanton clique, 120; ru-
mors as to, for second administra-
tion, 194, 195, 247, 250, 251;
Johnson retains Lincoln's, 289; im-
proved meetings under Johnson,
318; relations with Johnson, 481—
483, 487, 522-525, 543, 606, 611;

INDEX

509

changes in Johnson's, 653, 554,
558, 563; direct communication by
Secretaries to Ck>ngress, 3, 131 ; ru-
mors of reorganization of John-
son's (1867), 183, 203, 204; (1868),
364, 371; rumors as to Grant's,
488, 530, 535; Johnson's, and hold-
ing over under Grant, 529, 530,
532, 535; Welles on Grant's, 5^-
549. See also members of the Cabi-
net by name.

Cadwalader, John, Pasco case, a,
400, 401; and O'Neal, 3, 441.

Calhoun, J. C, and South Carolina
aristocracy, a, 312.

Calhoun J captured, z, 350.

Calvert, C. B., and Navy Depart-
ment, I, 187; and appointment of
midshipmen, 234, 236.

Cameron, Simon, delay in taking
portfolio, I, 3; and Seward's in-
terference with Sximter expedition,
25; resigns, 57, 58; and appoint-
ment of Stanton, 59; Blair on, as
Secretary of War, 126-128; de-
feated for Senate (1863), 223; on
Seward's meddling, 242; patron-
age and political views (1865), a,
349; selection to the Cabinet, 389;
Senatorial election (1867), 3, 16,
20; character, 16, 20, 479, 523; and
removal of Stanton, 285; and im-
peachment, 301, 333; and Senator-
ial election (1869), 505.

Campbell, A. F. (?), and politics in
Brooklyn Navy Yard, a, 122.

Campbell, J. A., negotiations with
Seward (1861), z, 26; Hampton
Roads Conference, a, 235, 238;
seeks parole, 330; chajracter, 330.

Campbell, Col. J. A., on Arkansas
disturbances, 3, 462.

Campbell, Lewis, Mexican mission,
a, 501, 621, 649; instructions, 623,
625, 628.

Canada, Confederate operations, a,
151-153; Fenian raid (1866), 450,
451, 453, 454» 484, 486, 51&-521,
523,524.

Canby, E. R. S., and cotton trade,
a, 159; Mobile, 165; as military
governor, 3, 187, 245.

Capture, legal, of private property
used by Confederate Government,
a, 486. See also Blockade, Prizes.

Carleton, J. H., report on Mexico,
a, 367.

Carpenter, F. B., Emancipation
Ptoclamation picture, i, 527, 549.

Carpenter, M. H., and repeisd of
Tenure-of-Office Act, 3, 555.

Carrington, E. C, candidacy for
district attorney, z, 56.

Carter, J. M., and navy yard for
New London, z, 222.

Carter, S. P., return to Navy, a, 366;
report on Borneo, 3, 182.

Cartter, D. K., and assassination of
Lincoln, a, 286; and dismissal of
son, 359; and Stanton, 3, 157,
160; and arrest of Thomas, 286,
294.

Cartter, W. H., dismissal, a, 359.

Case, F. M., as Surveyor-General of
Cdorado, 3, 575.

Case, Newton, and A. H. Stephens,
a, 332.

Casey, Joseph, and speculation, a,
314.

Caswell, Alexis, at Seward's, z, 506.

Catav^, sale, 3> 348, 387-389, 420,
429,438.

Cattell, A. G., and removal of Stan-
ton, 3, 285; character, 523.

Cave, Sir Stephen, in Washington,
3,135.

Cavnach, , and Trowbridge-La-
mar plot, z, 492.

Cedar Hill, battle, z, 78.

Ceres, prise, mails, z, 491, 492.

Chambers, J. S., question of removal,
z, 218, 219.

Chambersburg, Pa., Stuart's raid,
z, 169.

Chancellorsville, beginning of cam-
paign, z, 287; rumors, 290, 291;
anxiety at Washmgton, 291-298;
Stoneman's raid, 292-295; nctws

600

INDEX

of defeat, 293; reoeption of neiwB,
294; Sedgwick, 295; death of Jack-
son, 297; loeses, 302; Hooker's
irreverence and drinking, 336, 348.

Chandler, L. H., and trial of Davis,
a, 614.

Chandler, W. E., naval fraud cases,
a, 200, 218, 262; Pasco case, 400,
401; and Butler, 492, 493; and
impeachment, 3, 353; and Fogg,
872.

Chandler, Zachariah, Committee on
Conduct of the War, a, 198; and
Butler (1865), 224; character,
633, 3, 52; attack on McCulloch,
52; and Fessenden, 138; and im-
peachment, 301, 332, 339; re6leo-
tion (1869), 508.

Charieston, preparation for naval
attack on, z, 153, 216, 217, 263,
264; reported raising of blockade,
232, 234; Du Font's delay, 236,
237, 247, 249, 259; Administra-
tion's plan of attack, 237; runx>rs
and anxiety as to attack, 262-265;
repulse, 265, 267-269, 273; Du
Font's failure to report, 273, 274,
276; failure of his operations and
subsequent controversy, 276, 277,
288, 295, 302, 307, 476-478, 2, 7,
11, 14, 30, 133; question of renew-
ing attack, z, 273, 309, 313, 324,
838; Du Font to be relieved, ques-
tion of successor, 311-318, 325,
826, 337, 341, 342, 346, 347; pro-
gress of renewed (Dahlgren's)
movement, 372, 380, 415, 427,
449, 467, 520; Gillmore's force,
382-385; mutual relations of at-
tacking forces, 467, 474; captured,
2, 242; aspect (1865), 311. See also
Sumter.

Charlestown Navy Yard, appoint-
ments and politics, z, 374, 380,
2, 31, 33, 34, 143, 3, 417, 419, 446.
See also Navy yards.

Chase, Kate, and Sprague, z, 306.

Chase, S. F., attitude towards Cab-
inet consultationsi z, 7, 320, 525,

526,646, a, 17, 58, 166; and Gan-
eron, 57, 59, 127; and appoint-
ment of Stanton, 50, 61; intrigue
for removal of MeClellan, 93-05,
100-105, 108, 109, 112, 114.
117, 11»-122, 139; lotions with
Stanton and Seward, 101, 131,
189, 203-205, 231, 397, 402, 447,

536, a* 174; and patronage, z, 78,
138; and Fope, 114, 221; and pro-
posed attackson Richmond (1862),
130; (1863), 349, 351; and Antie-
tam, 142; and coin for fordgn
drafts, 147, 2, 10, 29; on conduct
of War Department (Sept., 1862),
z, 148; and Chiriqui Grant, 151;
and emancipation, 159, 209; on
conduct oi the Administration
(1862), 161; war-time trade, per-
mits, and agents, 165, 166, 175,
177, 183, 217, 510, 511, 522, 527,

537, 543-545, 548, a, 33, 34, 36,
66, 258, 343; as financier, z, 168,
176, 494, 520, 525, 530, a, 3, 13,
14, 54, 57-59, 61-63; on killing
of Gen. Nelson, z, 178; Seward-
Chase resignation episode, 196,
201-205; and admission of West
Virginia, 205, 207; on finances and
party loyalty, 223; and Weed, 230,
231, 3, 163; bank bill, z, 237; and
extra session of Senate (1863),
238; and letters of marque, 246,
247, 250; and John Oilpin prise
case, 297; on a fugitive-slave case
(1863), 313; and Lee's invasion,
331, 335; and Hooker, 335, 348,
349, 444; Fresidential candidacy
(1864), 345, 413, 415, 498, 500,
525, 529, 533, 2, 30; and Ste-
phens's attempted mission (1863),
360, 361 ; and promotion of D. D.
Forter, 369; and command at New
York (1863), 373; and Whiting,
381; on draft and suspension of
habeae corpus, 397, 432-434; on a
departmental administration, 401 ;
and Halleck, 402, 447; on slavery
and Reconstruction, 402, 41(M14;

INDEX

601

and Lincoln, 413, 520, a, 44; on
•Bates, I, 413; and Laird rams,
428, 435; and Ohio election (1863),
469; on Trowbridge-Lamar plot,
402, 494; animosity of Blairs, 510,
533, a, 20, 45; and policy of open-
ing certain ports, i, 514; and out-
ting of ship-timber in North Caro-
lina, 522, 527, 528; on Charleston
operations, 520; on raising of
Brownsville blockade, 529; favors
bounties on immigration, 543; and
gold premium (April, 1864), a» 12-
15; and conduct of subordinates.
Congressional investigation, 20-22 ;
on Fort Pillow massacre, 25; and
foreign-owned cotton, 40; and
Presidential visits to headquarters,
55; resignation, 62, 63, 69, 93;
Bates on, 93; failure to pay requi-
sitions, 114; support of Lincoln
(1864), 120, 140, 187; character,
121, 183, 192, 366; and Preston
King, 137; and control of aban-
doned plantations, 149; and Blair's
resignation, 157, 158 n.; appoint-
ment to Chief-Justiceship, 181,
183, 187, 192, 196; appointment
and political activity, 196, 202,
251, 253, 304, 3, 135, 244; appre-
hended decision on arbitrary ar-
rest, a, 242, 245, 246; and Blair's
Senatorial aspirations, 243; and
McCulloch, 245; Seward on, as
Cabinet disturber, 246; and block-
ade, 246, 254; and radical Recon-
struction, 253; decision on cap-
tured cotton, 263; and negro suf-
frage, 304, 343, 369; and trial of
Davis, 366, 368; selection to Cab-
inet, 391; and Johnson, 619; tardi-
ness in holding court in South,
3, 101; and impeachment trial,
293, 301, 306, 327, 328; Presiden-
tial candidacy (1868), 379, 381,
382, 385, 389-^91, 393, 397, 404,
455, 457-459.
Chattanooga, movement to rein-
, force, 1, 442, 444; Welles on change

in commanders, 447; importance,
473.

ChaUanooga, Robert Johnson's pro-
posed voyage in, a, 472, 479, 491.

Chenango, explosion, a, 14.

Cherokee, controversy over purchase,
I, 516.

Chesapeake, seizure and surrender, i,
490, 508, 509, 545.

Chicago, Johnson at, a, 593.

Chicago Times, suppressed, z, 821.

Chicago Tribune, and impeachment,
3,355.

Chickamauga, battie, z, 438, 441,
444, 446; rumor of Lee at, 439.

Chili, trouble with Spain expected,
a, 357, 365, 495.

Chimo, report on, a, 52.

China, mission to United States
(1868), 3t 380.

Chiriqui Grant, z, 123, 150-153, 3,
428.

Church, S. E., and Presidential nom-
ination (1868), 3, 396; solicits
Johnson's support of Seymour,
427, 429.

ChurchiU, J. C, and impeachment,
3,238.

Cincinnati Gazette, attack on Navy
Department, a, 80.

Ciroassian, cartel vessel, a, 169.

Cisco, J. J., Assistant Treasurer, a,
62.

Cities, WeUes on free suffrage and
eomiption, z, 523, 524.

avU Ris^ts BiU, Welles on, a, 459,
460; Doolittie's substitute, 463;
veto, 463, 464; passage over veto,
475, 477, 479; Trumbull on, 489;
Stanton's report on enforcement,
3, 42-45. See also Fourteenth
Amendment.

Civil service, Cabinet and patronage,
z, 138, 218; navy yards and poli-
tics, especially assessments, 178,
827, 374, 380, a, 97, 98, 108, 122-
124, 136, 137, 142-145, 175, 376,
377, 380, 382; Senatorial confirm-
ation and ''courtesy," x, 235;

602

INDEX

campugn contributions, 534; gen-
eral political assessments, 2, 112;
Lincoln and patronage, 195; iron-
clad oath and Southern appoint-
ments, 318, 357, 445, 450, 453, 454;
Johnson and appointments, 343,
3, 64, 83-85, 147, 152, 412, 527;
Welles and New England patron-
age, 2, 356; patronage and split
on Reconstruction, 398, 399, 585-
687, 596-599, 602, 616, 3» 52; CJon-
gress and patronage under Johnson,
a, 426 n., 3, 557; appointment of
ex-army officers, 74; rush of office-
aeekers (1869), 557; Grant's sweep,
576. 5ee ofeo Tenure-of-Office Act.

Civil War, warnings ignored at Wash-
ington, If 10; Scott's defensive-
frontier policy, 84-86, 125, 172,
242; West-Pointism, 85, 125; en-
thusiasm (1862), 89; despondency
(1862), 119, 129, 176, 209; progr^
to end of 1862, 211; conditions in
the South (1863), 223, 316; lack
of enthusiasm (1863), 324; Gettys-
,burg, Vicksburg,'and termination,
871, 378, 428; character of Davis
and termination, 376-379; popu-
lar attitude at end of 1863, 499;
strain on Administration of open-
ing days, 549; Welles hopefiil of
termination, 2, 158, 177, 200, 208,
218; continued arrogance of Con-
federates (1865), 229; germ in
South Carolina aristocracy, 276,
277, 312; mistaken estimates of
opponents, 277; grand review of
army, 310; official end, 473, 579-
581, 583. See also Army, Finances,
Foreign, Lincoln, Navy, Peace.

Claims. See War claims.

Clandaniels, , peculations at

Philadelphia Navy Yard, 2, 200.

Clark, , of Auburn, N. Y., and

cotton speculation, 2, 37.

Clark, , editor of the Norfolk

Rigime, on Wilmington expedi-
tion, 2, 216.

Clark, Daniel, on J. P. Hale and

Navy Department, x» 607; ap-
pointment as judge, 2, 665.

Clarke, Freeman, insubordination, 2^
453.

Clay, Brutus, and Mrs. White, 2, 21.

Clay, C. C, implication in aflsaasina-
tion plot, 2, 363.

Clay, C. M., discouraged (1862), z,
117.

Clay, Henry, character, x, 506, 607.

Cleveland, C, D., and Confederate
ironclads, i, 436.

Cleveland, E. S., and Connecticut
election (1866), 2, 458, 461.

Cleveland, Johnson at, 2, 593.

Clifford, J. H. (7), of Massachusetts,
and trial of Davis, 2, 365, 367.

Clyde, captured, z, 428.

Cobden, Richard, on Wilkes in West
Indies, z, 298; on attitude of Eng-
land, 305.

Cochrane, John, and draft, z, 380;
nomination (1864), 2, 41; political
character, 43; withdraws, 156.

Cole, Cornelius, impeachment vote,
3, 356, 358.

(Doleman, J. A., and naval chap-
liuncy, z, 162.

Coles (Jounty, 111., riots, 2, 81.

Colfax, Schuyler, election as Speaker,
z, 481; character, 481, 3, 24, 30;
and Navy Department and Welles,
z, 482, 484, 2, 236, 250; and move-
ment to expel Long, 9; and Chase,
21; and assassination of Lincoln,
287; radical speech (1865), 385,
410; and impeachment resolution
(1867). 3, 12; Vice-Presidential
candidacy, 362, 366. See dUo
Elections (1868).

Collamer, Jacob, Senate committee
on Seward, z, 194, 196, 198.

Collins, Napoleon, and Mont Blanc
incident, z, 417, 421, 423; captures
Florida, 2, 184; trial, 275; and loss
of Sacramento f 3, 120, 554.

Colombia, seizure of R, R. Cuyler, 3|
38-42; tax on foreigners, 106.

Colonisation of negroes, schemes for

INDEX

603

' foreign,!, 123, 150-153, 162, 3, 428;
Cox*B domestic scheme, a, 352.

Colorado, Cabinet on bill admitting,
a, 502, 3, 22; veto, 30.

Coltman, , Union man of

Louisiana, z, 81.

Cdumbiat captured, a, 242.

Colvocoressis, G. M., retirement, 3»
503.

Commerce. See Blockade, Trade.

Committee on Conduct of the War,
report, z, 262; purpose, a, 198;
summons Butler (1865), 224, 226;
character, 226.

Comstock, C. B., Wilmington expe-
dition, a, 226; marriage, 3, 519.

Comstock, J. J. (?), and command of
the Baltic^ z, 155.

Confederate cruisers, squadron to in-
tercept, z, 109, 111, 122, 123, 134;
coast defense against, 125, 288,
347, 364, 366, 375, 380, 435, a, 256,
257; and Federal agitation for let-
ters of marque, 246, 248, 250, 253;
proposed proclamation against, as
pirates (1865), a, 298, 300, 308.
See also Alabama, Florida, Shenan-
doahf Tacony, TaUahaasee,

Confederate ironclads, Fingal, z, 72,
336, 341, 344; Arkansas, 72. 78;
Laird rams, construction in Eng-
land, 245, 247, 250, 262; Seward's
protest, 399; Dahlgren fears, 406;
Chase urges preparation to seise,
428; private knowledge of British
intention to seise, 429, 435-438;
newspaper anxiety concerning, 435 ;
detention announced, 443; contin-
ued anxiety, 448; building in
France, a, 35, 65; French, stopped,
254. See also Stonewall,

Confiscation, Cabinet discussion
(1869), 3i 504.

Congress, Thirty-seventh: character,
z, 186, 206, 224; Senate commit-
tee on Seward, 194-205; attacks on

\ management of War, 224; and ap-
pointment of midshipmen, 224,

., 227, 234, 236; ''courtesy" in Sen-

ate, 235; dosing hours (1863), 244;
naval bills, 245; Committee on
Conduct of the War, 262. SeeaUo
Hale (J. P.).

Thirty-eighth: question of extra
session of the Senate, z, 238; or-
ganization, naval committees, 481-
484, 490, a, 193; naval affairs, i,
522, 528, 531, a, 7, 11, 236-238,
240-242, 250 ; interference of Mem-
bers with navy yards, z, 482, a,
224, 225; censure of Long, 9, 12;
investigation of Navy Depart-
ment, 21, 22; of Fort Pillow mas-
sacre, 23; and Mexico, 39; and
finances, 57; closing hours (1864),
62, 65; (1865), 251; House resolu-
tion against Seward, 202; Thir-
teenth Amendment, 234; lUdioato
and Reconstruction, 239, 242.

Thirty-^inth: meeting, a, 385,
392; ignores Johnson, 392; im-
pending war with Johnson, 412,
414, 421, 434; naval appropria-
tions, 430, 444; Stockton ousted,
464, 475; Colorado, 502; closing
hours (1866), 563-565; (1867), 3f
58; wasteful grants, a, 542; bounty
bill, 564; second session, 626;
Forney's reception and parade,
627, 630-632; probable action,
627, 632, 633, 635; Republican
caucus (Dec, 1866), 633; annoy-
ance of Departments, 634, 637, 3,
13; leaders in Senate, a, 635; treat-
ment of Johnson's adherents, 637;
character, 644; Southern trip of
Members, 649. See also Recon-
struction, Tenure-of-Office Act.

Fortieth: sessions, 3, 17, 19, 61,
73, 74, 128, 415, 423, 426, 437, 438,
441, 464, 475; rejection of nomina-
tions, 83-85, 527; investigation of
Departments, 122; indecision, 129;
thanks to Sheridan, 130; character
and revolutionary plans, 130, 133,
244, 267, 314, 321, 324, 506, 520,
523; resolution on Cretan insur-
rection, 138; naval affairs, 264,

604

INDEX

' 265, 280, 325, 841, 348, 384, 387,

^515; dosing hours of main ses-
sion, 415; and Johnson's final mes-
sage, 479, 482; do-nothing policy,
484; Tenureof-Offioe Act, 503.

' See aleo Impeachment, Recon-
struction.

Forty-firei: Tenure-of-Office Act,
3, 555, 556, 558, 560, 564, 567, 568,
571; naval affairs, 558; adjourns,
574.

Conkling, F. A., and appointment of
midshipmen, x, 227.

Conkling, Roscoe, Senatorial elec-
tion, 3, 16, 20; character, 16, 20,
558; and impeachment, 301, 336;
patronage, 424; and rep^ of
Tenure-of-Office Act, 558.

Connecticut, Federal appointments,
z, 78, 81, 510; home guard, 375;
coast defense, 380; and draft, 382;
elections (1864), 2, 5; (1866), 427,
429, 433, 452, 454-462, 465, 468,
469, 474; (1867), 3, 77, 78; (1868),
264,267,328,329; (1869), 571,572;
rejects negro suffrage, 2, 373, 375;
Welles seeks to influence attitude
(1866), 426; Democratic Party in,
427-429; Senatorial elections
(1866), 601, 505-510; (1868), 3,
390; adopts Fourteenth Amend-
ment, 2, 541; delegates to Union
Convention (1866), 567; political

\ attitude (1867), 3, 63; Welles and

: Gov. English's messages, 87-89,
382; character of Radicals, 88.

Conness, John, and Navy Depart-
ment, a, 234; and removsd of
Stanton, 3, 285; and impeach-
ment, 333; character, 479.

Conover, Sanford, allegations, 3, 143-
146, 149, 152, 167, 161, 165, 168.

Constitution. See Federal Constitu-
tion.

Construction and Repairs, Bureau of.
See Lenthall.

Contract frauds. See Corruption.

Cony, Samuel, and coast protection,
2»256.

Cook, B. C, and politics in navy
yards, a, 142-145.

Cooley, Samuel, and Welles, a, 313.

Coombs, , LouieviUe war-claim

case, 3, 528, 529.

Cooper, Edmund, relations with
Johnson, a, 532, 3, 221; on Brown-
low, 205; on elections (1867), 222.

Cooper, Samuel, forged dispatches,
1, 175, 176.

Copper bill, veto (1869), 3* 531.

Copperheads, and Johnson, a, 590.

Corbett, H. W., impeachment vote,
3, 356, 358, 367.

Corcoran, W. W., house taken for
hospital, z, 99.

Coming, Erastus, Lincoln's letter
to, z, 323, 329; and De Camp, 3,
18.

Corruption, in Navy Department
contracts, i, 611, 512, 514, 522;
Stover case, 614, 518, 524; Fox and
investigation, Welles's attitude,
537-541; Henderson case, 540-
544, 547, a, 6, 64, 60, 61, 78, 79,
82, 83, 220, 226, 306; Smith Bros,
case, 7, 11, 16, 63, 66, 66, 60, 61,
90, 124, 238, 260-264, 334, 359;
Scofield case, 67, 68, 176, 177, 199-
201 ; Philadelphia Navy Yard, 200,
206, 208, 224, 231, 238, 400-402;
Stiners case, 279; Hoover case,
418; general (1869), 3» 576.

Cotton, war-time trade, i, 498, 511,
2, 33, 34, 36, 37, 66, 138-140, 159-
163, 167; protection of foreign-
owned, 40; captured French, 106,
107; participation of officers in
trade, 173; disposal of Savannah,
219, 278; Sherman and foreign-
claimed, 229; captured by Navy
in Red River campaign, 266, 263;
tax, 316.

Couch, D. N., and Gettysburg, z,
368.

Counterfeit drafts, 2, 567.

Court martial, punishments by, 3,
449, 481.

Court of Claims, candidates, 3» 872.

INDEX

605

Courtney, S. Q., and internal rev-
enue frauds, 3, 434, 435.

Covode, John, and removal of
Chambers, i, 218; character, 219,
a, 580; Southern trip, 580.

Cow Island, negro colony, 3, 428.

Cowan, Edgar, and Reconstruction,
a, 415; and Freedmen's Bureau
Bill, 437; and Johnson's attitude,
482, 483; and Union Convention,
533, 538; loses committee position,
637; character, 3, 20, 58; and Aus-
trian mission, 59.

Cox, , of Georgetown, question

of restoring property, a, 414.

Cox, J. D., and colonizing of negroes,

. a, 352; and Reconstruction, 440;
suggested for War portfolio (1867),
3, 231, 261; Welles on Cabinet
appointment (1869), 545.

0)x, W. S., impeachment trial wit-
ness, 3, 333.

Coyle, John, and Johnson, 3, 566.

Cragin, A. H., Senatorial dection, a,
51.

Crater, battle, a, 89-^2.

Craven, T. T., and SUmewaU, 2, 261,
267, 392, 396.

Crawford, M. J., Confederate com-
missioner, Seward intrigue, z» 26.

Creswell, J. A. J., political record,
3,543.

Crete, insurrection, 3, 71, 138, 425.

Crittenden, T. L., Chickamauga, i,
444, 446.

Crook, George, in Johnson's tour, a,
589.

Crosby, A. C, and Radical patron-
age, a, 585.

Crusader^ at Pensacola (1861), z» 26,
29.

Cuba, assumption of six-mile mari-
time jurisdiction, i, 170, 367, 399,
467, 468; insurrection, 3, 523;
American Navy and insurrection,
572, 573.

Culebra Island, movement to an-
nex, 3, 94.

Culpeper, cavalry fight, z, 320.

CuwherUmdi at Norfolk Navy Yard,
1,42.

Cummings, Alexander, nominatkm
for Commissioner of Internal Rev-
enue, 3, 414.

Cuniston, , spy, i, 813.

Curry, Azariah, master of Mumi
Blanc, I, 419.

Curtin, A. G., and Lee's invasion, x,
330, 850; and Confederate raid
(1864), a, 89; and Fourteenth
Amendment, 529; Senatorial can-
didacy, 3, 16; chfiuracter, 16. *

Curtis, B. R., impeachment counsel,
3, 294, 298, 299, 302, 308, 330, 331.

Curtis, S. R., asks aid of Navy, x,
91.

Gushing, Caleb, and Cabinet oflSoe,
a, 183; and naval contract frand
cases, 225, 227; and Grey Jacket
case, 493; canal treaty, 3, 526.

Gushing, W. B., and capture of Fort
Anderson, a, 245.

Custer, G. A., in Johnson's tour, a,
589.

Cutts, J. M. (7), and Blw, a, 84.

Dacotahy pursues Alabama, z, 179.

Dahlgren, J. A., and Merriihac
scare, z, 62, 64, 66; Lincoln's par-
tiality, 158, 163; and Du Font's
campaign against Charleston, 158,
164, 277; and promotion, 163,
239; as officer and bureau chief,
164, 179, 317, 338, 341, a, 7, 3i
447; and succession to Du Font's
command, z, 311, 314, 315, 337,
341, 342; refuses subordinate
command, 817; and guns for mon-
itors, 342; reports on Charleston
operations, 372, 382, 434, 547;
and Fox, 401; fears Laird rams,
406; and Gillmore, 434; complaints
against, and troubles, 449, 474;
Florida expedition, 532; viat to
Washington, 534; and death of
son, 536, 544, 545, a, 7; asks to be
retieved, 128; and Farragut, 134;
and command of Wilmiioigton

606

INDEX

expedition, 147; asblockader, 178;
sends word of Sherman, 200; gun-
casting controversy, 202; and
Welles's visit to Charleston, 311,
313; return to Washington (1865),
320; ship visited by Johnson and
Cabinet, 331; to command South
Pacific Squadron, 604; Tucker
episode, 3, 37, 69, 70; and Ames's
claim, 448, 449, 451; wants com-
mand of Washington Navy Yard,
484; and vice-admiralship, 562.

Dahlgren, Mrs. J. A., journey to
husband's station, 3, 92, 93.

Dahlgren, Ulric, on Lee's invanon,
z, 331; captures dispatches, 359;
loses leg, 380, 470; raid and death,
536-538, 544, 545.

Dakota, Federal politics (1864), a»
153.

Dana, C. A., on fall of Vicksburg, i,
871.

Dana, R. H., and law of prise, z,
531, 532.

Darling, , of New York, and re-
lease of Scofield, a, 199.

Dart, W. A., and Fenians, a, 518,
520.

Davidson, Thomas, political com-
plaints against, a, 144.

Davies, Charles, seeks office for
nephew, a, 558.

Davies, H. E., office-seeker, a, 558.

Davis, C. H., Mississippi operations,
z, 72, 75, 91; and W. D. Porter,
145; transferred, 157; as officer,
158, 351 ; of board on diRmisHal of
Preble, 191; and Afonttor, 214;
promotion, 239; and letters of
marque, 260; visit to Fort Foote,
474; and Du Pont, a, 118; and
command of Wilmington expedi-
tion, 147; and Paraguay, 3, 466-
468, 490, 513; and vice-admiral-
ship, 562.

Davis, Garrett, and Reconstruction,
3,502.

Davis, H. W., and Du Pont, z, 478,
531, a, 8, 30, 117, 118; and chair-

manship of Naval Committee
(1863), z, 482; attacks on Navy
Department, 505, 531, a, 227, 230,
237; and movement to expel Long,
9; and campugn of 1864, 30; pro-
test, 95, 96, 98, 122, 239; inflated,
153, 202; and Stanton, 166; attack
on Seward, 198, 202; and Butler,
224; as Radical leader, 247; and
negro suffrage, 326; death, 409;
character, 409, 438; memorial ser-
vices, 438.

Davis, J. C, Cabinet on killing of
Nelson, z, 178.

Davis, Jefferson, Stephens's mission
to Lincoln, z, 358; and demonstra-
tion on Washington (1863), 359,
376; Welles's estimate, 376; story
of, by escaped slave, 515; and
Jaquess, a, 84, 109; and Blair's
misedon, 221 ; and Hampton Roads
Conference, 238; and secession of
South Carolina, 255; alleged impli-
cation in assassination conspiracy,
299; captured, 306; custody, 308,
309; Cabinet discussions on indict-
ment and trial, 335, 337, 365-^368,
608, 614, 616; condition in confine-
ment, 339, 365; not to be paroled,
358; attitude of Sunmer and
Welles (1865), 397; and general
amnesty, 395, 396.

Davis, Mrs. Jefferson, slave's story,
z, 515; at Savannah (1865), a, 314.

Dawes, H. L., and Smith Broe., a«
56; and Stanton's plan of Recon-
struction, 291; in campaign of
1868, 3, 460.

Day, B. F., disrespect for Congress,
3, 312.

Day, Calvin, and Johnson's policy,
a, 426; and Welles's return to
Hartford, 3, 585.

Dayton, W. L., and French media-
tion, z, 235; on Plorida^ 440; ozi
attitude of France (1864), a, 39;
death, 205; Welles's association
with, 205; and Lincoln's cabinet,
392.

INDEX

607

Debts, payment of private, in South,
a, 355; repudiation of Confederate,
579. See also Chase, Finances,
Paper money.

De Camp, John, question of promo-
tion, 3, 18.

Deity, recognition in Constitution,
a, 190.

Delafield, Richard, and Norfolk
Navy Yard, i, 46.

Delano, B. F., on Alabama depreda-
tions, z, 165; as naval constructor,
499; and politics in Brookljm
Navy Yard, a, 145.

Deming, H. C., political character,
a, 434; candidacy for reflection, 3,
63.

Democratic Party, intrigue and
downfall (1844), a, 387; in Connec-
ticut, 427^29; and Union Con-
vention (1866), 540, 542, 545; and
Johnson, 595, 598, 602, 603, 617,
619, 3, 196, 199, 223, 319, 320, 383,
399, 403, 429. See aleo Elections,
Politics.

Denmark, complaints against Wilkes,
z, 322, 325, 451; attempted sale
of West Indian islands, a, 466,
473, 3» 40, 95-98, 124, 125, 502.

Dennison, William, and armored
fleet for the Ohio, z, 90; excursion,
394; in campaign of 1864, 509; and
speed test of naval vessels, 512;
Postmaster-General, a, 157, 168;
and Chief-Justiceship, 182, 183,
192; and Chase, 183; and Pierpont
government, 282; and assassina-
tion of Lincoln, 288; and inform-
ing of Johnson, 288; at funeral of
Lincoln, 293; on Sherman's peace
terms, 296, 297; and Hamlin, 345;
and negro suffrage, 301; trip to
Charleston (1865), 310-315; and
Mexico, 333, 479, 485; on trial of
Davis, 338; on post- War military
arrangements, 352, 355, 356; and
political assessments, 380; and
Chase's appointment to Cabinet,
391; and Johnson's policy, 899,

419, 425, 537, 543; and Freed-
men's Bureau Bill, 434; and party
split, 443, 446; on ironclad oath,
445, 450, 453; and Fenian raid,
451; and Civil Rights Bill, 464;
and trial of Semmes, 467; and re-
port of Reconstruction Commit-
tee, 496, 497; and Atlantic cable,
503; on admitting Colorado, 503;
serenade speech, 513; on Four-
teenth Amendment, 536, 537;
resignation, 551, 553, 555; atti-
tude after resigning, political am-
bition, 577; on Stanton and Grant,
3,240.

Dent, Louis, appointment by John-
son, 3, 527.

Desertion, exemplary punishment
needed, z, 232.

De Soto, wrecked, 3, 240.

Dickerson, £. N., assault on IsheK>-
wood, z, 504; test of engine, a*
346, 356, 361.

Dickinson, D. S., and Vice-Presiden-
tial nomination, a, 45.

Dictator f launched, z, 495; oonstnio-
tion, a, 35, 201, 207, 340.

Dillon, , gunpowder invention,

z, 239, 240.

District commanders. See Military
governors.

District of Columbia, appointments
to court, z, 245; negro suffrage,
a, 422, 640, 3, 3-8, 15. See aUo
Washington.

Dix, J. A., and New York politics
(1862), z, 154, 162; and Norfolk
trade, 166, 172-175, 177, 183, 227,
318; and Weed and Seward, 231,
356; operations in Suffolk, 287;
and demonstration on Richmond
(1863), 349, 351; Lincoln's opin-
ion, 350; to command at New
York, 373; and Vice-Presidential
nomination (1864), a, 45; arrest
for suspending World, 67; nomin-
ated to Dutch mission, 566; Naval
Office and French mission, 602,
607; Welles's estimate, 607, 3, 442,

«08

INDEX

443; supports Grant, 442; Ban-
croft incident, 511, 521; i^esigns,
625, 539.

Dixon, James, and Connecticut ap-
pointments, z, 78, 235, 239, 246,
510, 2, 612, 3, 78-80, 84, 161; and
Welles, I, 81, 82, 509, a, 307, 501;
on Stanton, z, 206; Sumner and
reelection (1863), 503; and split in
party (1865), 2, 407; and John-
son's policy, 415, 449, 650; and
Freedmen's Bureau BUI, 436; and
avil Rights Bill, 475, 479; and
Crosby, 585; loses committee po-
sition, 637; and removal of Stan-
ton, 3, 165; defeated, 264; and im-
peachment vote, 351; and Chase's
candidacy (1868), 382; Congres-
sional candidacy, 526, 572.

Dizon, Mrs. James, and Mrs. Lin-
oohi, 2, 287.

Ddphin, at Norfolk Navy Yard, x,
42.

Dolphin, prize, z, 302.

Domestic servants, demagogic In-
fluences on, 3, 588.

Donnell, R. S., and reunion, z, 407.

Doolittle, J. R., and appointment of
Howard, z, 235; on Hooker, 305;
and cotton trade, 497; on Presi-
dential prospects (1863), 498; ex-
cursions, 2, 31, 547; and Indian
affairs (1865), 362; and Recon-
struction, 379, 415, 440; and Freed-
men's Bureau Bill, 436, 437; and
avU Rights Bill, 463; on John-
son's irresolution, 480, 481; and
Union Convention, 528-530, 633-
535, 538, 550, 581 , ^, 251 ; and Dix's
appointment to Holland, a, 566;
urges removal of Stanton, 581,
582; loses committee position,
637; on attaching Grant to the
Administration, 646; relations to
Johnson, 647; and suspension of
Stanton, 3, 255; speeches (1B68),
264, 267, 281; and Democratic
Presidential nomination (1868),
296, 894, 402, 405; and impeach-

ment vote, 351; and Cease's can-
didacy, 382.

Dorsheimer, Philip, removed, a, 59S.

Doty, T. W., and wreck of Fredonki^
3,449.

Douglas, S. A., on Seward and Se-
cessionists, z, 32-36.

Douglass, Frederick, and headship
of Freedmen's Bureau, 3, 142.

Downes, John, court martial, a, 102.

Draft, riots in New York, z, 369, 372,
373; enforcement, 380; WeUes's
opinion, 382 ; in Connecticut,
382; Lincoln-Seymour correspozid-
ence, 395, 396, 399; and clerical
force at Washington, 396; exemp-
tion of petty officers of Navy, 407;
habeas corpus suspension to pre-
vent interference with, 432, 433,
435; and naval enlistments, 408,
641, 2, 121, 129; consideration oC
new proclamation (1864), z, 641.

Draper, Simeon, appointed collector,
a, 137; cotton agent, 219; charac-
ter, 220.

Drayton, Percival, on attack on
Charleston, z, 295, 307, 312; ozi
fellow officers, 2, 351, 353; illneas,
352; death, 353; as officer, 353;
funeral, 354.

Dream, British vessel, outrage on, x,
308.

Dred Scott decision, Welles on, a, 184.

Dudley, T. H., as consul, z, 154, 374;
and Laird rams, 262, 436; tjid
Shenandoahf 2, 411.

Duhamel, William, and Conover, ^
165.

Dulce y Garay, Domingo, at Wash-
ington, a, 526.

Dunderberg, construction, z, 499, a,
340, 341; question of relinquisli-
ing, 596, 603, 604, 3, 27-29, 40, 42,
92,97.

Dunham, C. A. See Conover.

Dunnington, J. W., captured, i, 224.

Du Pont, S. F., as officer, character,
z, 72, 160, 477, 2, 30, 133-136; and
command of expedition against

INDEX

609

CharleetoD, x, 168; pre|)aralion
for attack, 216, 217; captures mail,
222; on reported rafeing of block-
ade, 234; shrinks responsibility of
attacking, 236, 247, 269; t«sts
ironclads before Ft. McAllister,
249; rumors of attack, 262, 263-
265; repulse, 266, 267-269, 273;
failure to report, 273, 274, 276;
report, failure, and subsequent
controversy, value of ironclads,
276, 277, 296, 302, 307, 311, 314,
320, 326, 344, 476-478, 2, 7, 11, 30;
recall, x, 288, 311, 312, 318, 320,
322, 326, 337, 346, 347; beUeved
deranged, 307, 312; useless, 309,
311; Lincoln's opinion, 440; and
Farragut and Porter, 477, a, 119;
and H. W. Davis, x, 631; early in-
trigues and cliques, 2, 117; Port
Royal expedition, 118, 3, 217; as
blockader, 2, 173; death, 320; re-
lations with Department during
the War, 320, 321.
Duval, Dr., excursion, a, 340.

Eads, J. B., in Washmgton, a, 208.
Eames, Charles, and Peierhoff mails,
X, 284; and Gurowski, 326; and
;, Welles's annual report (1863), 479;
: and fraudulent contract cases, a,
< 11, 63, 67, 69, 227, 260; and prize
: cases, 12; and Sumner, 363; and
^ trial of Semmes, 423; apoplexy, 3,
\ 13; death, 67; as official, and
. Welles, 67; and Coombs's claim,
• 628.

Early, J. A., Shenandoah raid, a, 68-
70; before Washington, 70-77, 80;
pursuit, 86; new raid by, expected,
88, 89; defeated by Sheridan, 161,
163, 168.
Earthquake in South America, 3,

436.
Eastport, Maine, Fenians, a, 484,

486.
Eaton, A. B. (7), and election re-
turns, 2, 178.
Eaton, W. W., defeated, a, 5.

Eckert, T. T., and election retuns,
a, 178; and assassination of Lin-
coki, 286.

Edmunds, Judge, solicits campaign
contributions (1864), x, 634.

Edmunds, G. F., and removal of
Stanton, 3, 286; and naval affairs,
848; character, 623, 668; and re-
peal of Tenure-of-Office Act, 666,
668,667.

Edmunds, J. M., and proposed re-
moval of Lines, a, 148.

Eggleston, Benjamin, pretended in-
terview with Johnson, a, 649.

£2ic^t-hour law, Evarts's opinion, 3,
471; movement for repeal, 664;
and reduction in wages, 669.

Elections, 186e, 1868: New York, x,
163, 164, 162, 171, 177, 219, a, 27;
results to Administration, x, 183;
Connecticut, 262; Ohio and Penn-
sylvania, 469-471.

186^: McClellan and Presidency
(1862), X, 163; Blair on candi-
dates (1863), 346; Chase's candi-
dacy, 346, 413, 416, 626, 629, 631,
633; prospects of candidature
(1863), 498, 600; Lincoln and
renomination, 621, 630, 2, 4, 44;
meeting of Republican National
Committee, x, 6!29; campaign con-
tributions and assessments, 634, a,
112; date of Republican Conven-
tion, 4, 28, 30, 142; State, 6, 141,
176; conservative movement in
Cabinet, 29; and resignation of
Chase, 69; nomination of Fremont
and Cochrane, 41-43; gathering
of Republican delegates, 44, 46;
Republican Vice-Presidential tim-
ber, 44, 384; nomination of Lin-
coln and Johnson, 46; Wade-Davis
protest, 96, 96, 98, 122; navy-yard
patronage and assessment, 97, 98,
108, 122-124, 136, 137, 142^146,
176; Republican despondency, 102,
103; attitude of New York papers,
103-106; interest in Democratic
Convention, 120; Seward as poll-

610

INDEX

tical manager, 120> 131; Chase's
support of Lincoln, 120, 140, 187;
Fremont's withdrawal expected,
120; and Smith Bros, case, 124;
nomination of McClellan, 129, 132 ;
hopes for Lincohi's success, 132,
176; enthusiasm for McCldlan,
135; Democratic platform and
capture of Atlanta, 135, 140; Mo-
Clellan's letter, 140; Seward's key-
note speech, 140; Forbes on issue,
141; and Sheridan's victories, 153;
elements of Democratic Party,
153; Ck>nfederates and McClellan,
154; resignation of Blair and re-
tirement of Fremont, 156-158;
soldiers' and sailors' votes, 175;
returns at Washington, 178; Sena-
torial tour, 186; Radicals support
Lincoln, 187.

1865: Reconstruction issue, 2,
373; Republican success, 381;
Blair and Democrats, 382.

1866: State, 2, 427, 429,433,452,
454-462, 465, 468, 469, 474, 613-
615; politics and navy yards, 586,
596-599, 602, 616; Radical victory
expected, 608, 613; Fourteenth
Amendment as issue, 608-610; ef-
fect of Cabinet discord, 611, 613;
results, 616-620; Maryland con-
troversy, 620. See also Presiden-
tial tour, Union Convention.

1867: Connecticut, 3, 77, 78; ex-
pected influence, 222, 232; results,
232.

1868: Grant's candidacy, 3, 121,
175 n., 180, 189, 244, 277, 363, 364;
Johnson's candidacy, 166,189,383,
391, 394; Chase's candidacy, 244,
379, 381, 382, 385, 389-391, 393,
397, 404, 455, 457-459; Weed and
Grant movement (1867), 249;
State, 267,309, 328, 329, 375, 436,
438, 450-453, 455, 458; meeting of
Democratic National Committee,
294; Seymour's candidacy, 295,
382, 383, 390; Democratic timber,
295, 393, 394; Republican Conven-

tion, 862; RepuUican Yioe-Preflf-
dential timber, 362, 363; force and
fraud for Grant if needed, 364,
423; nomination of Grant and Col-
fax, 366; Democratic Convention,
nomination of Seymour and Blair,
881, 395-399, 408; Democratic
nominations invite d^eat, 398-
402, 436, 439, 440, 443, 446, 450,
455-458, 464; attitude of Johnson
and Cabinet after nominations,
401, 402, 404, 408-410, 415, 429,
443, 450; attitude of Conserva-
tives, 404, 405, 411, 462; move-
ment for third candidate, 405; ex-
clusion of vote of certain States,
405; issues, 430, 445; movement to
withdraw Seymour, 454, 458, 450;
frauds in State, 460; results, 463;
frauds in Federal, 463; electoral
vote counted, 524; Grant officially
informed, 525; Connecticut (1869)
as barometer of reaction, 571,
572.

Eliot, T. D., report on Louisiana, 3,
41.

EUa and Annie, captures Chesapeake^
1,508.

Ellet, H. W., and control by Navy
Department, z, 180, 272, 273.

Elliott, H. H., on New York senti-
ment (1862), z, 119.

Ely, J. S., removed, 2, 597.

Emancipation, Lincoln's first refer-
ence, z, 70; Cabinet on prelimin-
ary proclamation, 142-145, 158-
160; Lincoln serenaded, 147; effect
of preliminary proclamation, 158;
Cabinet on final proclamation, 209,
210; proclamation published, 212;
Welles on importance, 212; prob-
able effect in South, 219; and
Reconstruction, 403, 415, 2, 579;
Carpenter's picture, z, 527, 549;
Lincoln and compensated, 2, 237;
Welles on results, 431. See also
Slavery, Thirteenth Amendment.

Emma, Queen, of Hawaiian Islands,
at Washington, a, 575, 577, 582,

INDEX

611

596, 598; to return home in war
yessel, 596, 598, 601, 604.

Emma^ priie, sale to Navy, z, 437,
438, 445, 446.

Emory, W. H., pursuit of Elariy, 2,
85; on Red River campaign, 86;
and removal of Stanton, 3, 283,
288, 289, 299, 338.

Engineer Corps of Navy, movement
to reorganize, 3, 252-254, 283, 385.
See also laherwood.

Engle, Frederick, and Chiriqui
Grant, z, 151.

English, J. E., gubernatorial candi-
dacy and Reconstruction views
(1866), 2, 427, 429, 452, 454-462,
465, 468, 474; elected (1867), 3,
77; messages (1867),87<«9; (1868),
382; political career, 88; reelec-
tion, 267, 329.

Enlistments, habeas corpus proceed-
ings (1867), 3> 208-222. See also
Draft.

Equipment and Recruiting, Bureau
of. See Foote (A. H.), Smith (A. N.),
Smith (Melancthon).

Ericsson, John, Passaic, z, 179; Afon^
iloT^ 214; and guns for monitors,
342; and light-draft monitors, 2,
81, 108, 241, 350.

Erie, Lake, Confederate operations
(1864), 2, 151-153.

Etheridge, Emerson, and Lincoln's
Cabinet, 2, 390.

Etiquette, official, 2, 251.

Etting, F. M., and Fort Pickens, z,
30; and Norfolk Navy Yard, 43.

Eutaw, test of speed, z, 512, 516,
519.

Evarts, W. M., and Chief-Justice-
ship, 2, 181 ; and Attorney-Gener-
alship (1864), 183; Henderson
case, 220; and trial of Davis, 365,
367; impeachment counsel, 3, 298,
307, 308, 330, 342; character, 307,
409, 492 ; and State portfolio (1868),
364; Attorney-General, 390, 409;
on use of troops as posse, 430; ab-
senteeism, 446, 451, 463; Cabinet

and public dinner to, 464-468; and
Alabama claims, 470; opinion on
eight-hour law, 471; and Pacific
Railroad, 474; and legal tender,
480; on court-martial punish-
ments, 481; on confiscation, 504;
and Grant and Seward, 51 1 ; recep-
tion, 512; and holding over under
Grant, 533; and inauguration, 537,
538, 541.

Everett, Edward, and Dahlgren, 2, 7;
death, 225; Welles on career, 225.

Ewing, Thomas, Sr., and Wilkes
case, 2, 203; and Dahlgren, 3, 92;
and Cabinet office (1867), 232;
(1868), 286.

Fairion, , master in Brooklyn

Navy Yard, offensive partisanship,
z, 178.

Farragut, D. G., Vicksburg operar
tions, z, 72, 79, 218, 249, 274, 314;
and W. D. Porter, 88, 145; and dis-
missal of Preble, 190, 191 ; and loss
of Galveston, 230; as officer, 230,
237, 431, 2, 133; and command
against Charleston, z, 311 ; at New
York (1863), 396; visits to Welles,
431, 2, 223, 490, 3, 101, 469; Lin-
coln on, z, 440; predicts defeat of
Sabine Pass expedition, 441; and
Du Pont. 477, 2, 119; MobUe Bay,
100, 105, 124, 133; how selected
for New Orleans expedition, 116,
134; and conunand against Wil-
mington, 127, 146, 165; desires
rest,' 145; and cotton trade, 159;
visits James River force, 230, 232;
and Fox's presumptions, 232, 233;
favors an Admiralty Board, 233;
of Board of Promotions, 235;
Craven court martial, 396; com-
mission as Admiral, 562, 563; in
Johnson's tour, 584, 588; European
cruise, 3, 104, 123; and line and
staff differences, 501; ill and feek
sUghted (1869), 582.

Farragut, Mrs. D. G., in Johnson's
tour, a, 589.

612

INDEX

Fast, national (1863), x, 288; (1864),
3,93.

FauDce, John, captain of the Harriet
Lanef z, 23.

Faxon, Wniiam, Chief Clerk, x, 76,
92; iUness, 250, a, 80, 100; excur-
siona, x, 394, a, 65, 3, 396; and
Laird's statement, z, 401; and
Wellee's paper on neutral rights,
451; and captured mails, 491;
Hale's animosity, 523; and frauds
of contractors, 540, a, 53; and re-
lief of naval contractors, 207; and
Osbom, 219; vacations, 269, 3,
423; and Fox's official trip abroad,
a, 509 ; and sale of ironclads, 3, 387 ;
as official, 550; resigns, 550.

Federal Constitution, recognition of
Deity, a, 190; sacredness, 3, 372;
Johnson's suggested amendments,
406, 407. See aleo Reconstruction,
and amendments by number.

Felton, 8. M., and Lee's invasion, i,
332, 343; and Early's raid, a, 69.

Fenians, raid (1866), a, 450,451, 453,
454, 484, 486, 518-521, 623, 524;
counsel for trials in England, 283.

Fenton, R. E., on partisanship in

^ Brooklyn Navy Yard, i, 178; and
Johnson's tour, slights Seward, a,
592; and Welles (1867), 3, 201;
Vice-Presidential candidacy, 362;
Senatorial election, 508, 509.

Ferry, O. S., election to Senate, a,
605, 509; character, 3, 523.

Ferry, T. W., investigation of Phila-
delphia Navy Yard, 3, 416.

Fessenden, W. P., and dismissal of
Preble, i, 162, 163, 188-190, 228;
Senate committee on Seward, 196-
198; on Welles's administration,
228; and coast defense, 364, 366;
wants prize court at Portland,
366,491; and J. P. Hale, 491; and
naval contract frauds, 541 ; Secre-
tary of the Treasury, a, 64, 65;
and cotton trade regulations, 66,
138, 162, 240, 258; and Greeley's
peace negotiations, 84, 99; adver-

ILmb a loan, 86; and honoring of
naval requisitions, 114, 141; and
Seward-Stanton dique, 120, 173,
3, 173; and collectorship at New
York, a, 137; on control of aban-
doned plantations, 150; as finan-
cier, 163, 180, 239, 329; criticism
of naval officers, 172; and Cabinet
consultations, 203; and Draper,
220; and Nasby's book, 238; and
successor in Treasury, 244, 245;
attitude on Reconstruction, 415;
relation to Radicals and to John-
son, 447-449; and Foster, 510;
as leader in Senate, 635, 3, 14;
and Bay of Samanii, a, 643; and
Chandler, 3, 138; and Chase, 306;
impeachment vote, 345, 349-^1,
360; and successor to Stanton,
409; loses political pow^, 505;
and party fealty, 515.

Field, D. D., and naval affairs, z,
112; and Evening Past, a, 61; and
State portfolio, 3, 184; and im-
peachment counsel, 303, 308; Sew-
ard on, 303.

Field, M. B., as official, a, 62.

Field, S. J., appointment to Su-
preme Court, I, 245; on Johnson,
3, 64, 65; McCardle case, 320.

Field, T. Y., court martial, 3, 140.

Fifteenth Amendment, in Senate, 3,
524 ; as prerequisite to Reoonstruo-
tion, 574, 575.

Finances, cost of foreign drafts, x,
147; and military success, 520;
differences on policy (1864), a, 57;
Johnson's message on (1868), 3,
478, 479, 482, 487. See also Chase,
Fessenden, McCulloch, Paper
money, Taxation.

Fingal, (Confederate ironclad, z, 72;
captured, 336, 341, 344.

Fish, Hamilton, and English mis-
sion, 3, 257; Secretary of State,
551; character, 551.

Fisher, G. P., and Stanton, 3, 160.

Fisher, Fort. See Wilmington.

Fisk, James, Jr., and Bowles, 3, 490.

INDEX

613

Five Forks, battle, a, 272.

Flagg, A. C, as politician, 3, 226.

Flambeaut brings news of attack on
Charleston, x, 266.

Flanders, B. F., control of aban-
doned plantations, a, 148, 149.

Fleming, C. £., promotion, z, 77.

Florida, Thayer's scheme to colonise,
X, 206; Federal defeat in (1864),
531.

Florida, (Onto), discharged at Nas-
sau, z, 109; passes blockade at
Mobile, 140, 141, 230; question of
blockading at Brest, 438, 440;
pursuit, a, 39; capture in neutral
waters, 184-186, 197, 276.

Flusser, C. W., death, a, 17.

Fogg, G. G., recall, a, 388; on forma-
tion of Lincoln's Cabinet, 388-
392; political character, 690; Re-
construction views, 600, 601; and
Chandler, 3, 372.

Fontan^, P. H. W., on conditions in
South, z, 316.

Foot, Solomon, and appointment of
midshipmen, x, 227; resigns from
Naval Committee, 227; and John
Gilpin prize case, 297; and Re-
construction, a, 415; death, 465;
funeral, . 466; Welles's relations,
466.

Foote, A. H., as bureau chief, x, 74,
75, 92, 93; on Pope and Halleck,
120; Mississippi River operations,
167; of boiu^ on dismissal of
Preble, 191 ; and letters of marque,
256, 260; and command against
Charleston, 311, 314, 317, 318,325,
326, 346, 347; iUness, 384-336;
Welles's relations, 335, 345, a,
135; death, x, 345; as officer, a,
353.

Foote, Fort, useless, x, 474.

Forbes, J. M., on Wilkes in West
Indies, x, 298; and Lincoln's
renomination, a, 4; on issues of
Presidential campaign (1864), 141;
and Smith Bros., 263.

Forbes, P. S., and Diokerson's en-

gine, a, 346, 356, 361; contract for
Idaho, 418, 3> 29.

Forbes, R. B., and purchase of CherO'
kee, If 516.

Ford, , and Indian affairs (1865),

a, 362.

Ford, , and district-attomeyship

in New York (1869), 3« 565.

Ford's Theatre, movement to pur-
chase, a, 317; closed by Stanton,
331.

Foreign affairs, character of Grant's
appointments, 3, 577, 578. : Se$
al9o Blockade, Neutrality, Seward,
and nations by name.

Forged proclamation incident, a, 35,
37,38.

Formosa, attack on natives (1867),
3,182.

Forney, J. M., and Welles, x, 386;
and Hoover case, a, 418; on Washr
ington's Birthday speech, 438;
and Stevens, 486; and Maryland
deetion (1866), 620; reception for
Congress, 627, 630-632; and John-
son, 3, 6; Senatorial candidacy, 16;
and impeachment, 26. See also
Washington Chronide,

Forrest, Moreau, brings news of
attack on Charleston, x, 267.

Forrest, N. B., Kentucky raid
(1864), a, 12; Fort PiUow mas-
sacre, 23-25.

Forsyth, John, Confederate com-
missioner, Seward's intrigue, x,
26; on Pope's administration, 3,
242.

Foster, J. G., captures Goldsbo>
ough, X, 206; preparation against
Charleston, 236, 237, 265; Lin-
coln's opinion, 350; operations in
North Carolina, 381.

Foster, L. S., and Indian affairs
(1865), a, 362; fails of reflection,
505, 507, 508; and Johnson, 510;
and Italian mission, 3, 24; end of
Senatorship, 58; and Austrian*
mission, 68, 70; and Court of
Claims, 372.

614

INDEX

Fourteenth Amendment, Welles on,
a, 516, 522, 549; amendment and
passage, 526, 527; and Union
Convention, 529, 534, 539; atti-
tude of Johnson and Cabinet, 532,
533, 535-537, 628, 630, 649; adop-
tion by States, 541, 557; as issue
(1866), 608-610, 618; rejection in
South, 636; Grant favors, 3, 8;
proclamation of ratification, 417.

Fowler, J. S., impeachment vote,
3,356.

Fox, G. v., and relief of Sumter, x,
9, 14^ 15, 21-23, a, 248, 374; and
Monitor^ z, 64; at Portsmouth, 87;
and J. P. Hale, 150, 485, 488, a, 6;
and ironclads, z, 179, 495; and
Lord Lyons, 192; on question of
Galveston blockade, 234; and pre-
parations against Charleston, 236,
265, 266; and letters of marque,
261; and failure before Charles-
ton, relations with Du Pont, 276,
302, 311, 344, a, 8; and renewal
of operations, and Dahlgren, x, 390,
313, 317; and Taeony, 827, 333;
and guns for monitors, 342; ex-
cursions, 394, a, 31, 65, 340, 3> 396;
and Laird's statement, z, 395, 401;
weakness for seeming authority,
other qualities as official, 401, a,
232,233,308,418; inspectsC^i^, z,
428; and Welles's paper on neutral
rights, 451; and Welles's annual
report (1863), 479; and speed test
of naval vessels, 511, 512; H. W.
Davis's antagonism, 531; and
trade permits, 536; and naval con-
tract frauds, 536, 538-541, 547, a,
5, 53, 54, 56, 58; and transfer of
soldier seamen to Navy, z, 546,
547; and Butler, a, 16, 17, 19;
and light-draft monitors, 52, 81,
108, 241, 350, 351; on Presidential
visits to headquarters, 55; vaca-
tion, 100; and D. D. Porter, 129,
235; and Wilmington expedition,
133, 146-148, 150, 209, 214, 215,
230; and Farragut, 134; and ex-

cbangeof naval prisonerB, 168, 109;
and Admiral Lee, 172, 173; and
pohtics in navy yards, 175; and
relief of naval contractors, 207;
and Osbom, 219; attacks on, 241,
247; reply, 248, 251; and Blaine,
250; trip to Havana, 267; and
Stimers, 351; and Pendergraat
case, 364; and Seward, 384; talks
of resigning, 395, 418; official trip
to Russia, 506, 509, 512, 514; on
impeachment, 3, 338.

Fractional currency, discussion In
Cabinet, z, 168.

Frailey, J. M., and Jefferson Davifl,
a, 308.

Fnmce, mediation, z, 235; tobaceo
at Richmond, 338-340, a, 9, 12;
better attitude (1863), z, 443, 445,
494, 495; (1864), a, 35, 39; irondada
for Confederates, 35, 65, 254; cap-
tured cotton claimed by, 106, 107;
and Confederate privateering, 159;
withdraws right of belligerency,
319; Seward and American poa-
sessions, 393; Exhibition, 462, 469;
purchase of ironclads, 3, 92. See
also Mexico.

Franklin, W. B., Peninsular cam-
paign, z, 96; and Second Bull Run,
97, 104, 110.

Frauds. See Corruption.

Fredericksburg, battle, z, 191-193.

FredoniQf wrecked, 3, 435, 449.

F^eedmen's Bureau, lack of funda, a,
413; bill and veto (1866), 431-
437; second bill passed over veto,
554; headship (1867), 3i 142. See
aUo Abandoned plantations.

F^relinghuysen, F. T., and impeach-
ment, 3, 335, 346, 348.

Fremont, J. C, candidacy (1864), Z|
525; nomination, a, 41; 1856 cam-
paign, 41; Benton said to have
written his journals and War De*
partment report on (1848), 42; as
officer in War, 42; withdrawal of
nomination expected, 120; with-
draws, 156.

INDEX

615

French Exhibition, use of naval yes-
eels to transpc^ exhibits, a, 462,
469.

Frontier policy, Scott's, for Civil
War, I, 84-86, 125, 172, 242.

Fry, J. B., and Stanton, 3, 279.

Fugitive Slave Law, late case in the
District, z, 313.

Fuller, Perry, nominated as Com-
missioner of Internal Revenue, 3,
391.

Galiani, F. A., on use of neutral wa-
ters by belligerents, z, 464.

Galveston, captured by Confeder-
ates, z, 220, 230; question of
blockade, 234.

Garcia y Tassara. See Tassara.

Garfield, J. A., as Radical, a, 247.

Geary, J. W., at Antietam anniver-
sary, 3, 202.

General, Grant's commission, a,
562, 563; attempt to bestow brevet
on Sherman and Thomas, 3, 279,
282, 284. See also Lieutenant-
general.

General Sherman, destruction, 3, 485.

Georgia, supposed peace commis-
sioner, a, 125, 126; desire for re-
union, 158; case of illegal imprison-
ment (1868), 3f 420, 421; vote
excluded (1868), 525.

Germantovonf at Norfolk Navy Yard,
1,42.

Gerolt, Baron von, Prussian Minis-
ter, z, 95.

Gettysburg campaign, first rumors of
invasion, z, 328, 330; Milroy, 328,
330-333; insecurity and uncer-
tainty at Washington, 329, 338,
342, 343, 350, 351, 353; Curtin's
alarm, 330, 350, 358; call for vol-
unteers, 331; passivity of Federal
army, 331, 335; invasion denied,
332; fight at Aldie, 336, 338; de-
pression of Administration, 340;
Lincoln and Hooker, 344, 348;
McClellan rumor, 345; Meade su-

« persedes Hooker, 848; queslioii of

counter-movement on Richmond,
349,351,359; Meade as comman-
der, 349, 851 ; Lee in Pennsylvania,
350, 352; policy of merely driving
Confederates back, 352, 358, 363,
369; battle, 354, 356-358; Lee's es-
cape, 357, 363, 364, 366, 368^75;
proposed demonstration on Wash-
ington by Beauregard, 359, 376;
and draft riots and Stephens's
znission, 369; Sickles on sdection
of field, 472.

Gillem, A. C, and military govern-
orship, 3, 245.

Gillett, R. H., interview with Taney,
a, 184.

Gillis, J. H., wreck of Waiereey 3, 449.

Gillis, J. P., Sumter expedition, Zf
23.

GiUmore, Q. A., Charleston opera>
tions, z, 310, 317, 380, 382-<385,
449, 475, 547; and Dahlgren, 434,
474; and Wilmington expedition,
a, 128, 133; and Wellee's visit to
Beaufort, 313.

Gilmore, J. R., mission to Richmond,
a, 109.

Gilpin, Charles, and navy-yazd
frauds, a, 205.

Given, J. T., candidacy for maycMr, 3,
381.

Glisson, O. S., and League Island, 3,
552.

Glover, Samuel, and impeachment
counsel, 3, 307.

Gkxion, S. W., in Washington, a, 317;
and Paraguay (1866), 491, 543;
and Webb, 3, 208; on Port Royal,
217.

Godwin, Parke, and Henderson case,
z, 542, a, 60, 104; as editor, 61.

Gold, discoveries (1864) and cur-
rency problem, a, 179, 180. See
alao Paper money.

Gold bill, enacted, a, 54.

Goldsborough, L. M., and Wilkes's
command in James River, z, 73;
fear of Merrimae, 142; and Eairly's
nud, a, 73; and command of WH-

ei6

l):>^

mington expedition, 147; and pro-
motion, 604; and Suiratt, 3, 29;
and Cretans, 70; question of re-
tirement, 85, 86, 99, 107-109, 185;
and vice-admiralship, 562.

Goldsborough, Mrs. L. M., and re-
tirement of husband, 3, 107.

Qoldsborough, N. C, captured, Z|
206.

Goooh, D. W., and Charlestown
Navy Yard, z, 374, 380, a, 31, 34;
and Smith Bros, case, z, 540, a, 53,
263; of Committee on Conduct

I of the War, 198; and Stanton's

. plan of Reconstruction, 291; and
naval patronage, 325; and Boston

; ooUectorship, 357; Naval Officer,
381.

Gooding, D. S., excursion, a, 330.

Goodman, , of Connecticut, can-
didate for internal revenue office
(1862), I, 78.

Goodman, , on guilt of Smith

Bros., a, 53.

Goodrich, J. Z., position threatened,
a, 356.

Goodwin, J. N., Arizona office, z,
409.

Governors, Altoona Confereboe, Z|
153, 156; character of messages
(1863), 219.

Graham, W. A., and Lincofai's Cabi-
net, 2, 390.

Grand Gulf, captured, z, 295.

Granger, Gordon, Mobile Bay, a,
114; and command at Washing-
ton (1868), 3» 317.

Grant, H. A., appointment to ool-
lectorship, 2, 612, 651.

Grant, U. S., Welles's portraiture, z,
xlvii; Vicksburg, 308, 309, 311, 314,
820, 324, 364, 371 ; intercepts sup-
plies from Texas, 379; and Navy,
379,2,6; and McCIemand, z,387;
and drink, 388, 2, 214; and cotton
trade, z, 511; at Lincoln's recep-
tion, Welles's first impressions, 538,
589; presentation of commisdon,
689; and Early's raid, a, 68, 69; as 1

eommander, 68, 70, 78, 90, 01, M,
276» 3t 121, 122; reported disagree-
ment with Stanton (1864), a, 79;
puts Sheridan in the Valley, 06;
and Wilmington expedition, But-
ler's command, 133, 146, 150, 214-
216, 222; and exchange of naval
prisoners, 171; and dismisBal of
Butler, 223; and naval force in
James River, 230, 232; goes to
Fort Fisher, 230; and resumption
of trade, 280, 281; on Stone's Riv-
er, 283; character, 283 n., 3, 274,
863, 530, 587; and Sherman's peace
terms, a, 294, 295, 310; and custody
of Davis, 309; and Mexico, 317,
322, 333, 621, 624; and post-War
army movements, 352, 355-^7,
861,362; Johnson'sattitude (1865),
367; Southern tour (1865), 397,
398; and Fenian raid, 451, 453,
518, 519; and Confederate parolee,
476; reception attended by both
elements (1866), 477, 478; and pro-
posal to oust Stanton (1866), 529;
conmussion as General, 562, 563;
in Johnson's tour, 584, 588, 591-
593; and Union Convaition, 582;
on Johnson's Copperhead support-
ers, 591, 592, 595; and Indian af-
fairs, 613, 3, 98, liO; importance
of political attitude (1866), a, 646;
and negro suffrage for the District,
3, 5, 15; and Fourteenth Amend-
ment, 8; and Constitution, 15; and
revolutionary plans of Radicals,
27; and enforcement of Civil
Rights Bill, 3, 42, 44; changing at-
titude towards Johnson, 56, 72,
141, 155, 184, 185, 196, 199, 282;
and selection of military governors,
62, 63, 65; and Sheridan's letters,
117, 125-127; and Tennessee dis-
turbances, 140, 211; and Maryland
election (1866), 140, 141; and re-
moval of Sheridan, 154, 174, 186,
187, 500; Secretary of War ad ui-
terim, 160, 167-169, 240; and execu-
tioa ol Reconstruction Acta, 169,

INDEX

617

182, 183, 186, 187-190, 193, 242,
277, 298; and charges against
Holt, 172, 173; secret opposition
to the Administration (1867),
175 n. ; talk with Welles on Recon-
struction Acts, 177-181; Welles
and Butler on, as political igno-
ramus, 180, 181, 665; and Cabinet-
meetings, 188, 190; reception to
generals, 208; and habeas carpua
proceedings on enlistments, 212,
213; and Reconstruction elections,
207; and court of inquiry for Sick-
ks, 207, 232; Sherman expected
to influence, 221, 232; opposes
further pardons (1867), 231; let-
ter on Stanton, 240; Johnson's at-
tempt to have understanding with,
233-236; and question of arresting
Johnson, 235, 238; Welles fears
"man on horseback," 245, 246,
249, 270, 545, 659, 564; and rein-
statement of Stanton, Johnson con-
troversy, 258-262, 266-279, 465,
491, 500; and Radical society, 278;
and currency question, 494; pro-
scribes Johnson and Cabinet,
Evarts dinner, 464-468, 491, 494,
497, 612; Johnson and Cabinet
and inauguration, 498, 600, 632,
686-538, 540-542; Welles fore-
casts character as President, 483,
625; Cabinet, 488, 530, 635, 643-
649; dines with Seward, 508, 611;
Attends a Blair wedding, 519; po-
litical attitude before inaugura-
tion, 526, 530; nepotism, 627;
Johnson's Cabinet on holding over
under, 529, 530, 532, 535; inaugu-
ration parade, 542; inaugural, 644;
and Johnson's last pardons, 647,
666; and Tenure-of-CMQfice Act, 557,
669, 571 ; and reorganisation of the
Navy, 658-560; character of ap-
pointments, 575-578. See also
Elections (l868), Virginia cam-
paign.
Grant, Mrs. U. S., confident of hus-
tMuod's election, 3i 389.

Gray, J. G. C, and Evening Post, a,
61.

Great Britain, hostile attitude, z, 74,
79, 299, a, 431; and Confederate
cruisers, z, 109, 111, 165, 176, 207,
246, 247, 250-262, 255, 262; slave-
trade cruising convention, 155,
163, 166, 192, 193; and the Ber-
muda, 170; and captured mails,
180, 266, 269-289, 290, 302-304;
and Wilkes in West Indies, 298;
better attitude, 299, 305, 445, 495;
ministry and Roebuck's motion,
874; and Federal successes, 379,
886; Laird rams, 399, 406, 428,
486-488, 443, 448; Mani Blane
incident, capture in neutral waters,
416-427; and sale of prize Emma
to Navy, 438, 445, 446; Welles on
attitude and policy toward, 463;
. vMt of Admiral Milne, 468, 469;
Chesapeake incident, 490, 608;
change in ministry threatened
(1864), a, 67, 71 ; and Confederate
privateering, 159; question of re-
fusing hospitality to navy of, 819,
820, 327; withdraws ri^t of bel-
ligerency, 319. See aUo Alabama
claims.

Greece, seeks ironclads, 3, 207.

Gredey, Horace, on loss of Norfolk
Navy Yard, z, 50, 51 ; and Welles,
a, 12, 260; peace negotiations, 83,
94, 99, 110, 271, 272; attitude to-
ward Lincoln (1864), 87, 104, 130;
Lincoln likens him to an old shoe,
112; and Butler, 222-224; appetite
for notoriety, 272 ; and formation of
Lincoln's cabinet, 391 ; on Alaska,
3, 84; and Stanton, 173. Seejodso
New York Tribune,

Gregory, F. H., and ironclads, z, 163;
and Charleston expedition, 276,
311, 315; report on ChimOf a, 52;
as officer, 116. «

Grey Jacket, prize case, a, 469, 492^
493.

Grier, R. C, McCardle case, St
820.

618

INDEX

QrifiBn, Charles, and Second Bull
Run, X, 110.

Qriffin, J. Q. A., Congressional as-
pirations (1865), a, 381.

Gri£5ths, J. W., and frauds, z, 511.

Grimes, J. W., and loss of Norfolk

. Navy Yard, Zi 54; Senate commit-
tee on Seward, 196, 197, 206; on
J. P. Hale, 227, 490; and naval
affairs, 485, 488, 490, 519, a, 11, 3,
252, 515, 531, 558, 563, 564; and
prosecution of fraudulent contract-
ors, z, 540, 541; excursions, a, 31,
422; and relief of contractors, 207;
attitude towards Radicals and to-
wards Johnson, 379, 447-450; Pre-
sidential aspirations, 405; attitude
towards South (1866), 444; politi-
cal character, 447; and tariff, 542;
on popular support of Congress,
632; as leader of Senate, 635, 3, 14;
and Bay of Saman^, a, 643 ; and dis-
znissal of Radicals from navy yards,
3, 13, 18; and Danish West Indies,
97; and impeachment, 338, 342,
846, 350, 351, 360, 361; paralysis,
353, 354, 356; and successor to
Stanton, 409; and party fealty,
515; and repeal of Tenure-of-
Office Act, 567, 568.

Grinnell, M. H., and Navy Depart-
ment, z, 216, 512-514; and Seward
and Grant, 3, 511; collectorship,
560; character, 561.

Qriswold, J. A., defends Navy De-
partment, z, 531; excursion, a, 31;
and Sherman, 3, 265; and Monitor ,
412-414; and Treasury portfolio,
649.

Groesbeck, W. S., impeachment
counsel, 3, 302, 308, 330, 352.

Grover, Cuvier, at Savannah, a,
813.

Grover, Martin, and Wilmot Pro-
viso, 2, 386.

Grow, G. A., and Welles, z, 482.

Gulf Squadron, command (1861), z,
76. See also Pickens, West Gulf
Squadron.

Gurley, J. A., death, x, 408; and
Welles, 408.

Gurley, P. D., at death-bed of lin-
coin, a, 288, 292, 294.

Gurowski, Count Adam, character,
z, 187, 326, a, 100; on Radicals
and selection of Lincoln's cab-
inet, z, 325; diary, a, 101; and
Welles, 101; on Johnson's habits,
438.

Guthrie, James, and restriction of
movement of naval officers, a, 494;
and Coombs's claim, 3, 528.

Gwathmey, Washington, and Fort
Pickens, z, 29.

Hobscu corpua, writ of , privilege sua-
pended, z, 150; suspension to pr&>
vent defeat of draft, 432, 433, 435;
power to suspend, 433; post-War
conditions in South, a, 366; pro-
ceedings on enlistments (1867), 3,
208-222. See aUo Arbitrary ar-
rests.

Hahn, Michael, in Washington
(1864), a, 99.

HflJe, Charles, excursion, a, 31.

Hale, J. M., death, 3, 520, 521.

Hale, J. P., Welles's portndture, z,
zxx; and loss of Norfolk Navy
Yaid, 48-54; and appointment of
midshipmen, 146, 147, 149; rda-
tions with Welles and Navy De-
partment, 187, 206, 224, 227, 808,
384, 386, 505, 507, 509, 522, 523,
a, 5, 6, 51, 52, 193, 231, 234, 238,
250, 251, 275, 3> 25; and chair-
manship of Naval Committee
(1863), z, 482, 484, 490; Welles's
plain speech with, 485-489; antag-
onism to Fox, 485, 488, a, 6; and
bribe, z, 489, 522; and naval enlist-
ments, 499; Grimes's opin]on,'490;
and purchase of Cherokee, 516;
and Faxon, 523, 529; fails of re-
election, a, 51 ; and Farragut, 116;
loses chairmanship of Naval Com-
mittee, 193; Minister to Simin,
255, 257; question of public ship

INDEX

619

' for, 268; as Minister, a, 452, 518,

' 553,578.

Hale, R. C, death, z, 354.

Hall, , fugitive-elave case in the

District (1863), z, 313.

Hall, J. C, at death-bed of Lincoln,
3,286.

Halleck, master, and politics inBrook-
lyn Navy Yard, j, 123.

Halleck, H. W., Welles's portraiture,
z, xxix; and Navy in James River,

\ 83; and Second Bull Run, 03, 97,
09, 105, 122; Welles's opinion of,
as general-in-chief, 107, 119, 134,
179, 180, 192, 209, 216, 218, 320,
324, 329, 364, 373, 376, 379, 383,
392, 442, 444, 471, 472, 2, 92; ori-
gin of general command, z, 108,
119, 221; and McClellan, 116, 120,
122, 124, 179; and Navy, 121, 365,
a, 12; indecision after Antietam,
z, 153; and Norfolk trade, 173;
and forged Cooper dispatch, 176;
and control over war vessels on
Mississippi, 180; and McCler-
nand, 217, 388; and renewal of at-
tack on Charleston, 309, 324, 382,
383, 385; and Vicksburg, 314, 320,
324, 365, 367; Lincoln's reliance
on, 320, 329, 364, 371, 526; and
Gettysburg campaign, 328, 330,
331, 338, 342, 349-352, 358, 363,
366, 368-370, 373; Blair's plan for
McClellan to supersede, 345; and
expedition into western Texas,
390-392, 442; and Almaden mines,
397; Chase's final antagonism, 402,
447; and Chickamauga, 438, 442;
and commanders of the Army of
the Potomac, 440; and Sabine Pass
expedition, 441 ; and Chattanooga,
444, 447; and Meade's autumn
campaign, 473; at presentation of
Grant's commission, 539; and new
draft (1864), 542; and transfer of
men to Navy, 547; and Red River
campaign, 2, 18, 27; and Early's
raid, 69, 70, 72, 76-78, 84; Bates's
antagonism, 93; and Mobile, 100,

165; and exchange of naval pris-
oners, 170; fears at second inaugu-
ration, 251; and capture of Rich-
mond, 272; and Sherman, 309; and
custody of Davis, 309; and Alas-
kan commission, 3, 129, 141; ob-
struction of the Potomac, 436.

Halpine, C. G., and impeachment, 3,
349.

Hamersley, W. J., and Welles, 3, 587.

Hamilton, A. J., cotton-trade per-
mit, a, 159, 162, 163, 167; as Gov-
ernor of Texas, a, 315, 316, 420,
580; character, 315.

Hamlin, Hannibal, and Welles, z,
82; and coast defense, 364, 366;
request for prize court, 366; ques-
tion of renomination, a, 44, 46, 47;
and reappointment of Brown,
342, 344-346; and Boston coUect-
orship, 356; and formation of Lin-
coln's cabinet, 389 ; Vice-Presiden-
tial candidacy (1868), 3»362; Sena-
torial contest (1869), 505, 517.

Hammond, Henry, appointment, Z|
510.

Hampton Roads Conference, a, 235,
236,238.

Hancock, W. S., Gettysburg, z, 472;
Spottsylvania, a, 29; and Indian
troubles, 3, 99; as military gov-
ernor, 186, 204, 241, 242, 245, 277,
298; and Democratic Presidential
nomination (1868), 295, 394, 397,
400, 456; in Washington (1868),
317.

Hannah Oranif seizure by Venosuela,
3, 296, 349.

Hanscom, Isaiah, and navy-yazd
position, 3, 139.

Hanscom, S. P., and Banks, a, 178;
character, 653; and attack on Navy
Department, 3, 325.

Harcourt, Sir W. G. V., on captured
mails, z, 315.

Hardie, W. J., Savannah, a, 208.

Harlan, James, Secretary of the In-
terior, a, 30i7; on ironclad oath,
318,445,450; and closing of Ford's

620

INDEX

Theatre, 331; and Mexico, 333,
485; and trial of Davis, 338, 389;
' on Pope, 357; and political a»-
seBBments, 380, 381 ; and Johnson's
poUoy, 395, 419, 425, 481, 524,
637, 543; political aspirations,
405; on Freedmen's Bureau Bill,
434; on Civil Rights Bill, 464; on
report of Reconstruction Commit-
tee, 497; and Fenian raid, 451;
and Colorado Bill, 503; and At-
lantic cable, 503; on Fourteenth
Amendment, 537; resigns, 563;
and impeachment, 3, 358.

Harlan, Mary, marriage, 3, 444.

Hamey, W. S., Indian Commission,
3,254.

Harper's Ferry, capture (1862), z,
140.

Harriet Lane, Sumter expedition, x,
16, 22; captured, 220; at Havana
(1865), a, 378.

EbMrrington, George, and Bankhead,
z, 131.

Harris, Clara W., and Mrs. Lincoln,
a, 287.

Harris, Ira, Senate committee on
Seward, z, 196, 198; and Weed, a,
154; Reconstruction views, 401;
faUure of reelection, 542, 3, 20;
and impeachment, 348.

Harris, John, reproved, z, 89; death,
a, 31 ; and Marine bounty, 174.

Hartt, Edward, attempt to force re-
moval, 3, 139, 417, 419.

Harvey, J. E., and Confederate com-
missioners, z, 32, a, 248; and naval
purchases in Portugal, 3, 514,
525.

Harvey, Peter, and navy-yazd ap-
pointments, 3, 446.

Harwood, A. A., of Retiring Board,
3,569.

Hastings, Dr., displaced from marine
hospital position, 2, 629.

Hatch, J. P., and Welles's visit to
Charleston, a, 312.

Haupt, Herman, and naval frauds,

f Z9 511. ^^.^CL-*

Hautflfeaille, L. B., on use of neatral
waters by belligerents, i, 464.

Hawaiian Islands, affairs (1868), jf
322, 329.

Hawley, J. R., question of army pro-
motion, z, 235, 535; and Dahl-
gren, 474, 535; and Welles's visit
to Wilmington, a, 314; restored to
duty, 369; and negro equality, 369;
political views, 433, 3, 87; guberna-
torial candidacy and Reconstrao-
tion views, a, 452, 454-462, 465,
468, 469, 474; and Cabinet office,
3,526; and Welles's return to Hart-
ford, 585.

Hay, John, at Port Royal, z, 532; on
Raymond's annoyance of Lincoln,
a, 175; and election returns, 178.

Hayti, buys gunboat, 3, 424.

Heap, G. H., and Porter, z, 249;
brings news of Red River cam-
paign, a, 26.

Heaton, David, and trade permits,
z, 527.

Heintselman, S. P., Blair on, z,
126; on McClellan's treasonable
intentions, a, 204.

Henderson, Q. A., and graft, z, 518;
reappointed, a, 316.

Henderson, Isaac, and naval frauds,
arrest and trial, z, 518, 540, 542,
a, 54, 59, 60, 78, 79, 83, 104, 185,
220, 225, 306.

Henderson, J. B., resolution on civil
service in Navy Department, a,
633, 3, 13, 21; impeachment vote,
349, 362.

Hendricks, T. A., as Presidential
timber, 3, 295, 394, 397; guberna-
torial campaign (1868), 453; as
Senator, 484.

Hicks, T. H., and Maryland patron-
age, a, 195, 196; death, 243.

Hill, Isaac, as politician, 3, 309.

Hillhouse, , and Assistant Trea-
surer at New York, a, 62.

Hillyer, W. S., and Grant's political
position, 2, 646.

Hitchcock, £. A., and exchange of

INDEX

821

f naval prisonen of war, a, 169-
171.

Hoar, E. R., Attorney-General, 3,
545; to go on the bench, 551;
opinion on revoking pardons, 555;
on relative rank of staff officers,
570.

Hoffman, H. W., question of re-
moval, 2, 105.

Hogan, John, and Johnson's tour, a,
591.

Holden, W. W., as governor, a, 580.

HoUister, Gideon, and Cuban Con-
sul-Generalship, 3, 78-80, 84, 85.

Holman, W. S., assault on Navy
Department, z, 531.

Holt, Joseph, holds over under Lin-
coln, 1, 3; and protection of Wash-
ington, 4; to review Scofield case,
a, 176; and Attorney-Generalship,
183, 187; and relief of Sumter,
274, 374; and implication of Davis,
299; Blair's attack, Welles's opin-
ion (1865), 370, 374, 423, 424;
desires a court of inquiry, 601, 604,
616; and Reconstruction, 3, 118;
Conover allegations, 143 n., 144;
Welles urges removal, 163, 167;
removal considered, 171; affidavits
of conspiracy against, 172-174.

Hood, J. B., Nashville, 2, 200.

Hooker, Joseph, commands Army of
the Potomac, z, 229; Welles's opin-
ion, 229, 294, 329; and drink, 229,
230, 324, 336, 349; Lincoln visits
headquarters, 263, 264, 294; Chan-
cellorsville, 287, 290-295, 302;
irreverence, 305, 336; and Lee's
invasion, 331, 335, 340, 342; Lin-
coln's attitude during Gettysburg
campaign, 344, 348; relieved, 348,
3^9; sent West, 444; leaves Sher-
man's army, 2, 93.

Hooper, Samuel, and Charlestown
Navy Yard, z, 374, 380; and Smith
Bros., 2, 224. 263; and collector-
ship at Boston, 357.

Hoover, Henry, movement to rein-
state, 2, 418.

Horwiti, P. J., ezcursions, x, 304, a,

31, 65, 80.
Hovey, , of Norwich, Conn., and

Cuban Consul-Generalship, 3, 80.
Hovey, A. P., and Tucker episode,

3.37.
Howard, , of Brooklyn, and

Laird's statement, z, 291, 395, 396,

401.
Howard, J. M., Senate committee on

Seward, z, 196, 198; and bank bill,

237; and Toucey, 355; character,

2, 6i33; report on suspension of
Stanton, 3, 255; and impeachment,
301,333.

Howard, Joseph, forged proclam*-
tion, 2, 37.

Howard, Mark, nomination, z, 78,
81; and Welles, 81, 82; nomination
suspended, 235, 239, 246.

Howard, O. O., and escape of Lee,
X, 374; Gettysburg, 472; report on
enforcement of Civil Bights Act,

3, 42; as head of Freedmen's Bu-
reau, 142; and Stanton's intrench-
ment in office, 323; pious fraud,
323.

Howe, T. O., and Reconstruction, a,
415; imi)eachment vote, 3, 367;
character, 479, 523.

Howell, , Matamoras trade per-
mit, z, 300 n.

Hubbard, C. D., and Johnson-
Grant controversy, 3, 269, 274.

Hubbell, J. R., and reinstatement of
a naval officer, 3, 498, 501, 503.

Hdbner, Martin, on use of neutral
waters by belligerents, z, 464.

Humphrey, James, and politics in
Brooklyn Navy Yard, a, 122, 142-
145.

Hunter, David, and James Island, z,
160; and attack on Charleston,
216; in western Virginia (1864),
a, 61; and burning of Letcher's
house, 87; retreat before Early,
87; relieved by Sheridan, 96.

Hunter, R. M. T., Hampton Roads
Conference, a, 235, 238.

622

INDEX

Hunter, William, on raising of Gal-
veston blockade, z, 233; and Peters
ho^ mails, 286; Secretary of State
, ad interim f a, 289; and implication
iof Davis, 300; and Welles, 320;
• and Shenandoah, 411.

Idaho, character of Governor (1867),
3,186.

Idaiio, construction, a, 418, 3, 29.

He k Vache. See Cow Island.

Illinois, Senatorial election (1867),
3,21.

Immigration, proposed bounties, z,
543.

Impeachment, Welles's diary on, z,
1; threats (1866), a, 395, 399,

K 627, 636; Ashley's resolution, 3, 8;
Cabinet discussion of resolution,
12; spirit and outlook of move-
' ment, 12, 17, 293, 296, 300, 301,
813, 314, 321, 324, 329, 330, 332,
834, 336, 337, 344, 350; considera-
tion of resolution, 3, 19, 20; atti-
tude of Johnson and Cabinet
towards, and arrest or suspension,
21, 27, 60, 57, 60, 62, 151, 200, 235,
237, 238, 291, 313; progress, 26,
61 ; vacation meetings of Judiciary
Committee, 90, 95, 102; character
of scrutiny, 102; attitude of House
(July, 1867), 131; Conover alle-
gations, 143-146; reports, 238,
239; House votes, 292, 295; coun-
sel for defense, 294, 298, 299, 302,
304-308, 319, 322, 323; Cabinet
discussion on consultations, 297;
articles, 299; precedents for Stan-
ton's removal, 302, 303, 311, 322;
attendance of accused, 302; notice
served, 303; Chase's importance
and conduct, 306, 327, 328; John-
son divulges defense, 311; pre-
liminaries of trial, 312, 313; public
apathy, 315, 319; attitude of Dem-
ocrats, 319; opening of trial, 319;
Johnson's reply, 319; State reso-

^lutions on, 320; replication, 321;
Butler's opening, 326; consulta-

tions of defense, 82&-332, 337;

Curtis's opening for defense, 330,
331; General Sherman's letters,
830, 331; testimony, 332-336;
Wilson's injected speech, 334; ac-
quittal in return for Presidential
discretion, 338, 360; arguments,
338, 340-342, 345, 347; and nom-
ination of Schofield, 339, 340;
acquittal expected, Welles's skep-
ticism, 341, 342, 345, 347, 349,
351, 356, 361, 367; doubtful Sena-
tors, pressure on them, 345-347»
349, 350, 354-356; policy of con-
viction on general principles, 348,
361; rumors of Johnson's resigna-
tion, 350; secret session, opinions
of Senators, 351 ; Johnson and ac-
quittal, 351, 352, 368; vote post-
poned. Radical consternation and
rage, 353, 354 ; acquittal on eleventh
article, 357; further postponement,
359; the seven Senators and party
discipline, 359, 361; abuse and
threats against them, 360, 362;
investigation of vote, 362, 366-
870, 380, 381; attempt at further
postponement, 368; acquittal on
other articles, 368; Johnson's ex-
penses, 372; Stevens and renewal,
391; Johnson and the seven Sen-
ators, 515.

Indiana, State elections (1864), a,
175; (1868), 3» 452, 453.

Indianapolis, Johnson at, 2, 594.

Indianola, Texas, plan to occupy, x,
391, 443.

Indians, execution of Northwestern,
z, 170, 186; army movements
(1865), 2, 355, 357, 360-362; de-
partmental strife for control over,
3, 30, 74, 98-100; agents, 30, 69;
report of Commission (1868),
254.

Ingalls, Rufus, and Wilderness, a,
26.

Ingersoll, E. C, and Navy Depart-
ment, 2, 430.

Ino, pursues Alabama, z, 179.

INDEX

623

Interior, Department of. See Brown-
ing (O. H.)» Harlan (James),
Smith (C. B.), Usher (J. P.).

Internal revenue, frauds (1868), 3,
434.

International law. See Belligerency,
Blockade, Maritime jurisdiction,
Neutrality, Prizes.

Irish, and the army, z, 324.

Ironclads, construction for attack
on Charleston, i, 153, 179; in at-
tack, 217, 249, 265-269, 273, 295,
302, 307, 311, 314; seaworthiness,
225,226; Welles's satisfaction with,
342, 351, 495, 499; guns, 342;
Welles and navy yaid for, a, 17;
light-draft monitors, 52, 81, 86,
108, 241, 349-351; loss of Tecum-
seh, 101 ; Dictator and PurUan, 340;
Dunderberg, 340, 341, 3, 27-29,
40, 42, 92; sale authorized, a, 602;
sale, 3, 92, 206, 341, 384, 420, 429,
438; investigation of sale, 348,
387-389; history of construction
of Monitor, 412. See aUo Confed-
erate ironclads.

IraneideSf in attack on Charleston,
z, 265, 273; burned, a, 643.

Isaac Smith f captured, z, 231.

Isherwood, B. F., at Norfolk Navy
Yard, z, 43, 44; Dickerson's as-
sault on, 504; as officer, 505, 3,
552; and speed test of naval ves-
sels, z, 511; and light-draft moni-
tors, 2, 349, 350; engines of Wam-
panoag, 3, 283.

idand Queen, captured on Lake Erie,
2, 152.

Isthmus of Panama, Seward desires
to annex, 3, 107; Cushing's canal
treaty, 526.

Jackson, Andrew, as general, z, 86.
Jackson, M. M., and TaUahoBsee, 2,

110.
Jackson, T. J., Cedar Hill, z, 78;

death, 297.
Jacobs, , and contract frauds,

1,516.

James Island, affairs at, z, 160. "

Japan, vessels built for, z, 225, a,
18^192, 561; joint expedition
against, indemnity, 189, 210, 560-
562, 3, 135; delegation to purchase
ships (1867), 87, 89, 91; StonewaU,
97, 99, 365, 513; treatment of nap
tive Christians, 230.

Jaquess, J. F., mission to Richmond,
2, 83, 109.

Jayne, William, and Dakota poli^
tics, 2, 153.

Jeffries, N. L., counsels Johnson to
retust (1868), 3, 288; and Chase's
candidacy (1868), 382; internal-
revenue nomination rejected, 414.

Jenkins, T. A., as bureau chief, 2,
357, 362, 3, 569; and Japanese del-
egation, 92; excursion, 396; in-
spection tour, 422; on Porter at
Navy Department, 561; trans-
ferred, 569.

Jewell, Marshal], and Hawley for
Cabinet office, 3, 526; Inaugura-
tion, 585; character, 586.

John Oilpin, prize, z, 297.

Johnson, , and frauds, z, 548.

Johnson, Judge, of Ohio, on Wade*
Davis protest, 2, 121.

Johnson, Andrew, Welles's portrait-
ure, Z9 zlvii; Vice-Presidential
nomination, 2, 46, 384; address as
Vice-President, 252, 253; informed
of Lincoln's death, 288; takes
oath, 289; first meeting with Cab-
inet, 289; temporary office, 289;
favors punishment of Southern
leaders, 291; at funeral of Lincoln,
292; and proclamation against
Confederate "pirates,'' 298; dele-
gations to, 300; and opening of
trade in South, 300; calls on Sew-
ard, 304; and negro suffrage, 304,
422, 580; failure to generalise,
305; and Sherman's peace terms,
310 n., 3, 247; and Texas affairs,
2, 315, 316; and blockade, 320;
appointment of midshipmen, 317,
526; Trumbull's attitude (1865),

624

INDEX

822; and Preston ISng, 823, 880;
overrun with visitorB, 828; and
Radicals (June, 1865), 325; over-
work and illness, 327, 329, 342,
847, 348, 352; excursions, 329,
331, 340; use of patronage, char-
acter of appointments, 332, 398,
899, 484, 487, 565, 616, 3> 52, 64,
74, 83,85, 147, 412, 414; andSniith
Bros, case, 2, 334; and trial of
Davis, 335-337, 365, 366, 368; and
Hamlin, 342, 344, 345; and Blairs,
843, 511, 513, 514, 578, 569, 3f 120,
165, 166, 168, 408; plan to relieve
of extra burdens, a, 354; amnesty
policy and pardons, 358, 382, 3,
193, 197-199, 394-396; first in-
dications of opposition to policy,
a, 363, 381; Cabinet support of
policy (1865), 364; and Chase, 366,
868, 619; and Reconstruction
Judges, 366; relations with Thomas
and Grant (1865), 367; intended
visit to Richmond, 375; and politi-
cal assessments, 376, 379; and
Amos Kendall, 376; on sufficiency
of executive Reconstruction, 378,
879; Congress ignores on meeting,
892; annual messages (1865), 392;
(1866), 628; (1867), 3f 237, 239;
(1868), 475, 477-480, 482; Sumner
and Welles on policy and attitude
of Cabinet (1865), 393-395, 397,
898, 400, 415, 424-426 n., 430; and
refusal to admit Southern Con-
gressmen, 387; Welles warns of
intrigue, 396, 398; and rumor of
Stanton's intention to resign
(1865), 399, 400; and pardon of
naval swindlers, 400, 401, 412;
Stanton's espionage, 403 n.; and
case of Captain Meade, 407, 3, 250,
251; receptions, 2, 408, 3, 3, 22,
252, 281, 496, 512, 539; on the
Radicals (Jan., 1866), 409, 432;
impending war with Congress,
412, 414, 421, 434; and trial of
Semmes, 420, 423, 424, 432, 457,
467, 471, 474, 476, 477; Welles

urges to public enundatloxi of pbl-
ioy, 421; and Holt, 423, 3, 171;
evil influence of Seward and Stan-
ton, 2, 425 n., 426 n., 523, 627, 528,
532, 540, 544, 556, 566, 627, 030,
662, 3, 26, 47, 64-66, 72, 73, 83,
90, 100, 116, 118-120, 123, 132-
134, 160, 191, 195, 263, 383, 403,
411, 454, 492; veto of Freedmen's
Bureau bills, 2, 432-435, 437, 664;
Washington's Birthday speech,
438-440, 647; and admission of
Tennessee Members, 442, 443, 669;
and party split, 443, 446, 464, 466,
480; and Grimes and Fessenden
(1866), 448, 449; slanders on, 464,
461; and Connecticut election
(1866), 454-461, 465, 474; veto of
CivU Rights BiU, 461, 463, 464,
476, 477, 479; and sea voyage for
son, 472, 479, 491; proclaims end
of Civil War, 473; at Grant's re-
ception (1866), 478; and Cabinet
(1866), 481-483, 487, 498, 622-626,
627, 537, 543, 555, 556, 606, 611;
effects of speechmaking, 488, 647,
648, 3,99; and Cabinet opinions
on Reconstruction Committee, a,
495-498; and Atlantic cable, 604;
and Fox's official trip abroad,
509, 512, 514; and Fenians, 51^
520, 523, 3, 283; and Fourteenth
Amendment, 2, 527, 532, 633,
535; and calling of Union Conven-
tion, 528, 531, 534, 535, 538-541;
and military interference with Ten-
nessee legislature, 554, 557; reti-
cence, hesitancy, rashness, 668, 3,
7, 46, 61, 63, 64, 127, 148, 190-192,
200, 221, 289, 290, 293, 316, 338;
and bounty bill, 2, 564; and New
Orleans riot, 572-574; Welles on
Reconstruction requirements and
appointments, 579; and Stanton's
opposition to Union Convention,
574, 575; and Queen Emma, 677,
582; and report of Union Conven-
tion, 581; and Slidell's desire to
return, 585; character of support

INDEX

625

(1866), 590, 595, 600, 602, 615, 3,
62; Democratic pressure on, for
offices, a, 598; and dismissal of
Barney, 605; Gen. Sherman in-
dorses policy, 606; on legality of
Congress, 615; and results of elec-
tion of 1866, 616-619; and Mary-
land election controversy, 620; and
Mexico, 622-624, 3» 115, 138; con-
sistency of policy, a, 629; and Bay
of Samand, 631; Congress aims to
destroy executive power, 637; and
Doolittle, 647; and Reoonstruction
Bills, vetoes, 650, 3, 9, 11, 51, 54,
55, 137; need of Washington or-
gan, a, 653 ; vetoes District suffrage
bill, 3, 3-8; and act convening
Congress, 19; Simmer's speech de-
nouncing (1867), 23; diplomatic
appointments, 24, 70. 256, 257,
285; and resignation of Motley, 24;
vetoes Colorado and Nebraska
bills, 30; and Surratt, 31; and
North Carolina's proposal of com-
promise on Reconstruction, 31-83;
opposes official pleasure trips, 40;
and Stanton's report on enforce-
ment of Qvil Rights Act, 42-46,
49; veto of Tenure-of-Office Act,
51, 54, 55; dejection, 56; and Re-
verdy Johnson, 56, 58, 59; selection
of military governors, 60, 62-65;
and Tucker episode, 69; Congress
as watch over, 73, 74; and injunc-
tion against Reconstruction Act,
80; rejection of nominations, 83-
85; plan for calm address to peo-
ple, 99; trip to Raleigh, 100, 101,
104; execution of Reconstruction
Acts, 107, 161, 164; and retirement
of Goldsborough, 108; trip to Bos-
ton, 109, 114, 116, 119, 123; and
Stanbery 's opinion on Reconstruc-
tion Acts, 109, 110, 115; and Sher-
idan's letter, 125-127, 129; and in-
surrection in Crete, 138, 425; and
Field court martial, 140; pardon
of criminals, 140, 547, 555; removal
, of Sheridan, 142, 149-155. 157.

174, 186, 187; and Conover alle-
gations, 14^-146, 149, 152, 157,
161, 168; character of associates,
147, 200, 566; suspension of Stan-
ton, 155, 157-160, 162, 163, 165,
167-169; dissatisfied with Randall,
156, 183; fatal delay in Stanton
case, 158; candidacy for renomina-
Uon, 166, 189, 383. 391, 394, 397,
398, 401, 402, 407; distrusts Sew-
ard, 168; and execution of Ten-
ure-of-Office Act, 171, 194; Grant's
secret opposition (1867), 175 n.; ru-
mofs of reorganization of Cal^ett
(1867), 183, 203, 204; talk with.
Grant on Reconstruction Aots^
188, 189; disinclined to controvert,
194; and Democrats (1867-68),
196, 199, 223, 229, 399, 403, 429;
at Antietam anniversary, 201, 202;
and Jeremiah Black, 205; and Re-
construction elections, 207; and
disturbances in Tennessee (1867),
21 1 ; effort to attach Sherman, 221,
222, 232, 233, 254, 272, 279, 281-
283; and successor to Stanton,
231, 286, 287; attempted under-
sUnding with Grant, 233-285;
message on suspension of Stanton,
240, 242; and Hancock, 241, 242;
and reinstatement of Stanton,
Grant controversy, 255, 259-262,
266-279, 465,491, 500; and WeUes,
266,470; social relations with Rad-
icals, 278; removes Stanton, 280,
284, 285, 291 ; plans for crisis, 282,
288, 291, 316, 317; attempt to ad-
Vance G. H. Thomas, 284; need of
energetic counselors, 287; accused
of planning a dictatorship, 291;
proneness for newspaper talks,
311; wrong action in Stanton case,
815; and Alta Vela affair, 817,
318, 322; political isolation and
neglect, 317, 453; significance oi
nominations of Schofield and £v-
arts,338,409; and Reconstruction
constitutions, 347, 388; rumored
change of policy and Cabineti

B26

INDEX

(May, 1806), 864» S71; and Bu-
ciutniui's funeral, 376; and C^iineee
ambMsadora, 880; taid Ckingres-
tkmaX aots of pardon, 386; veto of
hill excluding vote of unreeon-
•truoted States, 406; luggests
CScxnatitutional amendments, 406;
attitude towaids Presidential nom-
inations, 408, 410, 429, 454; at a
BohQtsenfest, 426; and internal-
revenue frauds, 434, 435; still
hopeful of a nomination (Oet.),
454, 455, 459, 462; paper on gov-
ernment expenditures, 462; and
l^uaguay, 467; and Alabama
elaims, 469-471, 507, 579; and
inanoes, 478, 479, 482, 487, 492;
and Pacific Raibroad, 490; Grant
pn^soribes, 491, 494, 497, 512; chil-
dren's party, 494; and QranVs in-
auguration, 498, 500, 532, 536-
538, 540-542; failure of Admhiis-
tniion, 514; receives students of
Georgetown College, 518; labors
over details, 526; nominates one
of Mrs. Grant's relatives, 527;
vetoes bill arming negroes for in-
auguration parade, 542; takes
leave of Cabinet, 542; Baltimore
hanquet, 550; Welles's final opin-
ion, 556; illnesB, reported death,
560; reenters Tennessee politics,
565. See also Cabinet, Impeach-
ment, Presidential tour, Recon-
struction.

Johnson, Edward, captured, a, 29.

Johnson, Reverdy, report on Union
Convention, a, 582; and Reoon-

'. struotion Bill, 3, 49, 55; and office

, for son-in-law, 56, 58; and John-

. 0on-Qrant controversy, 260, 261;
Alabama claims negotiations, 459,
468^71, 474, 506, 507; and Laird,
488.

Johnscm, Robert, intemperance, pro-
posed sea trip, a, 468, 472, 479,
491, 604, 605.

Johnson, Simeon, and Black, 3, 317;

. and late nomination of Johnson,

(1868), 454, 455; and OocHnbs's
clahn, 527-529.

Johnston, J. B., after fall of YkkB-
burg, i| 875, 879; Atlanta cam-
paign, a, 33; Sherman's peace
terms, 294.

Johnston, W. P., and politioB In navy
yards, a, 602.

Jones, J. Q.y and Johnaon'sremovals,
a^ Ovo.

Jones, J. R., Minister to Belgiam, 3,
577.

Jones, Laura, pass, a, 207.

Juares, Madame Benito, in Washing-
ton, 3, 91.

Judd, N. B., and linooln'a eahinet,
a^ 990.

Kearny, FhiHp, letter on McClellan,
1, 174.

Kearaarffet sinks AlabcanOf a, 65, 67.

Keeler, , and contract frauds, i,

540.

Kelley, W. D., defends Navy De-
partment, 1 1 581; and frauds at
navy yard, a, 224; Welles's esti-
mate, 413; radicalism, 634; Sena-
torial candidacy, 3, 16; investiga-
tion of navy yard, 416.

Kelly, Lieutenant, dismissed, x, 406.

Kelly, James, postmaster at New
Yoric, a, 155.

Kendall, Amos, and Johnson, a, 376.

Kennedy, J. P., and Goldsboroogh,
3»86.

Kenoeha, launched, 3, 422.

Kentucky, movement to exclude Re-
presentatives (1867), 3, 120.

Keokuk f in attack on Charleston, x,
265.

Keman, Frauds, and resolution to
expel Long, a, 9.

Kerr, Orpheus C. See Newell (R. H.).

Key, J. J., rebuked and dismissedy
z, 146, 156.

Keyes, E. D., demonstration towards
Richmond (1863), i, 359.

Keystone State, injured, i, 234.

Kilpatrick, H. J., raid on Riohnumd,

INDEX

«2r

' Sy 534; Chilm nJesioii, 3, 24;

. letum to dectdoneery 437» 447;

. attempt to supersede, 527.

Kingf J. W., report on Chimo, 3, 52;
headB Engineer Corpe, 3, 551; as
officer, 551; disagreement with
Porter, 573.

.King, Preston, and Welles, i, 82,
523; and Seward's resignation

. (1862), 194, 202; not to be re-
elected, 232, 233; trust in free suf-
frage, 523; and collectorship at

. New York, a, 137; political opin-
ions (1864), 197; at funeral of Lin-
coln, 293; and Sherman's peace
terms, 294; and reoonstruction of
North Carolina, 305; and Hender-
son case, 306; excursion, 840;
and Johnson, 380; suicide, 385;
importance in anti-slavery move-
ment, 385; insanity, 386; as D»no-
crat, 387.

King, Rufus, and the Pope, 3, 638.

Kingly, , and Spanish ^point-

ment, 3, 578.

Kinney, Mrs., and Mrs. Lincdn, a,
287.

Kittery Navy Yard, and politics, a,
143,586. iSee olfo Navy yards.

Knower, Benjamin, financial em-
barrassment, 3, 226.

Koemer, Gustav, at Washington
(1864), a, 138.

Koons, , and contract frauds, z,

540.

Korea, relations with, 3, 485.

^u-Klux Klan, in Arkansas (1868),
3,460.

t<aird, John, statement on Federal
application for ships, z, 291, 306,
394-396, 401; and slavery and
Civil War, 3, 488.

Lamar, C. A. L., supposed plot, i,
492, 494.

tamb, , appointment as assessor

at Norwich, Conn., a, 597.

Lamon, W. H., trip to ChaiiestoD, i,
9; and Chase, a, 391. .__

Lane, G. W., tr^e thiough blockade,
9|56.

Lane, J. H., solicits eampiagn con-
tributions, I, 534; wants removal
of Lines, a, 148.

Lansing, C. B., and vessel for Japan,
a, 188, 191, 109, 561.

Lardner, J. L«, commands West In-
dia Squadron, z« 309, 318, 319.

Latimer, Captain, and Stover, i, 515.

La Verte, Madame, in Washington
(1866), a, 427.

Law, John, and Johnson, 3, 62.

La\f , R. L., court martiaJ, z, 505.

Lawyers, bad influence in govern-
ment councils, 3f 480.

League Island Navy Yard, contro-
versy over establishing, i, 185, 207,
222, 227, 285, a, 445; biU to estab-
lish, 547, 563; acquired, 39 489; use
of unoccupied land, 553.

Leas, , on Matamoras trade, 1»

388.

Leavenwmih, J. H., report on Indian
war, 3, 98.

Lee, R. E., autumn campaign (1863),
1,469-473. iSes oJso campaigns by
name.

Lee, S. P., and Norfolk trade
through bk)ekade, 1, 166, 172, 173,
177, 318, 527, 536, a, 56; on op^-
ations in Suffolk, !» 287; and Wil-
mington blockade, 306, a, 127 > and
mission of A. H. Stephens, i, 358,
360; F. P. Blair's efforts for promo-
tion, 533, a, 161, 243; and export of
French tobacco, 9 ; and command of
Wilmington expedition, 146; trans-
ferred, 146, 147, 161; as ofllcer,
161, 504; and M. Blair, 172, 513;
and assignment to Mare Island,
504-507, 511-514; further troubles
with, 569, 578, 3, 90.

Legal tender. jSee Paper money.

Lenthall, John, as bureau chief, z,
74, 499; and Fox, 401 ; and Welles's
annual report, 479; and Hght-diaft
monitors, a, 87, 108, 241, 349-^1;
and relief of oontniotODii 207; 9/ad

628

INDEX

' turrets, 340, 341; and Porter in
Navy Department, 3, 556, 573.

Le Roy, W. £., and Morgan's inva-
sion, z, 379.

Letcher, John, house burned, 3, 76,
87.

Letters of marque, controversy over
issuing, z, 155, 246-262; and atti-
tude of England, 248, 250, 256-
259; Welles's letter and views,
25^256, 262; Seward's attempt
to involve Navy, 256, 260; 8y-
bert's application for, 260, 261;
Confederate, feared (1864), a,
158.

Lewis, Judge (Ellis?), and removal of
Chambers, i, 218.

Lewis, J. v., as preacher, 3, 393.

Lieber, Francis, and Confederate
papers, 2, 335; on trial of Semmes,
407.

Lieutenant-general, Grant's com-
mission, I, 539. See aUo General.

Lincoln, Abraham, formation of
Cabinet, i, xx, 81, 230, 2, 388-392;
Welles's portraiture, z, xl-xlii; and
relief of Sumter, 5, 9, 13-39; re-
luctance to ofifend South, 6, 40;
convinced of necessity by Blair, 13;
and Seward's interference with
expedition, 16-18, 24, 39; and
Fort Pickens, 25, 29; and D. D.
Porter, 36, 158, 259, 369, 449; and
Seward's assumption of leader-
ship, 37; and Norfolk Navy Yard,
41, 54, 84; appointment of Stan-
ton, 57-59; and Merrimae scare,
62, 65, 66; General Order No. 1, on
McClellan's ''slows," 63, 95-97;
on Stanton's *'navy," 67; and
Welles's administration, 69, 81,
428, 440, 451; Emancipation
Proclamation, 70, 130, 145, 209,
210; and Wilkes, 73, 109, 3, 203;
Seward's evil influence, z, 80, 131-
139, 204, 274, 284, 287, 626,
a, 36, 38, 86, 112, 130, 155, 160,
166, 176; and Louisiana Union

' men (1862))r if 81; and patron-

age, 81, 510, a, 137, 195; and
new recruits (1862), x, 89; Stan-
ton's attitude, 98, 149; and Mo-
Clellan after Second Boll Run,
104, 112, 113, 122, 124; idiance
on Halleck, 108, 120, 134, 179,
180, 320, 329, 364, 371, 526; and
bringing east of Pope and Halleek,
108, 113, 120; visit to Scott (1862),
109, 120; on Second Bull Run, 116,
126; and colonising of negroes, 123,
150-153; estimate of McCleDan,
124; and administraUon by De-
partments, 134; and Stanton, time
spent at War Department, 134, 2,
55, 91, 92, 112, 203; and Cabinet-
meetings, I, 136, 546, 547, a, 17;
and dismissal of Preble, i, 141,
162, 191, 235; serenaded after
Emancipation Proclamation, 147;
suspends privilege of habeas cot'
ptiSf 150; and Altoona Conference,
153, 156; Tod's confidence, 153; re-
buke of Key, 146 n., 156; visits to
army (1862), 157, 161; (1863), 263,
264, 266, 294; (1864), a, 55, 58, 90;
(1865), 264, 272, 274; and Dahl-
gren, i, 158-163, 238, 315, 337,
341; and naval chaplains, 162; and
Norfolk trade, 165, 166, 183; and
Scott's war policy, 172, a, 515; and
forged (hooper dispatches, i, 176;
orders McClellan to advance
(Nov., 1862), 179; and admiasion
of West Virginia, 191, 207; and
Seward-Chase resignations, inter-
ference of Senate, 194-205; Blair's
influence, 205; and Butler, 210;
receptions, 212, 490, 501, a, 15;
and McClemand, i, 217, 220, 387,
388; and removal of Chambers,
218; and negro troops, 218; and
gauge of Pacific Railroad, 228; and
Hooker (Jan.), 229; and prepare*
tions against Charleston, 236, 247,
259, 265; correspondence with Fov
nando Wood, 237; and extra aee-
sion of Senate (1863), 238; and a
religious meeting, 238; and pro-

INDEX

620

motion of military invention, 239;
and letters of marque, 250, 256,
259, 261; and failure of Ciiarles-
ton expedition, 268; and captured
mails controversy, 270, 274, 275,
277-280, 282, 286, 287, 289, 302,
315; fears war with Europe, 275,
287, 398, 452; and Chanoellors-
ville, 291-294; and John OUpin
prise case, 298; and Vicksburg, 308,
364; and fugitive-slave case in the
District, 313; and Vallandic^iam
case, 321, 345, 347; reply to Com-
ing, 323, 329; and beginning of
Lee's invasion (1863), 328, 331-
333, 340; on Orpheus C. Kerr, 333;
and Hooker during Gettysburg
campaign, 344, 348; and plan for
McClellan to supmede Halleck,
345; relieves Hooker, 348, 349; on
Dix and Foster, 350; and counter-
movement on Richmond, 350, 351 ;
and battle of Gettysburg, 354, 356;
and attempted mission of A. H.
Stephens, 358-363; and escape of
Lee, 363, 364, 366, 370, 374; sere-
naded in honor of victories, 364 ; and
Hamlin's request for a prise court
at Portland, 366; and Whiting,
381; and Gillmore's force before
Charleston, 382; correspondence
with Seymour on draft, 395, 396,
399; and Halleck and Alinaden
mines, 398; and instructions to
naval officers on neutral rights,
398, 399, 409; Stanton on his let-
ter-writing, 399; and Gurley, 408;
officers for Arizona, 409; Chase on
character, 413; and Reconstruc-
tion, 413, a, 99, 179, 269, 279,281,
630; and Mont Blanc incident, i,
420, 423; and defeat of draft
through habeas corpus proceedings,
431-435; secret knowledge of Eng-
land's intention to seise Laird
rams, 437; and Chickamauga, 438,
446; despair over Meade's inac-
tion (Sept., Oct.), 439, 440, 471;
and failure of chiefs of Army of

the Pbtomae, 440; on Parragut,
440; on Du Pont, 440; and Emma
incident, 446; and successor to
Rosecrans, 447; and Schofield-
Missouri RadicaJs affaur, 448, 471 ;
and Ohio election (1863), 469, 470;
has varioloid, 480; and Colfax,
481 ; and renomination, 498, 500-
502, 509, 521, 530, a, 4, 44, 46; and
transfer of soldiers to Navy, z,
498, 546; popular trust in, 500;
stories, 504, 506, 519, 528; on
Lowell's article, 504; and sentence
of R. L. Law, 505; as judge of
character, 506; on Clay, 506, 507;
on J. P. Hale and Navy Depart-
ment, 509; and policy of opening
certain ports, 510; and ootton
trade, 511, a, 56, 66, 138, 159, 163,
167; official dinners, z, 512; and
San Domingo, 520; and Chase's
candidacy, 520, 525, 529, 531;
Welles's estimate, 521, a, 131; and
raising of Brownsville blockade, z,
529; and Florida expedition (1864),
532; and promotion of Hawley,
535; and Dahlgren's raid, 586;
Grant at reception, 538; presents
commission to Grant, 539; and
new draft (1864), 542; and French
tobacco at Richmond, a, 9; and
finances, 11, 59, 65, 180; and fairs,
15; and failure of Red River cam-
paign, 18, 26; restores F. P. Blair
to army, 20; pass for wife's sister,
21; and Fort Pillow massacre, 23;
and news of Wilderness, 25; and
politics in navy yards, 33, 175;
appointment of midshipmen, 41,
526; resignation of Chase, 62, 64,
65, 93; and forged proclamation,
67; and Eariy's raid, 69, 74, 75, 77,
88; and naval contracts fraud cases,
78, 90, 124, 176, 177, 199, 201, 220,
225, 231, 260-262; and private
peace missions, 83, 84, 94, 99, 109,
111, 271; and Wade-Davis protest,
95, 96, 98; and Mobile Bay, 100;
factional assaults on (1864), 103;

030

INDEX

attitude of Ne«r York papers, 103-
106; on Qiedey, 112; and Georgia
''peace commiasioner/' 126; mis-
tdces in oounselors, 130; and new&-
mongers, 131; WeUee expects re-
election, 132; and H. W. Davis,
163; and Senator Lane, 148; and
control of abandoned plantations,
148, 160; and Dakota poUtics, 163;
Weed's hold on New York patron-
age, 164; and Blair's reelection,
166^-168; and admisdon of Ne-
vada, 163, 164; and land move-
ment against Mobile^ 166; and ex-
change of naval prisoners of war,
168-171; and Marine boimty, 174;
and naval votes, 176; and poUtical
managers, 171, 176; receives eleo-
tlon returns, 178; preparation of
message (1864), 170, 190; and
Chief-Justiceship, 181-183, 187,
102, 106; and veesd built for
Japan, 191; seeond Cabinet, 194,
196, 247, 260, 261 ; and disclosure of
Wilmington expedition plans, 207;
and the expedition, 210, 214; and
law as to public records, 211-213,
S20; and negroes in Confederate
army, 222; on freedom of action
after reflection, 227; and idea of
peace negotiations, 232, 269;
Hampton Roads Conference, 286,
236, 238; and compensated eman-
cipation, 237; and Nasby, 288;
on State rights, 239; and Blair's
Senatorial aspirations, 243; selec-
tion of Secretary of the Treasury
(1866), 243-246, 261; and appre-
hended decision on arbitrary ar-
rests, 242, 246; and dictation of
Radicals, 247; second inaugura-
tion, 261, 262; favors easy terms to
South, 269; doses Southern ports
(1866), 278; proclamation on naval
reciprocity, 279; Virginia legisla-
ture incident, 279, 296, 3, 622; and
resumption of trade with South, 2,
280; on position of Pierpont gov-
ernment, 282; prescient dr^un,

282; assassination, 283-288; grief
of negroes, 290, 293; funeral, 292-
294; implication of Davis and
others, 299; trial of conspirators,
303-306; and Trumbull, 322; con-
spirators sent to Tortugas, 334;
Bancroft's oration, 431; Surratt
case, 630, 3, 29, 81, 166, 167;
Booth's diary, 96; Conover allega-
tions, 143-146; Seward's belittle-
ment, 428; believed to have pre-
scribed Appomattox and Sherman's
terms, 621, 623. See dlao Cabinet,
Elections (1864).

Lincoln, Mrs. Abraham, and public
playing of Marine Band, i, 326;
and Mrs. White, 2, 21; and assas-
sination of husband, 287, 290.

Lincoln, G. B., and slanders on J<Jm«
son, 2, 464.

Lincoln, R. T., and death of father,
2, 288; marriage, 3, 444.

Lincohi, Tad, and death of father, 2,
290.

Lines, C. L., removal proposed, a,
147.

lippitt, A. J., nomination rejected,
3.86.

Loan, B. F., denounces Johnson,
3,34.

Locke, D. R. (Petroleum V. Nasby),
Lincoln and writings, 2, 238.

Lockport, N. Y., question of poet-
master (1866), 2, 607.

Logan, J. A., as Minister to Mexico,
2, 401 ; and Kentucky Represent-
atives (1867), 3, 129.

Lombard, Captain, and Matamoras
trade, i, 389.

Long, Alexander, movement to ex-
pel, 2, 9; censured, 12; and Mo-
Clellan's letter of acceptance, 140.

Longstreet, James, Chickamauga, Z9
439,444.

Loomis, , Treasury agent at

Richmond, claim to Confederate
naval material, 2, 336.

Louisiana, Lincoln's policy, z, 81;
policy of opening cotton trade.

INDEX

681

511; CongTOBrional' report against
government (1867), 3, 41; dktur^
bances, 463. See also Sheridan.

LauieviUe, War claim case, 3i 628,
529.

Lowell, J. R,, article on linoolni i,
504.

Lowrey, *-^^, and Henderson ease,
a, 806.

Lowrie, W. H., habeae earpue pt^
oeedings on diraft, z, 432.

Luce, S. B., Naval Academy assign-
ment, 3, 440.

Ludlow, W. H., and Stephens's
mission (1863), z, 359; and Diz,
a, 608.

Lyons, Lord, and slave-trade con-
vention, I, 193; charges against
Wilkes in West Indies, 217; and
captured mails, 266, 270, 280,
288, 302; and prises, 296, 297; and
naval violation of neutral rights,
398, 399, 409, 451, 452; and free
ships, free goods, 400; influence
over Seward, 409; Monl Blanc in-
cident, 416, 419, 420, 424; and visit
of Admiral Milne, 467, 468; and
Mexico, 498; and capture of Cheec^
peake, 508; and detention of crews
of blockade-runnerB, 517; and
English-owned cotton, a, 40i

McAllister, Fort, ironclads attack,
1,249.

McCall, G. A., Peninsular campaign,
z, 96; Second Bull Run, 99.

McCann, W. P., and New Orleans
riot, 2, 575.

McCardle case, 3, 314, 320.

MoOauley, C. 8., at Norfolk Navy
Yard, character, z, 43-46, 51, 52.

McClellan, Q. B., Welles's portrait-
ure, I, xxviii; and New Orieans
expedition, 60; andStanton (1861),
57 ; Welles's estimate as general, 61,
167, 115, 118, 124^ 209, 329; lin-
coln's estimate, 63, 05-97, 124;
Wilkes on, 81, 106; withdrawn
from Peninsula, 83, 89, 97; Cab-

inet Intrigue for rctmoval, 83, 93-
98, 100-104, 106, 112, 117, 119,
129, 139, 221, 226; POpe awaits,
89; war policy, 92, 107, 117, 145,
156, 242, a, 204; and Second Bull
Run, z,93, 97, 98, 100^ 104, 107,
110, 116, 117, 122, 221; Stantcm's
review of conduct (Aug., 186(2),
95-97; and opening of Potomac
(1861), 102, 103; confidence of
army in, 105, 111, 113, 115, 116, 129;
and Blaiis, 126, %, 28, 322; Tod's
confidence, z, 153; Lincoln vi£ts
(Oct., 1862), 157, 161; and Eman-
dpation Proclamation, 163; and
Stuart's raid on Chambersbu^,
169; Kearny's letter on, 174; inao-
tion, 176, 177; ordered to advance,
179; relieved of conmiand, 182; abd
Porter, 231; disrespect to Scott,
241, 242; Blair's phm for, to super-
sede HaUeck (1863), 345; and
Stanton after Seven Days, 355;
political letter (1863), 469, 471;
linooln's deference, 526; and Eng-
lish mission, 3, 257, 285. See (deo
Antietam, Elections (1864).

McClellan, G. W., and Boston ool-
lectorship, a, 356; and Radical
control of patronage, 3t 156.

McClemand^ J. A., and Vicksburg
command, z, 167, 217, 220, 386,
387; Arkansas Post, 224.

McClure, A. E., and Grant's cabinet,
3.535.

McCook, A. McD., Chickamaug% z,
444, 446; defends Washington
(1864), 2, 72, 75.

McCracken, G. W., and Motley, 3,
36,37.

McCulloch, Hugh, Secretary of the
Treasury, a, 245, 251 ; as financier,
253, 299, 576, 3» 153, 385 ; and draw-
ing on next year's appropriations,
a, 264, 266, 268; and Savannah
cotton, 278; on resumption of trade
with South, 280, 296, 299, 300;
and assassination of linooln, 267;
and informing of Johnsoii, 289;

632

INDEX

first Cabinet-meeting with John-
son, 289; and implication of Davis,
SOO; on proclamation against Con-
federate "pirates" (1865), 300;
and negro suffrage, 301, 3, 4, 6;
and trial of conspirators, a, 303;
and Treasury agents, 316, 343; on
ironclad oath m South, 319, 357,
445, 453, 454; alarmed for the
Treasury (1865), 328; and closing
of Ford's Theatre, 331; and Mex-
ico, 333, 485, 622, 625; and trial of
Davis, 335, 338; and right to
Confederate naval material, 336,
837; and Indian affairs, 357, 3,
74; assumptions of subordinates,
a, 360, 3, 378, 379, 442, 529; and
Johnson's policy (1865), 2, 393,
898; and Freedmen's Bureau Bill,
434; and movement for reconcilia-
tion, 446; and Fenians, 451, 519;
sensitive on state papers, 453; and
avil Rights BiU, 464; and Grey
Jacket case, 469; and Butler, 492,
493; on report of Reconstruction
Conmiittee, 496, 500; on Ck)lorado
Bill, 503; and Atlantic cable, 503;
on attitude of Cabinet (1866),
622, 524, 525, 537; and Union Con-
vention,531, 534, 538, 546, 582; on
Fourteenth Amendment, 536; on
bounty biU (1866), 564; and Blairs
and Admiral Lee, 569; and re-
moval of Dorsheimer, 598; on re-
linquishing the Dunderberg, 603,
604, 3, 28; and Dix as Naval
Officer, 3, 607; removes BoUes,
612; and welcome to Congress,
630; and Bay of Samand, 631; and
asylum for the Pope, 639, 640;
and first Reconstruction Bill, 3, 10;
discouraged, 17, 65, 147; and Stan-
ton's report on enforcement of
civil rights, 43; attack on, in Sen-
ate, 52; and woolens bill (1867),
58; gives Radicals patronage, 64,
83, 126, 147, 152, 390; and ousting
of Stanton, 90, 159, 284; and Dan-
ish West Indies, 95, 97, 124; and

Johnson's trip to Raleigh, 101 ; and
execution of Reconstruction Acts,
110, 113; on Sheridan's letter, 126;
and (Ik>nover allegations, 143-145;
and removal of Sheridan, 149,
152; rumors of retirement, 203;
question of Seward's influence,
204; and sale of ironclads, 207,
384; and habeas corpus proceed*
ings on enlistments, 213; on con-
duct of military governors, 243;
on impeachment counsel, 304, 307;
expects an acquittal, 345, 350,
852; Seward and attack on, 385,
889; and Chase's candidacy, 389;
and Democratic' nominees (1868),
401 ; and Johnson (1868), 404; and
Johnson's suggested amendments,
406; on Pacific raibroads, 425; and
State elections (1868), 453; and
Alabama claims, 459, 468-470, 507;
and disturbances in the South, 461 ;
Grant proscribes, 464, 465; and
Bailey, 485; and resumption, 492;
and confiscation, 504; on Seward's
fawning on Grant, 511; and pro-
tection of seals, 516; and govern*
ment for Alaska, 531; and holding
over under Grant, 533; and the
inauguration, 537, 538, 541.

McDougal, David, and Shimonosek!
attack, 2, 560.

McDowell, Irvin, Peninsular cam*
paign, z, 96; as officer, 373.

Macedonian^ practice ship, i, 324.

McKay, Donald, on Navy Depart*
ment, z, 519; and monitors, a, 86.

McEean, W. W., and command of
Gulf Squadron, 2, 116.

McEinstiy, J. P., and Robert John-
son, 2, 472, 487, 491.

McMahon, M. T., Minister to Parar
guay, 3, 466-468.

McMichael, Morton, and League Is-
land, 3, 489.

Magrath, A. G., and Reconstnio*
tion, 2, 397.

Magruder, G. A., and Secessionists,
z,19.

INDEX

639

Mails, oontroveray over captured
foreign official, Peterhoff incident,
z, 180, 266, 269-290, 310; judicial
or executive question, 266, 278,
279, 281; Sewsurd's illegal conces-
sions, 269, 271, 279, 281, 300;
Welles's letter of instructions and
views, 270-272, 301-304; Lincoln
and order giving up the mails, 274,
275, 280, 282, 284, 287; Earl Rus-
sell on, 300; precedent, 303, 310;
newspapers on, 306; English view,
315.

Maine, desires coast defense, x, 364,
a, 256, 257; elections (1864), 141;
(1868), 3, 436, 438; Senatorial
election (1869), 505, 517.

Mallory, S. R., and Mrs. White, 3,
21 ; and exchange of naval prison-
ers, 168, 171; and Fort Sumter,
374; question of paroling, 395.

Mansfield, J. K. F., defensive policy,
z, 84; kUled, 140.

Marble, Manton, as editor, 2, 322.

Marcy, W. L., Benton and report on

./ Fremont's explorations, a, 42; as
politician, 3, 225, 226.

Marigoldf charges against, a, 34.

Marine Band, Mrs. Lincoln and pub-
lic playing, z, 325, 327; character
of selections, 368.

Marine C^rpe, question of increas-
ing, a, 6; successor to Col. Harris,
31, 51; unauthorized bounty, 174.

Maritime jurisdiction, Spain's claim
to six miles around Cuba, z, 170,
367, 399, 467, 468.

Marshall, C. H., and Navy Depart-
ment, z, 215, 513, 514.

Marshall, D. D. T., retention of po-
sition, a, 323.

Marston, Gilman, on McClellan, z,
118; character, 118; and coast de-
fense, 375; and Reconstruction, a,
584.

Martin, Earl, office for, 3, 78.

Marvin, William, and Moni Blame
incident, z, 417, 421.

Maryland, politi<»l maloontentfl, Jf

153, 195, 243; Blairs and patfOD-
age, 343; election controversy
(1866), 620, 3i 140, 141. See dUo
Antietam, Early.

Mason, Judge, of Annapolis, on
Porter, 3, 441.

Massachusetts, question of coast de*
fense, z, 288; Republicans and
Johnson (1865), a, 373, 381.

Masterman, G. F., arrest as spy, 3t
491, 513.

Matamoras, Confederate trade
through, z, 283, 334, 388, 443,
a, 4.

Matchett, D. F., and Conover alle-
gations, 3, 168.

Matthews, E. O., Naval Academy
assignment, 3, 440.

Maury, M. F., and Secessionists, x,
19.

Maximilian. SeeMenco,

Maynard, Horace, excursion, a, 330;
right to seat in Congress, 387, 388;
fears dual government, 484; char-
acter, 3, 205.

Meade, G. G., commands Army of
the Potomac, z, 348; as command-
er, 349, 351, 382, 404, 469, 471-
473, a, 91 ; Gettysburg campaign,
z, 352, 354, 356-358, 363; escape
of Lee, 363, 366, 368-375, 383;
meets Cabinet, 404; Lincoln's de-
spair over inaction (Sept.), 439,
440; autumn campaign, 442, 444,
469-473; Lincoln urges to fight
(Oct.), 471; and Fenians, a, 486;
and retirement of brother, 3, 250;
as military governor, 256; and il-
legal imprisonment in Georgia,
421.

Meade, R. W., suspension, a, 401,
407; second trial, 432; retirement,
3, 250; insanity, 472, 484.

Medicine and Surgery, Bureau of.
See Naval surgeons.

Meigs, M. C, and Seward's interfer-
ence with Sumter expedition, z, 17,
23, 25, 38, 172, a, 374; and Merri--
mac scare, i, 62, 64; reply to Wi^

Q»r

INDEX

. kiiiBon'B atUdk, 224; and Seward's
meddling with other departments,
243; and Milroy (18d3), 332; and
Early's raid, 2, 72; and aasaflsina-
tion of Lincoln, 285; and purohafle
of Danish West Indies, a, 40.

Meigs, R. J., and suspension of
Meade, a, 401.

MercedUa, rumored loos, x, 232, 234.

Meroer, Samuel, Sumter expedition,
z, 22; and Du Pont, a, 118.

Mercier, Henri, attitude (1863), i,
494.

Merriam, M. H., and politics in
Charlestown Navy Yard, a, 31, 34.

Merrick, R. T., impeachment trial
witness, 3, 333.

MerrimaCf at Norfolk Navy Yard, ef-
forts to save, X, 42, 43; scare in

' Washington, 61-67, 3i 473; Golds-
borough's fear, x, 142.

Mtrrimac, U. S. S., and pursuit of
TaUahaaaee, a, 111.

lienrimac No, 6, rumofs concern-
ing, I, 72.

Merritt, M. F., and Osbom, a, 210,*
and sale of ironclads, 3, 388.

Mervine, William, and rear-admiral-
ship, I, 76; as officer, 76; com-
mand of Gulf Squadron, 313, a,
116.

Mexico, Empire set up, i, 385; Sew-
ard's blundering policy, 493, a,
393, 648; House resolution on
Monroe Doctrine, 39; Cabinet dis-
cussions (1865), 317, 322,332, 333,
336; war over, feared, 348; Repub-
lican reverses, 367; better tone,
401 ; French to withdraw, 479, 485;
Austria and, 485; paper blockade,
579; Sherman sent to, 621, 649;
Cabinet on delay in departure of
French, Seward's dispatch to Bige-
k)w, 622-626; seizure of Santa
Anna, 3, 115, 128; execution of
Maximilian, 128; filibustering, 138;
claims treaty, 516.

Miamif and Chesapedket x, 545.

Miehigtni rejects negro suffxace, 3,

829; Senatorial dection (1869), J/
508.

Michigan f on Lake Erie, a, 151.

Midshipmen, troubles over appoix&t-
ment, x, 82, 146, 147, 149, 188,
224, 227, 234, 236, 319, 393, a, 41,
163, 317, 526.

Midway Ldands, acquisition favored,
3»508.

Miles, D. 8., at Harper's Ferry,
death, x, 140.

Military governors under Recon-
struction Acts, powers, 3, 59, 105,
111; expenditures, 92; actions, 142,
146, 170, 176, 182, 185, 241-244,
256, 277,298; removal of Sheridan,
149-152, 174, 186, 187; removal of
Sickles, 187; Grant's order on ap-
pointments by, 193. See also Re-
oonstruction.

MUligan case, a, 471, ^74, 476.

Milne, Sir Alexander, visit to United
States, X, 467, 468.

Milroy, R. H., at Winchester, x, 828,
330-832.

Mississippi, executive reoonstnio-
tion, a, 315, 316, 366.

Missiaeippif loss, x, 249.

Mississippi River, naval operations,
I, 72, 75, 167; Porter commands
squadron, 157, 167; control over
war vessels on, 180, 272; policy of
opening western bank to trade,
510, 511, 514. See also Porter
(D. D.), Vicksburg.

Mississippi Squadron. See Foote
(A. H.), Porter (D. D.).

Missouri, Radicab and Schofield, tf
448, 471 ; delegation to Union
Convention (1866), a, 46; ironclad
oath, 3, 566.

Missroon, , contract frauds, tf

516.

Mobile, land miovement to capture,
a, 165.

Mobile Bay, battle, a, 100, 101, 105,
114, 124, 133; Stanton olainis
credit for the army, 115.

Mohawk, at Fensacola, X9 26.

INDEX

630

Monilor, founders, i, 213, 216; origin,
213-215, 3, 412^14.

Moniton. See Iranclads.

Monocacy Bridge, battle, a, 71, 78.

MononffoheUi, wrecked, 3, 240.

Mont Blanc, prize caae, i, 302, 305,
394, 41^-427.

Montgomery, cniiae after Taeony^ z,
328.

Montholon, Marquis, and appoint-
ment of Logan, a, 401 ; large recep-
tion, 430.

Moore, W. G., in Johnson's tour, a,
589; question of loyalty to John-
son, 3, 73, 567.

Morgan, £. D., and Welles for Cabi«
net, ly 82; not renominated for
Governor, 154, 162; on McClel-
lan and Presidency, 163; Senator
ship, 231, 232; alarm for safety of
New York, 347; and draft, 380; on
Hale, 484; Welles's estimate, 523,
3, 509, 510; and contract frauds,
z, 540, 2, 60, 306; and date of Na-

. tional Convention (1864), 28; and
cotton trade, 33, 138; and finances,
62; on Weed's antagonism to
Welles, 155; political tour (1864),
186; and Chief-Justiceship, 187;
and Treasury portfolio, 240, 243-
245; Reconstruction views, 405,
521, 548, 549; Presidential aspira-
tions, 405; and Freedmen's Bureau
Bill, 436; and Civil Rights Bill,
475, 477, 479, 547; and Johnson,
487; and Radicals^ 633; and im-
peachment, 3» 382, 384, 346, 349;
and Seward, 336; calls special ses-
sion of Congress, 437; contest for
reelection, 508, 509.

Morgan, G. D., purchases for Navy,
z, 487; WeUes visits, in New York,
3i 582.

Morgan, J. H., invasbn of Ohio, X|
879.

Morgan, J. S., and Welles, 3, 599.

Morgan, Fort, capture, a, 124, 133.
See also Mobile Bay.

Morrill, J. S.» and impeachm^t, 3,

346; on Welles's adminirtration;
523.

Morrill, L. M., and coast defense, z,
364, 366; and cotton trade, a, 84,
138; political despondency (1864)|
102; political tour, 186; and im-
peachment, 3« 345, 346; candidacy
for reelection (1869), 505, 517;
character, 505, 523.

Morris, Dwight, on draft, z, 382.

Morris, E. J., trouble with Secretary
of Lection, 3, 25; and Cretans, 71,
139, 425.

Morrissey, Jotm, elected to Con-
gress, a, 619.

Morse, F. H., report on Laird rams,
z,245.

Morton, O. P., and Johnson's tour,
a, 594; and impeachment, 3, 335,
350; and finances, 486, 487; and
Fifteenth Amendment, 574.

Motley, J. L., and Mexico, a, 485;
resignation of Austrian mission, 3,
24, 34-38; Minister to England,
577; as diplomat, 577.

Mulholland, John, cotton purchase,
a, 40.

Murfreesborough, battle, z, 213, 216,
218; Grant on, a, 283.

Murray, Robert, and Trowbridge, z,
493; and arrest of Arguellis, a, 45.

Myers, Leonard, on admission of
Tennessee Representatives, a, 446.

Nahant, and great storm, z, 225, 226.

Napoleon III. See France, Mexico.

Narragansett Bay, efifort for navy
yard in, z, 185.

Nasby, Petroleum V. See Locke.

Nashville, battle, a, 200; disturbance
(1867), 3, 211.

Nassau, and blockade-running, z,74;
and (>>nfederate cruisers, 109.

National bank bill. Cabinet on, z,237.

National InteUigenceTfOn Welles's an>^
nual report (1862), i, 185; in cam-
paign of 1864, a, 154; and oflScial
advertising, 490; character, 653 ;
attack on MoCulloch, 3, 385.

636

INDEX

National Union Convention. <S>ee
Union Convention.

Naval Academy, succefls, i, 324; of-

, fidal visits, a, 34, 625, a, 103;

• Porter as head, 3, 321, 353, 360,
362, 3, 103, 247, 562, 563; condi-
tion (1867), 103; Welles and Acar
demic Board, 382, 440. See alao
Midshipmen.

Naval code, question of making, i,
245.

Naval Committee, chairmanship of
House (1863), z, 482, 484. See
dUo Grimes, Hale (J. P.), Rice.

Naval surgeons, effort for naval rank,
3,501.

Navigation Bureau, Drayton as
chief, 2, 353; question of his suc-
cessor, 357, 362. See also Davis
(C. H.). Jenkins (T. A.).

Navy, loyalty of officers doubted, i,
5, 19, 20; hindered by the army,
71; attitude of War Department,
121; enlistment problems, 498,
545-548, 2, 3, 121, 129, 420; ques-
tionofwithholdinghospitalityfrom
English, 279, 305, 319, 320, 327;
bill to reorganize, 3, 515, 558-560;
and Cuban insurrection, 572, 573;
names of vessels changed, 588.
See alao Admiral, Blockade, Board
of Admiralty, Confederate cruis-
ers, Confederate ironclads, Iron-
clads, Naval Academy, Naval Com-
mittee, Navy Department, Navy
yards, Neutrality, Prizes, Retire-
ment, Staff, Welles, and campaigns,
officers, and squadrons by name.

Navy Department, suggested consol-
idation with War Department, 3,
519; Porter as actual head, 549,
551-556, 559, 561, 568, 570, 573,
574, 587, 588. See aUo Corruption,
Welles, and bureaus by name.

Navy yards, and politics, i, 327, 2,
376, 377, 380-382; Welles visits, i,
428, 431 ; interference of Congress-
men, 483; for ironclads, 2, 17; ap-
pdntment of masters, 879; Welles

and political considerations in ap-
pointments, 586, ^96-599, 602,
616, 3, 325, 416-420; work cur-
taUed, 247; condition (1868), 422;
eight-hour law, 471, 564, 569;
LenthaU on Selfridge's report on
construction of vessels (1869), 574.
See aUo Brooklyn, Charlestown,
Corruption, Kittery, League Is-
land, Norfolk, Philadelphia, Wash-
ington.

Nebraska, bill for admission vetoed,
3, 22, 30.

Negro soldiers, question of employ-
ment, i, 218; dependence on, 324;
Fort Pillow massacre, 2, 23, 24;
and exchange of prisoners of war,
168, 170; Lincoln on, for Confed-
erate Army, 222.

Negro suffrage, Cabinet discussioii
(1865), 2, 301-303; Chase's atti-
tude, 304, 343; Welles on, 324, 373,
3, 137; party demonstration
(1865), 2, 324; Sumner on (1865),
330; Stanton's views, 364; advo-
cacy by Radicals, 369; Connecti-
cut rejects, 373, 375; for the Dis-
trict, veto, 422, 640, 3, 3-8, 15; at-
titude of Congress (1863), 2, 490;
and Colorado and Nebraska bills,
502, 3, 22, 23; and executive Re-
construction, 2, 580; for Territo-
ries, 3, 19; in action in the District,
102, 374; Michigan rejects, 329;
Fifteenth Amendment, 524.

Negroes, foreign colonization, i, 123,
150-153, 162, 3, 428; problem of
war government, 2, 222; grief for
Lincoln, 290, 293; colonization in
South, 352; Welles and Sumner on
condition (1866), 431 ; story of kid-
napping for Cuban Market, 570;
Welles on appointments, 3, 142;
destitution (1867), 245, 246; at
Grant's inauguration, 542. See
alao Civil Rights, Emancipation,
Freedmen's Bureau, Fugitive, Ne«
gro soldiers, Negro suffrage, Slav-
cry.

INDEX

637

Nelson, Samuel, negotiations with

, Seward, Zy 27; controlled by Sew-
aid (1867), 3, 320.

Nelson, T. A. R., impeachment coun-
sel, 3» 308, 330.

Nelson, William, Cabinet on kill-
ing, X, 178.

Neutrality, Spanish comj^aint of
violation, z, 308; instructions to
naval officers on respecting, 398,
409, 450-466; violation of free
ships, free goods, 400; MofU Blanc
incident, capture in neutral waters,
416-427; altruistic assertion of
rights, 2, 4; Florida case, 184-186,
197; sale of war vessels by United
States, 3, 92, 206, 387-^389, 424,
438. See alao Belligerency, Block-
ade.

Nevada, question of proclaiming ad-
mission, 2, 163, 164,

New Hampshire, Senatorship (1864),
2, 51 ; State election (1868), 3, 309;
history of politics, 309-311.

New Jersey, Senatorial election
(1866), 2» 464, 475.

New London, efforts for a navy yard,
z, 185, 207, 222, 2, 446, 3» 489.

New Orleans, Stanton and expedi-
tion, z, 60; Butler and Banks as
rulers, 209; selection of Farragut
to command expedition, 2, 116,
134; riot (1866), 567, 569, 570,
572-575, 611.

New York, election (1862), i, 153,
154, 162, 171, 177, 219, 2, 27;
Senatorial elections (1863), z,231,
232; (1867), 3, 16,20; (1869), 508,
509; Democrats and Johnson, 2,
373, 3, 223, 229; political affairs
(1866), 2, 607, 608, 610; history of
politics, 3, 223-229.

New York City, war sentiment
(1862), z, 119; demand for coast
defense, 123, 347, 435; draft riots,
369, 372, 373; evils of free suf-
frage, 523, 524; Federal appoint-
ments, 2, 62, 63, 137, 155, 484, 3,
660; and naval.enlistmento, 2t240.

New York Commercial AdverHeer,
and Welles, 2, 260.

New York Express, and Welles, a,
260.

New York Evening Post, and Navy
Department, i, 184, 2, 185, 228;
on Confederate irondads, z, 435;
deterioration, 2, 61 ; and arrest of
Henderson, 78, 79, 83, 104; politi-
cal character (1864), 104; and im-
peachment, 3y 355.

New York Herald, and Navy De-
partment, z, 184, 2, 259; vicious
leadership, 103; and impeachment,
3, 26; and negro suffrage, 381.
See also Bennett.

New York Journal of Commerce,
forged proclamation incident, 2|
35, 38, 67; and Welles, 260.

New York Times, Seward's control,
z, 123; and Navy Department,
184, 2, 87, 194, 260; on letters of
marque, z, 248; on Confederate
ironclads, 435; political character
(1864), 2, 104; and party unity,
(1866), 533, 542, 544, 545. See also
Raymond (H. J.).

New York Tribune^ on Peierhoffmaila,
z, 306; on Seward and Welles, 366;
assault on Navy Department, 2,
87; and failure of impeachment, 3,
353; advance publication of public
documents, 475. See also Greeley.

New York World, and Welles's report
(1862), z, 185; forged proclama-
tion incident, 2, 35, 38, 67; char-
acter (1865), 322; and Union Ck>n-
vention, 54i2; and Johnson, 3, 199,
320, 328.

Newell, R. H. (Orpheus C. Kerr),
Lincoln on writings, z, 333.

Newspapers, misrepresentation in
Confederate, 2, 218; advance pub-
lication of public documents, 3,
475; degeneracy, 506.

Niagara, cruise to Europe (1864), 2,
38,39.

Nichols, J. H., visits Welles, z, 86.

Nioolay, J. G., and playing of Marine

'638

INDEX

• Band, z, 368; as coDeal at Paris, 3,
519.

(Niks, J. M., and Democratie Party
in Connecticut, 2, 429.

Norfolk, trade through blockade, z,
166, 173-176, 177, 188, 227, 318;
martial law (1864), 2, 81. See aUo
next title.

Norfolk Navy Yard, loss, z, 41-64;
no troops for, 41, 46, 88; ediips at,
42; Welles's efforts to save ships,
42-47; character of commander,
43 ; criticism of loss considered, 47-
64; loss and defection of Union
men, 84; controversy over dismis-
sals (1867), 3i 13, 21. See aUo
Navy yards.

Norris, Basil, and Robert Johnson, a,
468.

Norris, Hamilton, contract frauds, i,
611.

North Atlantic Squadron, question
of commander (1864), a, 127. See
aUo Lee (8. P.), Port^ (D. D.),
Wilmington.

North Carolina, Federal operations
(1861), z, 381 ; desire for reunion,
410; disaster in (1864), a, 16, 17;
plan of Reconstruction, 301, 306;
interference of Sickles (1866), 642;
amnesty act, 3} 9; compromise
Reconstruction proposal sub-
mitted to the President, 32; pro-
posal published in Richmond, 37.

Noyes, W. C, and Henderson case,
a, 220.

Nye, J. W., and admission of Ne-
vada, a, 163, 164; and Reconstruc-
tion, 396; and Connecticut poli-
tics (1867), 3» 63; and Board of
Survey, 247; cuid naval officers,
326; and impeachment, 332; chai^
aeter,623.

Oath, ironclad, and Southern ap-
pointments, a» 318, 368, 446, 460;
Missouri ironclad, 3, 666.

Ocean Spray ^ and Fenian raid, a, 486.

O'Cimor, Charles, and Henderson

ease, a, 220, 226; and Recon8tn»i>
tioa injunction cases, 3, 86; and
Fenian trials, 283; and impeach-
ment trial, 296.

Odell, M. F., and ocmtraot frauds, z,
640, a, 64, 60.

Offices. See Civil service.

Ohio, Morgan's invasion, z, 379;
SUte elections (1863), 469^71;
(1864), a, 176; (1867), 3f 282;
(1868), 462, 463, 466.

Ohio River, Wdles and armoted
fleet for, z, 90.

Olcott, H. 8., and contract frauds, z»
626, 636, 630-642, 647, a, 6, 11,
16, 64, 114, 263, 266.

Olin, A. B., and Stanton, 3, 160.

Oliver A Co., and trade permits, z,
636.

O'Neill, J. P., and distriet4tttomey«
ship, 3, 441.

Oneota, sale, 3, 848, 887-389, 420^
429,438.

Onondaga, sale, 3, 92.

Opdyke, (George, and Fernando
Wood, z, 237; alarm for safety of
New York, 347; and Evening Poei^
a, 61; suit against Weed, 208.

Opequon Creek, battle, a, 161, 163.

Old, E. O. C, attack on Petersburg
lines, a, 272; as military governor,
3, 245, 249.

Ordnance, Dahlgren as head (Jf Bu-
reau, z, 164, 3, 447; for monitorSi
z, 342; Wise and headship, a, 7;
efficiency of Dahlgren's smooth-
bores, 67; controversy over cast-
ing, 202; Congressional investiga-
tion of Bureau, 3, 122; .Ames's
daim, 447-449, 461.

Oregon, State election (1868), 3, 376.

Oreto, See Florida,

Orr, J. L., question of amnesty, a,
368.

Orth, Q. S., and resolution to expel
Long, a, 9.

Osbom, , New York newspaper

man, discloses plans of Wilming-
ton ejcpedition, a, 206-209, 219.

INDEX

631

Otterboorg, Marcus, and Mexican
mission, 3, 135.

Otto, W. T., at Cabinet-meeting, x,
319, 2f 147; and habeaa corpus

' proceedings on enlistments, 3, 213 ;
and Court of Claims, 372.

Ould, Robert, and A. H. Stephens's
mission (1863), z, 358; and ex-
change of naval prisoners, a, 169.

Owen, E. H., and Connecticut eko-
tion (1866), a, 458, 459.

Pacific Railroad, Cabinet discussion
of gauge, 1 1 228; plundering
schemes, 3» 425, 439, 444, 449,
460, 485, 571; report on progress,
472; pasrment of subsidies, 474,

490,534.

Page, R. L., surrender of Fort
Morgan, a> 133.

Page, T.J. SeeSUmerDoU,

Palmerston, Lord, Seward's opinion,
1,437.

Panama. See Isthmus.

Paper money, Welles's antagonism, x,
147, 148, 167-169, 232, 494, 520,
530, a, 10, 12-14, 16, 29, 55, 61,
180, 3, 486, 504; and payment of
foreign bills, x, 147, a, 10, 29; pre-
mium on gold (1864), 12, 55,
61, 158, 163; gold premium and
forged proclamation, 35; gold bill
(1864), 54; Erarts on, 3, 480;
Cabinet on plans of resumption
(1869), 487, 492, 493; importance
of question under Grant, 494. See
also Finances.

Paraguay, war and American mis-
sion, 2, 491, 492, 543, 3i 427, 466-
468, 491, 510, 513, 516.

Pardons, Johnson and criminal, a,
140; Grant and Johnson's final, 3,
547, 555. See also Amnesty.

Parke, J. G., attack on Petersburg
lines, a, 272.

Parker, W. A., Grant desires re-
moval, 2, 230, 232.

Parsons, L. E., Sumner denounces, a,
398.

Parsons, seized by Confederates on
Lake Erie, 2. 152.

Pasco, , of Philadelphia Navy

Yard, paidon, a, 400-402, 412.

Passaic, construction, x, 179.

Patterson, D. T., in Johnson's Umtf
a, 589; on Brownlow, 3, 205.

Patterson, Mrs. D. T., in JohnscmVi
tour, a, 589; visits Welles, 3, 542.

Patterson, J. W., and appointment of
Stewart, 3, 546.

Patton, W. W., and emancipation, X|
130.

Paulding, Hiram, at Norfolk Navy
Yard, x, 46; and Breese, 76; and
Washington chair, 77; and Mer-
vine, 313, a, 116; and Trowbridge*
Lamar plot, x, 493; and Stover,
515; and pursuit of Tailahassee, 2^
110, 113; and Du Pont, 118; and
politics in Brooklyn Navy Yard,
123, 137.

Pawnee, Sumter expedition, x, 16, 22.

Paymaster's accounts, confusion, at
265.

Peace negotiations, Stephens's mis*
sion (1863), i, 358-363, 369; Gree-
ley's, a, 88, 84, 94, 99, 111, 271;
Jaquess and Gilmore's, 109; atti-
tude of Lincoln and Seward, 109^
231, 3, 521 ; ' * peace commissioner**
from Georgia, a, 125; Blair's mis-
sion, 219, 221; Hampton Roads
Conf^ence, 235, 236, 238; control
versy over Sherman's terms, 294^
297, 309.

Pearson, Frederick, British decoi»-
tion offered to, a, 200.

Pearson, G. P., transferred from
South Pacific Squadron, a, 604.

Pease, E. M., Governor of Texas, a,
316, 3, 146; on conditions in Texas^
a, 568, 3, 105; on attitude of
South (1866), a, 641; character, 3|
147.

Pease, J. J. R., seeks eoUectorship, a^
398.

Peirpoint, F. H., his controveny
with Geo. BuUer, s,81; postrWat

IMO

INDEX

position of his govenimeiit, 281,
282, 301.

Pemberton, J. C. See Vicksburg.

Pendergrast, Austin, suspended, a,
364.

Pendergrast, G. J., at Vera Cms, x,
16; at Norfolk Navy Yard, 42, 46.

Pendleton, G. H., Presidential candi-
dacy (1868), 3> 382, 385, 393, 396,
456; in the campaign, 430, 439.

Peninsular campaign, naval force, z,
72, 81, 83, 86, 91, 121 ; troops with-

\ drawn, 83, 89, 97, 120; Stanton's
review, 95-97; Wilkes on McClel-
lan, 106; McClellan accused of
treasonable intentions, 2, 204.

Pennock, A. M., in Washington, i,
431.

Pennsylvania, State elections (1863),

1, 469, 471; (1864), 2, 175; (1866),
613, 615; (1867), 3» 232; (1868),
451-453, 455; Confederate raid
(1864), 2, 88, 89; Senatorial elec-
tions (1867), 3, 15, 16, 20; (1869),
505. See also Gettysburg.

Pennsylvania Railroad, in politics, 3,
505.

Pensacola. See Pickens.

Perkins, Isaac, and Welles, 3, 433.

Perry, Amos, resigns, 3, 24.

Perry, B. F., and Fourteenth Amend-
ment, 2y 636; Sumner denounces,
398.

Perry, H. J., and J. P. Hale, 3, 518,
553, 578.

Perryville, battle, x, 165.

Peru, trouble with Spsdn expected,

2, 357, 365; controversy over Ad-
f miral Tucker, 650, 3, 37, 45, 66,
• 68-71; purchase of ironclads, 387,

420, 429, 438.

Peierhofff captured-mails incident,
X, 266, 269-290, 299-304, 306, 310.

Petersburg, Federal army before, 2,
54, 55; Crater, 89-92; final attack
and capture, 272.

I^elps, James, and Cuban Consul-
Generalship, 3, 80, 85.

Phelpe, N. A., and Welles, 3f 433.

Phelps, S. L., of boaxd on dium'taml
of Fteble, x, 191; on Red River
campaign and cotton speculatiozi,
2,37.

Philadelphia, and Johnson (1867), 3»
116.

Philadelphia, trade through block-
ade, 2, 56.

Philadelphia Navy Yard, frauds, 3»
200, 205, 208, 224, 231, 238, 400-
402; pressure for removal of Radi-
cals (1866), 596, 599, 602; investi-
gation (1868), 3i 416. See aUo
Navy yards.

Phillimore, Sir R. J., on use of neu-
tral waters by belligerents, x, 461;
on prise crew as witnesses, 465,
466.

Phillips, Wendell, Welles's opiniox!,
2,383.

Phythian, R. L., Naval Academy as-
signment, 3, 440.

Pickens, Fort, Seward and reli^ ex-
pedition, 1, 14, 25, 28-32, 172.

Pickering, Timothy, precedent in re-
moval, 3, 302, 311.

Pierpont, F. H. See Peirpoint.

Pi^ce, Franklin, as President, 3,310.

Pierrepont, Edwards, Henderson
case, 2, 220; campaign contribu-
tion (1868), 3, 452; character, 452.

Pike, F. A., as Chairman of Naval
Conmiittee, 3, 280; and impeach-
ment, 360, 361.

Pile, W. A., nomination as Minister
to Brazil, 3, 577.

Pillow, Fort, Cabinet opinions on
massacre, 2, 23-25.

Pius IX, and asylum in United States,
2, 638-640, 642.

Plantations. See Abandoned planta-
tions.

Piatt, 0. H., and Connecticut ap-
pointments, I, 81.

Pleasonton, Alfred, and escape of
Lee, X, 374.

Plymouth, at Norfolk Navy Yard, i,
42.

PocahorUoB, Sumter expedition^ z, 22.

INDEX

641

Politics, in Washington before out-
break of the War, Xy 10, 34; indicia
tions of new alignment (1866), a,
370, 372, 407; civil service assess-
ment, 376, 377, 380, 382; history
in New York, 3, 223-229; history
in New Hampshire, 309-311. See
also Civil service. Elections, Union
Convention, and parties by name.

Pollard, E. A., and Confederate
archives, 3, 452.

Pomeroy, S. C., and Chiriqui scheme,
X, 123, 152, 3» 427; Senate commit-
tee on Seward, z, 196, 198; and
Chase's candidacy (1864), 529;
slanders Johnson, 2, 454, 461; and
Johnson's tour, 593; and im-
peachment, 3, 357; character, 523.

PontoosttCf pursuit of TaUahaseee, a,
111, 113.

Poor, J. A., of Maine, and coast de-
fense, a, 256, 257.

Poor, C. H., promotion, x, 77.

Pope, John, Cedar Hill, z, 78;
awaits McClellan, 89; battle, 98,
97, 98, 104; retreat, 98, 100, 104;
Blair on, 104, 126; a failure, 104;
origin of eastern command, 108,
113, 120,1 221, 226; report, 109,
110, 114; on McClellan's generals,
110, 112, 220, 226; Lincoln's
estimate, 116, 126; Foote on, 120;
and execution of Indians, 170;
Indian campaign (1865), a, 357;
as military governor, 3, 174, 242,
245, 249; removed, 251.

Pope, Nathaniel, M. Blair on, z,
126.

Port Hudson, fall, x, 372, 375.

Port Lavaca. See Indianola.

Port Royal expedition, preparation,
a, 118; battle, 3, 217.

Porter, B. H., killed at Fort Fisher,
a, 226.

Porter, D. D., and Seward's inter-
ference with Sumter expedition,
X, 17, 24, 25, 35, 38; character as
officer, 19, 87, 88, 274, a, 215, 3,
384, 389; loyalty doubted, i, 19,

20; at Pensacola, 28, 31; Lincoln's
attitude, 36, 158, 440; commands
Mississippi Squadron, 157, 167;
and McClemand, 167, 220; and
West Point training, 167; sends
news of Arkansas Post, 224; an-
nounces captures on White River,
227; reports on Vicksburg opera-
tions, 238, 249, 259, 295, 311, 364,
367; caricatures, 249; Stanton's
opinion, 273; directed to run past
Vicksburg, 274, 285; and com-
mand against Charleston, 311;
promotions, 369, a, 235, 3, 562;
Yazoo expedition, x, 379; and
Chattanooga, 473; on Red River
campaign, a, 18, 26, 178; and cot-
ton speculation, 37, 173, 228; at
Washington (1864), 67; on Grant
and Sherman as mutual comple-
ments, 92; and Farragut, 116, 134;
and Du Pont, 119; problem of com-
mand for (1864), 129; Wilmington
expedition, 146, 148, 150, 172, 200,
210, 213-216, 220, 226, 227; on
Mrs. Davis and secession of South
Carolina, 255; as head of Naval
Academy, 321, 353, 360, 362, 3,
103, 247, 440, 562, 563; and Pen-
dergrast case, a, 364; and Bay of
SamanA, 643, 3, 7; and De Camp,
18; and Board of Survey, 247, 248,
570; and Engineer (Dorps, 252,
253, 283, 385; and Navy portfolio,
340; sycophancy, 441; desire for
civil position, 488; and line and
staff differences, 501; as real head
of Navy Department, 549, 551-
556, 568, 570, 573, 574, 587, 588;
and reorganisation of the Navy,
558; and Grant in the Presiden-
tial campaign, 559, 563; shirks
European cruise, 563; courtesy to
Welles, 580.

Porter, F. J., and Second Biill Run,
X, 104, 110; court martial, 220,
225, 226, 229; unpopular, 231.

Porter, W. D., not promoted, x, 77,
I 88; forged letter, 87; destioyi Ar*

642

INDEX

kantast 88; reproved and retired,
145.

Portland, Maine, and prise court, x,
866, 491.

Portsmouth, N. H., additional de-
fenaes, z, 375. See also Kittery.

Poeae comitatua, use of troops in
South, 3, 430, 431.

Post. See Mails.

Postmaster-General. iSee Blair (M.),
Dennison, Randall (A. W.).

Potomac Riyer, Welles and opening,
z» 61, 102, 103; flotilla (1862), 91,

k 93, 109; Fort Foote, 474; obstruc-
tions, 3, 436.

Pawhatanf and Sumter expedition,
1, 15, 22, 24, 27; at Pensacola, 31.

Pkeble, G. H., allows Florida to pass
blockade, z, 140, 141; to be dis-
missed, 141; attempt to restore,
162, 163, 188-191, 228, 235.

Prentiss, G. A., on capture of John
Qilpin, z, 297.

{^residential receptions, mismanage-
ment, 2» 408, 3, 496, 539.

P^residential tour, plans and dangers,

. 3y 585, 587; itinerary, 588; party,

,. 588, 3, 502; Johnson's sp^ches,
a, 589, 590, 593; attitude of offi-
cials and Congressmen, 589, 593,
594; Grant's attitude, 591, 592,
595; reception, 592; slight to Sew-

. ard at Albany, 592, 593; Cleve-
land, 593; Chicago and St. Louis,
594; Indianapolis, 594; Seward's
illness, 594.

Preston, S. W., and Wilmington ex-
pedition, a» 210, 213, 216; kiUed,
226.

Prinoeee Royals captured, z,231, 234.

Princeton^ trade permit, z, 527, 536,
537, 543, 544, 548.

Prisoners of war, appearance of Con-
federate (1864), 2, 31; exchange of
naval (1864), 168-171.

Privateering. See Letters of marque.

Prizes, question of judicial or execu-
tive control over, z, 296, 297, 302,
424-426, 452, a, 106, 107; John

OUpin case, z, 297; location of
adjudication, 366; detaining crew
of neutral, as witnesses, 451, 453,
457, 465; Qrey Jacket case, 2, 469,
492, 493. See aUo Blockade, Mails,
MorU Blanc, Neutrality.

Promotion, before retirement, 3, 531.

Protestant Episcopal Church, and
avil War, a, 382.

Prussia, claims convention, 3, 9.

Pruyn, R. H., and vessels for Japan,
Zy 188, 225; and joint attack on
Japan, a, 560; on Seymour's candi*
dacy (1868), 3, 390.

Pryor, Roger, and Holt, 3, 172, 174.

Public records, right to copies, a,
211-213, 220.

Puritan, construction, a, 201, 207,
340.

Pyne, Smith, fast-day sermon, z,
288.

Quarantine, suggestion of national, a»

480.
Qti€en oj ihe West, captured, z, 240.

R. R, Cuyler, Downes court martial,
a» 162; seixure, 3, 38-40, 42.

Raasloff, W. R., and sale of Danish
West Indies, 3, 95.

Radford, William, and Confederate
ship-timber, a, 336; in Johnson's
tour, 585, 588; and Bay of Sa-
mank, 631; inspection tour, 3» 422.

Railroads. See Pacific.

Raleigh, Johnson's trip, 3, 100, 101,
104.

Randall, A. W., and Union Conven-
tion, a, 533-535, 574, 582, 617, 3,
251; Postmaster-General, a» 563;
and Johnson's tour, 587, 588; and
Foiui;eenth Amendment, 609, 628;
and Mexico, 622, 623, 625; on
welcome to Congress, 632; and
asylum for the Pope, 640; and
negro suffrage for the District, 3,
5,6; and Stanton's report on en-
forcement of civil rights, 43, 45; use
of patronage, 52, 64; and impeach-

INDEX

643

ment, 57; Welles diBtnista, 57, 64,
83, 91, 101, 162; and Dankh West
Indies, 98, 124; in Johnson's trip
to Raleigh, 101; on Stanbeiy's
ppinion on the Reconstruction
Acts, 111, 114; in Johnson's trip to
Boston, 114; aod Otterbourg, 135;
and Conover allegations, 143^146,
149; and removal of Sheridan, 151 ;
Johnson dissatisfied with, 156, 183 ;
and suspension of Stanton, 163;
rumors of retirement, 203; and
habeas corpus proceedings on en-
listments, 213, 221 ; and question of
arrest of Johnson, 238; and nomi-
nation of Schofield, 340; expeets
acquittal, 352; and election of
1868, 453, 458; and Seward, 458;
Grant proscribes, 464; on Seward
and Grant, 511; and holding over
under Grant, 533; and the inau-
guration, 538, 541.

Rimdali, S. J., and Fidd court mar-
tial, 3, 140.

Rathbun, Gecn^, eukl Wilmot Plro-
viso, 2, 386.

Rawlins, J. A., reports Vicksburg
operations to Lincoln, x, 386, 387;
character, 386, 3, 551; Secretary
of War, 551.

Raymond, , contract frauds, i,

537.

Raymond, H. J., political character,
as manager, a, 87, 171, 175, 177;
and political control of Brooklyn
Navy Yard, 97, 98, 108, 122, 136,
142, 175; and general political
assessment, 112; and release of
Scofield, 199, 201; and Welles, 201;
and French mission, 205; and Re-
construction, 406; and Civil Rights
Bill, 479; relations with Johnson,
517, 523, 549, 552, 555, 610, 613,
618, 3, 191, 251; and calling of
Union Convention, a, 530, 534;
and Fourteenth Amendment, 541.
See also New York Times.

Read, C. W., career in Tacony, i,

. 327, 333, 342, 350, 375 o.

Rea«an, J. H., paroled, a, 382.

Rear-admirals, appointment on the
retired list, x» 75-77.

ReooDstruction, value of Welles's
diary, x, xlii-1; theories, 400, 406,
410, 411, 414, 415, 429, a, 84, 109,
197, 301, 349, 430, 568, 600, 645,
3, 81 ; Chase and Welles on slavery
and (1863), z, 402, 403, 410-415,
429, a, 234; need of a Constitu-
tional amendment, z, 430; division
of Cabinet on (1863), 467; qoca-
tion of amnesty, a, 43, 294, 801,
358, 3f 9, 183, 193, 197-199, 386,
394-396; Wade-Davis manifesto,
a, 95, 96, 96; Welles on difficulties
(1864), 98, 99; linooln's proclama-
tion, 99; Linooln's dilemma, 179;
Thirteenth Amendment, 234; at-
titude of Radicals (1865), 239,
242; Lincohi's bust speech, 279;
Virginia legislature incident, 279,

280, 296, 3> 522; Stanton's pUoi
(1865), a, 281, 282, 291, 294, 301;
plans and progress of executive,

281, 282, 291, 301, 305, 315, 816,
379, 579, 580; Johnson's first atti-
tude, 291 ; negro suffrage, 301-304,
324, 330, 343, 364, 369, 373, 375,
422, 490, 502, 640, 3> 3^, 15, 19,
22, 23, 102, 137, 329, 374, 524;
Southern appointments and iron-
clad oath, a, 318, 357, 445, 450,
453, 454; unfavorable tone in
South (1865), 847, 352; (1866),
641; military departments (1865),
355, 356; beginning of opposition
to Johnson's policy, 363, 364, 381 ;
Cabinet and Johnson's policy,
Welles and Sumner on (1865), 364,
393-395, 397, 398, 400, 411, 415-
417, 419, 424-426 n., 430; political
issues (1865), 373; sufficiency of
executive, 378, 379; exclusion of
Southern Representatives, 887,
388, 392, 440-444, 446, 488, 489,
559; Grant's tour of South, 396,
398; Johnson on the Radicals (Jan.,
1866), 410; tone of Qovemors'

644

INDEX

messages (1866), 410; and fiarty
split, 412, 414, 421, 425, 434, 443,
446, 454, 456, 48(M183, 485, 522-
525, 571; Freedmen's Bureau, 413,
431-437, 554, 3, 142; WeUes fore-
tells effect of Congressional, a» 420,
433 ; Welles lu-ges Johnson to make
a public statement, 421; Joint
Committee, 436, 438, 441, 449; po-
litical errors of Radicals, 437;
Johnson's Washington's Birthday
speech, 43S-440, 647; Welles on
necessity of action (1866), 449,
450; revolutionary plans, 451, 636,
653, 3> 12, 17, 25, 55, 86, 87, 128,
245, 314, 321; and State elections
(1866), 2, 452, 454-462, 468,
469, 474; Qvil Rights Bill, 459,
460, 463, 464, 475, 477, 479, 489;
both sides seek Grant, 477, 478;
dual government feared, 484, 552,
555, 557; Cabinet discussion of re-
port of Joint Committee, 494-501 ;
Fourteenth Amendment, 516, 521,
526, 527, 529, 532-537, 539, 541,
549, 557, 558, 608-610, 618, 630,
636, 649, 3, 7, 8, 417 ; Union Conven-
tion, 528-531, 533-535, 538-542,
645-548, 550, 552-554, 567,
571, 573, 574, 57^-578, 581, 608,
609, 617, 3, 251 ; Radical caucusand
program (July, 1866), 3, 552, 555;
New Orleans riot, 567, 569, 570,
572-575, 611; conditions in the
South, 568, 569, 3, 34, 105, 208,
245, 246, 248; government by ma-
jority, a, 576; character of John-
son's requirements and appoint-
ments, 579; inconsistency and ig-
norance of Radicals, 583, 645;
character of Johnson's support
(1866), 590, 595, 602, 603, 615;
and Congressional election, 616-
619; Johnson's consistency, 629;
probable action of Congress at
second session, 635, 636; mili-
tary interference with States
(1866), 642, 644; Administration
and first bill, veto, 650, 3i 10-12,

29, 40, 46-49, 51, 54, 55; Johnson
and North Otfolina's proposal of
compromise, 31-33; report against
Louisiana government, 41; inter-
pretation of Act, Stanbery's opin-
ion, 59, 60, 94, 96-99, 105, 107,
109-117; selection of military gov-
ernors, 62-65; injunction case
against the Act, 80, 86; Wilson's
tour in South, 86, 89; expenditures
and apim>priations under Act, 93,
119, 131; conduct of military gov-
ernors, 104, 117, 125-127. 130,
142, 170, 174-176, 182, 185-188,
193, 241-244, 256, 277; bungting
action of Congress, 129; explana-
tory act, 132, 137; Welles's policy
of non-execution of Acts, 161, 164,
169; Grant and Welles discuss the
Acts, 177-181; Grant and execu-
tion of Acts, 182, 183, 185, 187-
190, 242, 298; date of elections,
207 ; signs of reaction, 208 ; disturb-
ances and requests for troops, 211,
424, 460-463; McCardle case, 314,
320; hampering of Supreme Court,
314, 323; constitutions, 347, 360;
rumors of Johnson's change of pol-
icy, 360, 364; question of future
policy (1868), 403; exclusion of
Presidential vote, 405; carpet-bag
representation, 411; use of troops
as posse, 430, 431; confiscation,
504; Georgia excluded, 525.

Red River campaign. Porter's re-
ports, 2» 18, 26; Halleck on, 18;
condemnation of Banks, 19; Lin-
coln on failure, 26; origin, 27; cot-
ton speculation, 37, 86, 173; dam,
37; naval complaints, 178; cap-
tured cotton, 255, 263.

Reed, W. B., paper for Union Con-
vention, 2, 574; character, 3, 184.

Republican Party, Welles on Whig
element, a, 122; preservation and
Johnson-Congress conflict, 421,
425, 443, 446, 454, 456, 462, 522-
525, 528; character in New Eng-
land (1867), 3» 88; WeUes foretells

INDEX

64S

liberal movement, 624, 526. See
also Elections, Politics, Union
Convention.

Repudiation of Confederate debt,
and Reconstruction, 2, 579.

Requisitions, held up, 2, 58, 59, 69,
106, 114, 264, 266, 268, 274.

Resaca, battle, 2, 33.

Resumption, Cabinet on (1869), 3,
487, 492, 493. See also Paper
money.

Retirement of naval officers, Welles's
attitude, z, 532; Board, a, 41; ef-
forts to escape, a, 85, 86, 107-
109, 135, 250, 251 ; and promotion,

. 531; control of the Board (1869),
569.

Reynolds, J. P., killed, z, 354.

Reynolds, J. G., reproved, z, 89.

Reynolds, William, and Hawaii, 3,
322, 329.

Rhett, Barnwell, character, 2, 312.

Rhind, A. C, report on the attack
on Charleston, z, 267; and iron-
clads, 268.

Rice, A. H., on test of Eutaw, z, 519;
on conduct of J. P. Hale, 2, 6; and
Investigation of contractors, 7; as
Chairman of Navy Committee, 11,
236; excursion, 31; and Smith
Bros., 53, 56, 124; on differences in
financial policy, 57; and Recon-
struction, 498, 499.

Richardson, W. A., of Illinois, elec-
tion to Senate, 2, 153.

Richmond, proposed attack (Sept.,
1862), z, 130; conditions (Jan.,
1863), 223; and Stoneman's raid
(1863), 295; Dahlgren raid, 534,
536-538; fall, 2, 272, 275; munici-
pal election (1865), 347, 348.

Ricketts, J. B., and Second Bull
Run, z, 110.

Riddle, A. G., Conover allegations,
3, 143 n., 170.

Ridgeley, A. S., appointed district-
attorney, 3, 56, 58, 59.

Riggs, G. W., and Southern qrm-

. patl^y (1864), z, 521.

Ringgold, Cadwalader, intrigue for
vote of thanks, z, 534.

Risley, Olive, and Seward, 3, 449.

Rives, J. C, Army and Nauy Qor
tette, z, 343; death, 2,8; Welles's
association with, 8.

Rives, Wright, excursion, 2, 340; on
Johnson's associates, 3, 566.

Roanoke, at New York, z, 347, 435.

Robert Anderson, and Matamoras
trade, z, 389.

Roberts, M. 0., and Fenton, 3, 508.

Robinson, J. C, wounded, 2, 29.

Rodgers, G. W., death, z, 415.

Rodgers, John, in James River, z,
72; weathers storm in Weehatoken,
226; capture of Fingal, 337; official
congratulations, 344, 351; and Du
Pont, 344, 373; on Butler and first
Wilmington expedition, 2, 216; aa
head of Charlestown Navy Yard,
3, 418.

Rodgers, Rajonond, as officer, 2, 353,
3,384.

Roe, F. A., seisure of Santa Anna, 3,
115, 128, 131.

Roebuck, J. A., motion for recogni-
tion, z, 374.

Rolando, Henry, capture of WiUiam
Peel, z, 548.

Rollins, £. A., and Radicals, 3, 404,
442.

Romero, Matias, Schenck coire*
spondence, 2, 527, 528.

Roosevelt, R. B., and impeachment,
3, 349.

Root, J. M., and Wilmot Proviso, 2|
386.

Roeecrans, W. S., Murfreesborough,
z, 213, 216, 218, 2, 283; Chicka-
mauga, z, 438, 441, 444, 446; move-
ment to reinforce, 442; Lincoln
loses confidence in, 447.

Roselius, Christian, Union man, z,
81; on conditions in Louisiana
(1867), 3, 208.

Rosen, Count, excursion, 2, 31.

Ross, E. G., impeachment vote, 3i
356, 358, 359, 362, 367, 368.

646

INDEX

Rom, Samuel, on draft, t, 8S2.

Rousseau, L. H., and Peodergrast,
1, 364; in Johnson'a tour, 689, 3,
502; and Alaskan oommisskHi,

• ; 141, 160; and military governor-

ship, 142; return to WashingtoUt
847; death, 602; as officer, 602.

Rowan, S. C, Sumter expedition, x,
23; and Norfdk Navy Yaid, 43;
and Charleston, 276; on need of
sailors, 545; and dismissBl of Radi-
cals, 3» 13, 21.

Ruger, T. J., and postmastenhip, 3,
52.

Russell, Earl, hostile attitude, x,
250; dispatch on Eng^h attitude,
298; lessened hostility, 209; on
captured mafls, 300; and Roe-
buck's motion, 374.

Russia, visit of fleet, z, 443, 480, 481,
484 ; Fox's official visit, 2» 506, 509,
512, 514; sale of Alaska, 3, 66, 68,
75, 83, 84.

Rynders, Isaiah, R. C. Winthrop
and, a, 154.

Sabine, alleged detention, 39 337.

Sabine Pass expedition, z, 441,
443.

Sacramento, wrecked, 3, 120, 554.

St. Albans, Confederate raid, a, 198.

St. Louis, Johnson at, a, 593.

St. Thomas Island, WUkes's viola-
tion of neutrality, i, 322, 325, 451 ;
proposed purchase, a, 466, 473, 3,
40, 95-98, 124, 502.

Sailor's Creek, battle, a, 276.

Salgar, Eustorjio, and seizure of the
R. R, Cuyler, 3, 38.

Samand, Bay of, proposed purchase,
a, 631, 643, 3f 7, 40.

San Domingo, Seward's embarrass-
ment (1864), z, 519; proposed sale
of Bay of Saman^, a, 681, 643, 3,

• > 7, 40; protectorate for, 480; desires

annexation, 517.
San Jaeinio, Alabama escapes from,
Zy 191; and pursuit of TaUahaseee,
a, 110.

San Joan Island, treaty on (1809), 3,
606.

Sanders, Q. N., and Greeley's nego-
tiations, a, 83; implication in aa-
sassination of Lincoln, 299.

Sanford, H. S., desire for passage in
Niagara, a, 38, 89; Veneiuelan
claim, 3, 297; and Spanish znis-
sion, 578.

Santa Anna, A. L. de, seisure (1867),
3, 115, 128, 131, 132.

Saunders, Reed, and captured mailSy
z, 222.

Savage, J. L., fraudulent contracts,
z, 637, a, 54, 78.

Savannah, the Fingal, z, 72; cap-
tured, a, 208, 209; cotton, 220,
278; Stanton on conditions (1865),
228; aspect (1865), 313.

Sawyer, G. F. (7) , suspennon revoked,
3,554.

Schenck, J. F., and retiring board,
a, 41.

Schenck, R. C, Second Bull Run, z,
98; denies invasion by Lee (1863),
332; and chairmanship of Naval
Committee (1863), 482; and naval
retiring board, a, 41; and attack
on Navy Department, 236; as
Radical, 247; Romero correspond-
ence, 527, 528; and Kentucky
Representatives, 3, 129; and re-
tirement of Goldsborough, 135;
and doubtful Senators, 357; calls
special session, 437; and Johnson's
message (1868), 479; and repeal of
Tenure-of-Office Act, 564.

Schofield, J. M., and Missouri Radi-
cals, z, 448, 471; nomination to
War Department, 3, 338-340, 371 ;
first Cabinet-meeting, 375; and
case of arrests in Georgia, 420;
and insurrection in Crete, 425;
and use of troops as posse, 430;
and test of the Alexandrine chain,
436, 437; supports Grant, 450; and
Pollard, 452; and disturbances in
the South, 460, 461, 463; advance
publication of annual report, 475;

INDEX

647

on resumptioiii 493; and oonfisca-
tion, 504; advises consolidation of
War and Navy Departments, 519;
and holding over under Grant,
533, 535; and the inauguration,
541.

Schoolships, Welles on gov^nment
vessels for private, 3, 531.

Schatzenfest, Welles on, a, 426.

Schurz, Carl, and Chase for Cabinet,
2, 391; Southern trip, 580; politi-
cal character, 580.

Scofield, C. W., fraudulent contracts,
I, 537, 2, 19; trial, 57, 58, 60; sen-
tence, efforts for release, 176, 177,
199-201.

Scott, John, Senatorial candidacy
(1869), 3, 505.

Scott, T. A., as Assistant Secretary of
War, I, 127; and Lee's invasion,
331.

Scott, Winfield, and relief of Sumter,
z, 3-8, 12, 15; protection of Wash-
ington, 4; and Fort Pickens, 26,
29; and defense of Norfolk Navy
Yard, 41, 44, 45, 52, 83; defensive-
frontier policy, 84-86, 242, 2, 515;
Lincoln's interview (1862), x, 109,
120; letter on Secession, 171; Mo-
Clellan's disrespect, 241, 242;
and Lincoln, 526; death, 2, 514;
character, 514.

Seals, protection, $, 516.

Secession, Welles on impossibility, z,
414, 429; armistice, 2, 374, 378.
See also Reconstruction (theories).

Second Bull Run. See Bull Run.

Secor and Swift, bid for ironclads, 3,
92, 387.

Seddon, J. A., application for amnes-
ty, 3, 230, 231.

Sedgwick, C. B., and codification of
naval laws, z, 245; and Laird's
statement, 396; and fraudulent
contract cases, 512, 518, 524; and
prize law, 531.

Sedgwick, John, Chancellorsville
campaign, z, 295; and escape of
Lee, 374; killed, 2, 27.

Segar, J. E.(7), trade pomit, 2,257.

Selfridge, T. O., Sr., not promoted, Xf
77.

Selfridge, T. O., Jr., pressure for re-
moval, 2, 597, 599; and habetu
oorptis proceedings, 3, 208-221;
report on vessels under oonstruo-
tion (1869), 574.

Semmes, Raphael, question of arrest
and trial, 2, 404, 406, 407, 410, 414,
420, 423, 424, 432, 436, 457, 467,
471; released, 476, 477. See aUo
Alabama,

Seven Days' Battle, Stanton and:
McClellan after, x» 355. See also,
Peninsular campaign.

Sewardt F. W., and Sumter expedf-w
tion, Z| 23; and father's resigna-.
tion (1862), 194; at Cabinetrmeet-
ings, 319, 3, 318; and trial of
Wilkes, z, 530; assault on, 2, 283-
285, 291, 307; and Bay of SamanA,
643, 3, 7, 40.

Sewaid, Mrs. F. W., and assault on
husband, 2, 284.

Seward, W. H., under Lincoln:
Welles's portraiture, z, xxxii-xzxv;
and relief of Sumter, 6, 9, 12-^9,
2, 248; assumption of leadership,
z, 7, 12, 14, 36-39, 79, 133, 136,
198, 203, 2, 515,3, 428; expected to
compromise with Secessionists, z,
11, 172, 355; and (Ilonfederate com-
missioners, 12, 26-28, 32-35; and
Fort Pickens, 14, 25; and Harvey,
32; and appointment of Stanton,
56, 58-60, 68, 127, 128; and Merri-
mac scare, 63; and emancipation,
70, 143, 144, 210; and Wilkes, 73,
109, 134, 298, 299, 304; and the
blockade and belligerency, 74, 79,
82, 174, 414, 2, 160; and Norfolk
Navy Yard, z, 84; and move-
ment to remove McClellao, 1(X),
104, 112, 241; and Pope's report,
110; and Caleb Smith, 119, 193;
and New York Times, 123; atti-
tude toward Cabinet consultations,
104, 124, 138,381, 390, 891, 400,2,

648

INDEX

16, 58, 203; and appointment of
Cameron, x, 126; private influence
over Lincoln, 131-139, 274, 284,
287, 526, a, 36, 38, 86, 92, 112, 130,
155, 166, 176; interference with
other Departments, z, 132, 137,
139, 241-243, 274, 290, 300, 805,
416, 2, 160, 328;andStanton, z, 135,
355, 447; and dismissal of Pteble,
141 ; and colonizing of negroes, 152,
153, 3, 428; and New York elec-
tion (1862), z, 154, 162, 177, 219;
fears European combination
against the blockade, 154, 155;
and letters of marque, 155, 246-
250, 252, 256, 25^262; and slave-
trade cruising convention, 155,
163, 166, 193, 236; and pass for
Mrs. Bradford, 156; and Confed-
erate cruisers, 165, 438, 440; and
trade through blockade, 166, 177;
and Spain's assumption of six-mile
jurisdiction around Cuba, 170,
399, 467, 468; as diplomatist, in-
considerate yielding to foreign
demands, 170, 171, 181, 217, 269,
273, 398, 409, 445, 446, 451, 502, a,
86, 164, 3, 444; hoaxed by forged
Confederate dispatches, z, 175,
)76; and captured mails, 180, 222,
266, 269-290, 300, 315; and Gu-
rowski, 188; resignation episode,
Lincoln and the Senate commit-
tee, 194-205; and Chase, 203-205,
536; and Welles, 204, 326, 366, a,
155, 194, 384; and admission of
West Virginia, z,205; and Butler at
New Orleans, 210; and vessels for
Japan, 225, a, 190; Weed's alter
ego, z, 231, a, 105, 155, 548; de-
sire for Senatorship (1863), z, 231;
and reported raising of Charleston
blockade, 232; and question of
Galveston blockade, 233; igno-
rance of international law, 233,
285, 394, a, 106; and French medi-
ation, z, 235; and extra session of
the Senate (1863), 238; and Scott,
241, 242; and Matamons trade

and expedition to Texas, 283, 335,
387, 442; interference with judi-
cial control of prizes, 296, 297, 302,
805, a, 106, 107; and Wilson, Sec-
retary of Legation at London, i^
301 ; Blair's antagonism, 329, 345,
a, 91, 370, 3» 72; and French to-
bacco at Richmond, z, 338-340, a,
9, 12; prevents restoration of Mo-
Clellan (1863), z,345; and relieving
of Hooker, 348; and Stephens's at-
tempted mission (1863), 358, 360-
363; and serenade after Vicka-
burg, 364; and promotion of D. D.
Porter, 369; and Dix, 373; and
Whiting, 381, a, 85; credulity as to
foreign news, z, 374; and instruc-
tion of naval officers as to neutral
rights, 398, 409, 450, 535, a, 34;
and Laird rams, z, 399, 429, 43&-
438, 443, 448; excursion, 404; Ly-
ons's influence over, 409; avoids
Reconstruction theorizing, 413,
467 ; Mont Blanc incident, 416-427 ;
shirks responsibility, 416, a, 392,
403, 409, 413, 518, 625, 628, 3> 424;
on draft and habeaa eorptu pro-
ceedings, Z| 432, 433; on Palmer-
ston, 437; Emma incident, 445;
draft of Thanksgiving proclama-
tion, 449; and Admiral Milne, 467,
468; and sale of a naval vessel to
an unrecognized government, 474*
476; and visit of Russian fleet, 481 ;
and Trowbridge-Lamar plot, 492,
493; and Mexico, 493; and renoizi*
ination of Lincoln, 500; and Sum-
ner, 503; entertains American
Academy, 506; on Clay, 607;
Chesapeake incident, 508, 545; and
cotton trade, 511, a, 57, 66, 159-
163, 167; and Grinnell, z,513; and
detention of crews of captured
blockade-runners, 517; and San
Domingo (1864), 519; and raising
of Brownsville blockade, 529; and
defeat in Florida, 531; campugn
contribution (1864), 534; and
Grant at Lincoln's reception, 538;

INDEX

640

and new draft (1864), 542; on
bounty on immigration, 543; Wil-
liam Ped case, 548, a, 4, 12; on the
responsibility of opening dasrs of
the War, i, 549; and Banks, a, 18;
and conservative movement
(1864), 29; and forged procliona-
tion incident, 35, 38, 67; and atti-
tude of France (1864), 35, 39; ex-
tradition of Arguellis for slave-
trading, 36, 45; and Sanford, 38,
39; and foreign-owned cotton, 40;
and Hamlin, 47; and Chase's resig-
nation (1864), 62, 65; and Early's
raid, 74; and E. D. Smith, 83; and
arrest of Henderson, 83; and
Greeley's peace negotiations, 84,
99, 110; Bates on, 93; outburst in
Cabinet, 106, 107; and Du Pont,
117; influence over Fessenden, 120,
173; as campaign manager, 120,
131; and Georgia ''peace commis-
sioner," 126; easily imposed upon
by intrigants, 126; Auburn key-
note speech (1864), 140; and date
of Republican Convention, 142;
and Blair's rengnation, 157, 158 n. ;
political dishonesty, 160; and ad-
mission of Nevada, 163, 164; de-
nunciation by Radicals, 174, 198,
274; and naval votes, 175; hope-
ful of Lincoln's reflection, 176;
and Taney's funeral, 176; and
Chief-Justiceship, 182; and cap-
ture of the Florida, 185, 186, 197;
and Lincoln's second Cabinet, 194;
constitutional views, 197; House
resolution against, 202; on law as
to public records, 211-213; and
Butler (1865), 224; and idea of
peace negotiations, 231 ; Hampton
Roads Conference, 235, 236, 238;
favors Morgan for the Treasury,
244; and appreh^ided decision on
arbitrary arrests, 246; on Chase as
Cabinet disturber, 246; on John-
son's speech as Vice-President,
252, 253; and Hale's appointment
to Spanish mission, 255, 257| 268;

and flag-raising at Sumter, 267;
goes to headquarters, 269; and
proclamation closing Southern
ports (1865), 275; accident, 275;
attempted assassination, 283-285,
291, 307; speech on war-time ad-
ministration, 383, 384; and nom-
ination of Johnson, 384; selection
to the Cabinet, 388-392; claim to
have shaped the Cabinet, 3, 76.

Under Johnson: views Lincoln's
funeral, a, 293; call by Johnson
and Cabinet, 304; and StonewdUf
306, 335; resumes work, 307; and
opening of ports, 307; and procla-
mation on Confederate "pirates"
(1865), 307; Mexican policy and
action, 317, 332, 333, 336, 348,
367, 393, 401, 430, 479, 485, 486»
579, 622-626, 628, 648, 3> 115, 131,
132, 138; and purchase of Ford's
Theatre, a, 317; and withdrawal
of belligerency, 319; and refusing
hospitality to English navy, 319,
320, 327; and Campbell, 330; and
closing of Ford's Theatre, 331 ; ex-
ercise of arbitrary power, 331 ; and
trial of Davis, 335, 337, 339, 865;
vacation, 348; plan to relieve John-
son of burdens, 354; and Spanish-
Peruvian affairs, 857, 365; and
ironclad oath, 358; and Johnson's
policy and party preservation, 363,
378, 393, 399, 424, 425 n., 426 n.,
437, 516, 523, 525, 527, 528, 530,
533, 538, 540, 544, 545, 556, 566,
591, 595, 610, 3,47; recalls Fogg,
a, 388; and Johnson's annual mes-
sage (1865), 392; trip to Cuba
and escape from Congress, 392,
403, 406, 409, 413; desire for
French West Indies, 393; and ru-
mor of Stanton's intention to re-
sign (1865), 399, 400; blunders,
404; Presidential aspirations, 405;
and Shenandoah, 411; and Freed'
men's Bureau Bill, 434 ; and Firench
Exhibition, 463, 469; and purchase
of Danish West Indies, 466, 478, 3»

650

INDEX

40, 95-97, 124, 125, 502; and
trip for Robert Johnson, a, 472,
491; and Fenians, 484, 486, 518,
520, 521, 524, 3, 283; troubles with
Paraguay, 2, 491, 492, 543, 3, 427,
466-468, 510, 516; on repwt of Re-
construction Committee, a, 495,
498; and Atlantic cable, 503; and
Fox's official trip, 509, 512; har
rangues, 510, 3, 87; and Mme. Ber-
tinatti's claim, 3» 522, 526; and
Schenck-Romero correspondence,
527, 528; and call of Union Con-
vention, 530, 534, 535, 538-541,
647, 548, 553, 609, 617, 3, 251; and
Fourteenth Amendment, a, 531,
532, 535, 541, 628, 3, 417; excur-
non, a, 547 ; and Japan, 560-562, 3,
87, 89, 91, 92, 135, 229, 365, 613;
and bounty bill (1866), a, 564;
and sending Dix abroad, 566, 607;
dodges Union Convention, 675;
and Stanbery, 575; proclamation
of peace, 579, 580; and Queen
Emma, 582; plans Presidential
tour, 584, 587; and return of Sli-
dell, 585; in Johnson's tour, 588,
691; slifi^ted at Albany, 592; and
Johnson's speeches, 594; illness on
tour, 594, 598; and Senatorship,
607, 611; and arrest of Surratt,
630; proposed purchase of Bay of
Bamani, 631, 643, 3, 7; and wel-
come of Congress (1866), a, 632;
on asylum for the Pope, 638,
639, 642; and negro suffrage, 3» 4;
and Arkansas delegation (1867), 6;
Prussian negotiations, 9; and first
Reconstruction Bill, 10; and im-
peachment movement (1867), 12,
50, 57; appointment of Kilpatrick,
24; seeks to placate Radicals, 25;
and resignation of Motley, 24, 34-
38; and relinquishment of the Dun-
derberg, 27 ; and seizure of the R* R.
Cuyler, 38, 39, 42; and Stanton's
report on enforcement of civil
rights, 43, 44; and Tucker episode,
45, 66, 71; and veto of Tenure-of-

Office Bill, 51, 52, 54; on Grant
and Butler, 56; evil influence over
Johnson, 64-66, 83, 100, 116, 119,
120, 132-134, 160, 191, 195, 263,
383, 403, 409, 411, 454, 492; pur-
chase of Alaska, 66, 75; and Foster
for Austrian mission, 68, 70; and
expediency, 71 ; and Indian affairs,
74; egotism, 75; and Connecticut
election (1867), 78, 80; and sale of
ironclads, 92, 438; desires Culebra
Island, 94; before impeachment
committee, 95; sycophantic to-
ward Stanton and Grant (1867),
1(X); in Johnson's trip to Raleigh,
100, 101; annexation fever and
Presidential aspirations, 106, 120,
125; and tax on foreigners in Co-
lombia, 106; and Stanbery's opin-
ion on Reconstruction Acts, 110,
111, 114, 116; in Johnson's trip to
Boston, 109, 114, 120; and Sheri-
dan's letter, 125; on direct depart*
mental conmiunications to Con-
gress, 131; and Otterbourg, 135;
and Cretan insurrection, 138, 425;
and suspension of Stanton, 159,
160, 162, 163, 326; and Conover
allegations, 161, 170; Johnson dis-
trusts, 168; rumors of retirement,
183, 184, 203, 364, 371 ; Blair urgea
dismissal, 195; influence over Mc-
Culloch, 204, 389; BxAhabeoBcor^
jm9 proceedings on enlistments,
213, 221; as politician, 227, 228;
and amnesty for Seddon, 230; Ala^
bama claims negotiations, 241,
468-471, 474, 506, 607, 516. 679;
and conditions in the South (1867),
246; andEnglish mission, 256; and
Johnson-Grant controversy, 263,
266, 271, 276; arrogance towards
Venesuela, 296, 349; and Cabinet
consultations, 297; and impeach-
ment trial, 297, 298, 304, 305, 307,
308, 335, 337; official retrospec-
tions, 301 ; on D. D. Field, 303; and
Alta Vela, 305, 316, 318, 322; and
Chase (1868), 306, 389; on Mc-

INDEX

651

Cardie case, 320; and Hawaiian
Iidanda, 322, 329; and removal of
Stanton, 335; and Morgan, 336;
expects acquittal of the President,
845; attitude towards nominees
(1868), 402, 406, 415, 443, 458,
459, 463; and veto of bill excluding
electoral vote of South, 405; and
Jc^nson's suggested amendments,
406; and nomination of Cummings,
414; plans trips (1868), 424, 484;
and use of army as poMe, 430; and
Eilpatrick's return to electioneer,
437, 447; rumor of intended mar-
riage, 449; influence over Randall,
458; and disturbances in the

: South, 461, 462 ; character of treat-
ies, 463, 504; and Grant after elec-
tion, 465, 508, 511; and dinner to
Evarts, 465; and Korea, 485; and
portfolio under Grant, 491; offi-
cious disarrangements at New
Year's reception (1869), 496; and
confiscation, 504; and Hale as
Minister, 519; and canal treaty,
526; and holding over under
Grant, 532, 533, 535; and the in-
auguration, 537, 538, 541.

Seward, W. H., Jr., wounded, 2^ 71.

Seward, Mrs. W. H., death, a, 319.

Seymour, Horatio, nominate for
Governor, z» 154; spirit of mes-
sage (1863), 219; Blair on Seward

: and, 345; speech on Fourtii, 363;
and draft riots, 372; correspond-
ence with Lincdn, 395, 396, 399;
and State portfolio, $« 203. See
aUo Elections (1868).

Seymour, O. S., defeat, a, 6; charac-
ter, 5.

Seymour, T. H., campaign for Crov-
emor, z, 262; speech on Fourth,
863; career and character a^ 5, 3,
431-434; and McClellan's letter of
acceptance, a, 140; death, 3, 431.

Sharkey, W. L., and Reconstruction
of Mississippi, a, 315, 316, 366.

I^llabarger, Samuel, rq;>ort on Lou-
isiana, 3, 41.

SheruMoah, disposal, Ji 411, 417,
427.

Shenandoah Valley, Early's raid
(1864), a. 68, 69, 87; Sheridan in
command, 96; Sheridan's cam«
paign, 151, 153, 158.

Sheridan, P. H., in Virginia cam-
paign, a, 29; command in the Val«
ley, 96; Valtey campaign, 151, 153,
158; Five Forks, 272; SaUor's
Creek, 276; and Mexico, 333; on
New Orleans riot, 569, 570, 572;
and Indian depredations in Texas,
613; as militiury governor, 3, 93,
104, 117, 125-127, 130, 142, 146,
500; removal, 149-157, 174, 186,
187.

Sherman, John, and exclusion of
Southern Congressmen, a, 440,
443; amendment to Reconstruc-
tion Bill, 3, 47; and rdnstatement
of Stanton, 258, 263; and impeach-
ment, 335, 351, 367; character,
523; and appointment of Stewart,
546.

Sherman, R. U. (?), seeks collector-
ship, 3, 424.

Sherman, Roger, watch, 3, 265.

Shennan, W. T., Vieksburg, z, 220;
and Johnston after Vieksburg,
375, 379; Atlanta campaign, a, 33,
135, 140; as commander, 92, 242;
reaches the sea, 200; at Savannah,
208, 209; and D. D. Porter, 221;
plans of Carolina march, 221 ; and
foreign-claimed cotton, 229; con-
troversy over peace terms, 294-
297, 309, 3, 247, 521, 523; indorses
Johnson's policy, a, 606; goes to
Mexico, 621, 649; called to Wash-
ington to influence Grant (1867)«
3, 221, 232, 233, 254; mission to
the Indians, 254; and Johnson^
Grant controversy, 260, 261, 263,
266, 272; presented with Roger
Sherman's watch, 265; new de-
partment for, Johnson's efforts to
attach, 272, 279, 281-283; lettere
as impeachment evidence, 830^

662

INDEX

331; testimoiiy, 332; and War De-
partment after Grant's inaugura-
tion, 550, 564.

Ship-timber, cutting in North Caro-
lina, I, 522, 527, 528.

Bhubrick, W. B., reception, i, 521;
and Du Pont, a, 30, 118; and Far-
ragut, 116.

Shufeldt, R. W., as officer, i, 434;
on attack on Charleston, 466.

I^card, Montgomery, Naval Acad-
emy assignment, 3, 440.

IKckles, D. E., on Gettysburg, z, 472;
interference with North Carolina
laws, a, 642, 644; as military gov-
ernor, 3, 65, 170, 176, 182, 185,
187; letter on Welles and Recon-
struction Act, 110; removed, 187;
wants court of inquiry, 207, 232;
and Spanish mission, 578.

Sigel, lYanz, defeat in the Valley
(1864), a, 68.

Silliman, Benjamin, at Seward's, i,
506.

Simpson, Edward, Foote's fleet cap-

- tain, z, 318.

Simpson, Matthew, and impeach-
ment, 3, 358.

fiisson, H. T., in North Carolina, z,
350.

Slave-trade, controversy over cruis-
ing convention, z, 155, 163, 166,
192, 103, 236; arrest of Arguellis, a,
36, 45; story of, to Cuba (1866),
570.

^very, Welles's attitude, z, xix;
and Reconstruction, 402, 403, 407,
410. See also Emancipation, Fugi-
tive, Negroes, Slave-trade.

Slidell, John, desires to return, a, 585.

Slocum, H. W., on New York poli-
tics (1866), a, 606; and Weed, 3,24.

Smalley, D. A., and Johnson's re-
movals, a, 508.

Smith, A. N., heads Bureau of Equip-
ment, z, 343.

Smith, Ashbel, letter on Texas af-
fairs, a, 332.

&nith, C. B., and movement to re-

move McCleOan, z, 94, 95, 100,
101; and Sewaid, 119, 193; on
Banks, 126; on Pope, 126; on Cabi-
net-meetings, 131 ; and McClellan'a
delay after Antietam, 146; and
colonizing of negroes, 150-152; on
fractional currency, 168; threat-
ens to resign, 193;- and Seward's
resignation, 203; selection to the
Cabinet, a, 390.

Smith, E. D., and Peterhoff mails, z»
284, 310; and contract frauds, a,
78, 82, 114.

Smith, £, E., supplies intercepted, z,
379.

Smith, F. W., collector at Bridge-
port, and Connecticut election
(1866), a, 457, 460.

Smith, Franklin W. See Smith
Brothers.

Smith, Mrs. Franklin W., and arrest
of husband, a, 61.

Smith, G. C., Montana appdnW
ment, a, 527.

Smith, J. B., death, z, 142.

Smith, J. C, and Connecticut elec^
tion (1868), 3, 329.

Smith, James, messenger of Navy
Department, a, 283.

Smith, Joseph, and Merrimae scare,
z, 64; and ironclads, 179; and
Monitor f 214; Hale's attacks on,
224, a, 6; and Preble, z, 228; and
guns for monitors, 342; and Fox,
401 ; and Charlestown Navy Yard,
a, 31, 34; and contract frauds, 53;
and Farragut, 116, 134; and relief
of naval contractors, a, 207; and
Grimes, 3, 13, 14; at Lincoln's
first, and Johnson's last, recep-
tion, 539.

Smith, Kilby, nomination, 3, 85.

Smith, Melancthon, and Lane's trade
permit, a, 56; as exchange agent,
169, 171; and Bureau of Naviga-
tion, 357; heads Bureau of Equip-
ment, 597; and habeas corpus pro-
ceedings on enlistments, 3, 208L
211.

INDEX

653

Smith, Tniman, and Reoonstrao-
tion, a, 434.

Smith, Watson, report on Warring-
ton, If 510.

Smith Brothers, charged with con-
tract frauds, a, 7; arrest and trial,
53-57, 60, 90, 224; petition in be-
half of, 124; Lincoln's concern,
124; efforts for release, 231, 238;
sentence reversed, 260-264, 334,
350; Welles on guilt, 266.

Smythe, H. A., collector at New
York, a, 484; and Connecticut
Senatorial election, 507, 508; and
Johnson, 558, 566; nominated to
Austrian mission, 3, 391.

South Atlantic Squadron. See
Charleston, Dahlgren, Du Pont,
Port Royal.

South Carolina, humbled, a, 242;
aristocracy of, and cause of the
Civil War, 276, 312; Reconstruc-
tion constitution, 3, 347.

South Mountain, battle, i, 130.

Spain, and Confederacy, i, 399; ap-
pointment of Minister to (1865),
2f 254, 255; trouble with Peru ex-
pected, 357, 365; and Chili, 495.
See aUo Cuba.

Spaulding, E. G., and Du Pont's In-
trigue, a, 7.

Spaulding, R. P., and Johnson's
tour, a, 589; and Navy Depart-
ment, 3, 265.

SpiBed, James, Attorney-General, a,
192, 197; and law as to public rec-
ords, 212, 220; on government of
negroes, 222; and State rights, 239;
and apprehended decision on arbi-
trary arrests, 242, 245; on Chase
and politics, 251; on Johnson's
speech as Vice-President, 252; on
drawing on next year's appropria-
tions, 264; and fall of Richmond,
273; and assassination of Lincoln,
287, 288 ; and informing of Johnson,
288, 289; first Cabinet-meeting
• under Johnson, 289; and amnesty,
294, 301; on Sherman's peace

terms, 294, 296, 297; and trade
regulations (1865), 299; and pro-
clamation against Confederate
' * pirates," 300, 308; and negro suf-
frage, 301 ; and trial of conspirators,
303, 305; on hx>nclad oath, 318;
and trial of Davis, 338, 365, 367,
368, 614; vacation, 348; and Re-
construction judges, 366; on
Freedmen's Bureau Bill, 434; and
trial of Semmes, 467; as official,
480, 481; and Mexico, 485; and
Fenians, 520, 524; and Johnson's
policy, 524, 537, 543; resigns, 554,
555.

Spencer, , of New York, and re-
lease of Scofield, a, 199.

Sperry, N. D., and Administration
(1866), a, 485; and Senatorial elec-
tion, 506.

Spinner, F. £., on elected officers,
1,406.

Spooner, Thomas, and date of Na-
tional Convention (1864), a, 30.

Spottsylvania Court-House, battle,
death of Sedgwick, a, 27; news
awaited, 28; battle reports, 29;
anxiety, 33.

Sprague, Peleg, and prize laws, i|
531, 532.

Sprague, William, and Kate Chase,
I, 306; impeachment vote, 3, 349,
356, 358; attack on lawyers, 565.

Springfield Republican, character, 3,
490.

Staff officers, differences with line, 3,
252, 253, 384; desire of surgeons
for naval rank, 501 ; relative rank,
570, 573.

Stahl, , master blacksmith, re-
moved, a, 597.

Stanbery, Henry, nominated to Su-
preme (Ik)urt, a, 487; Attorney-
General, 558, 560; on bounty bill,
564; on New Orleans riot, 572,
573; and Seward, 575; and visit of
Queen Emma, 577; and proclama-
tion of peace in Texas, 580; on Ten-
ure-of-Office Act, 583; and John*

656

INDEX

mittee, 3» 405-501; and Colondo
Bill, 503; and Atlantic cable, 503;
serenade speech, 513; and Mme.
Bertinatti's claim, 522, 526; and
Schenck-Romero correspondence,
528; and Thomas and the Tennes-
see legislature (1866), 554; and
Grant's nomination as General,
562; and bounty biU (1866), 564;
and New Orleans riot, 569-571,
611; and story of negroes kid-
napped to Cuba, 570; and final
proclamation of peace, 580, 581;
opposes Union Convention, 582;
and Johnson's tour, 585, 587, 502;
and return of Slidell, 585; and
court of inquiry for Holt, 601 ; and
relinquishment of Dunderberg, 604,
3, 28; and Indian depredations in
Texas, 613; and Maryland eleo-
tion controversy (1866), 620, 3,
140, 141 ; and Fourteenth Amend-
ment, a, 628, 630; and arrest of
Surratt, 630; and Bay of Samand,
631; and welcome to Congress,
632; and asylum for the Pope,
640; and Prussian convention, 3,
0; and reciprocal amnesty, 0; and
Reconstruction bills, helps frame
them, 11, 17, 40, 04, 06, 110; and
control of Indian affairs, 30, 60,
74, 08, 254; and seizure of R, R.
Cuyler, 38, 30, 42; and Danish
West Indies, 40, 08, 124; report on
enforcement of civil rights, 4^
46; and impeachment movement,
(1867), 50; and veto of Tenure-of-
Office BUI, 50, 52, 54, 158, 162,
168; and interpretation of Recon-
struction Act, on Stanbery's opin-
ion, 50, 64, 105, 111, 114; and ap-
pointment of military governors,
64, 65; and Tucker episode, 66, 60;
and sessions of Congress, 74; and
sale of ironclads, 02; and expendi-
tures of military governors, 03; and
Booth's diary, 05; and Sheridan's
letter, 117, 118, 125-127; direct
communications to Congress, 131,

132;andTenne8see troubles (1867),
140; responsibility for Sheridan's
actions, 154; suspension foreshad-
owed, 155; refuses to resign, 157,
158; action on, considered, 159,
160, 162, 163, 165, 167; suspended,
168, 160; public reception of sus-
pension, 173; question of suooes-
sor, 231; message on suspensicm,
240, 242; return to Washington,
246; Senate disapproves of susp^i-
sion, 255, 258, 250; GranWohnaon
controversy over reinstatement,
250-262, 266-270; question of res-
ignation after repossession, 263,
267; official taboo, 278; Thomas to
watch,'270; removal, 280, 284, 28^
201; Senate on removal, 285; ar-
rest of Thomas, 294; Ewing nom-
inated to succeed, 286, 287; re-
moval and impeachment of John-
son, 202; quo warranto writ, 209;
precedent for removal, 302, 311;
intrenched in office, nitro-glyoer-
ine scare, 207, 300, 323, 338; Scho-
field to succeed, 338-340, 371, 375;
relinquishes office in ignominy,
370; Senate's complimentary reso-
lution, 377; political influence
(1860), 508.

Starkweather, H. H., and Connecti-
cut election (1866), a, 458; and
Senatorial election, 508; and Sa^
bine, 3, 337.

State Department. iSee Seward (W.
H.), and foreign nations by name.

State-rights, Cabinet discussion
(1865), 2, 230. See aho Recon-
struction (theories).

Steam Engineering, Bureau of. jSm
Engineer Corps, Isherwood, Sti-
mers.

Stedman, G. A., mortal wound and
promotion, 2, 04, 06.

Steedman, J. B., in Johnson's tour,
2, 580; and War portfolio, 3, 166.

Stephens, A. H., attempted mission
(1863), I, 358-363; mission and
draft riots, 369; Hampton Road

INDEX

657

Conferenoe, a, 235, 238; In cos-
tody, 308; Stanton's discourtesy,
332; not to be paroled, 858; pa-
roled, 382; at Grant's reception,
478.

Stevens, A. F., investigaUon of Phil-
adelphia Navy Yard, 3, 416.

Stevens, Tliaddetis, opposition to
Seward (1864), a, 198; and But-
ler (1865), 230; and Navy Depart-
ment, 237; and Johnson (1865),
325; and exclusion of Southern
Congressmen, 387, 388, 392, 440,
442; revolutionary designs, 432,
451, 633, 3, 87, 133; and veto of
Freedmen's Bureau Bill, a, 436;
and Reconstruction Ck)mmittee,
441 ; Grimes on, 447; at Grant's re-
ception (1866), 478; and distribu-
tion of Forney's Chronide, 486;
control of Radicals, 626, 3i 130;
and Bay of Samanil, a, 643; and
impeachment (1867), 3, 12; Sena-
torial candidacy, 16, 21; character,
21, 26; and Reconstruction Bill,
40, 47; as impeachment manager,
301, 340, 354; and renewal of im-
peachment, 391.

Stewart, A. T., and Fenton, 3, 508;
character, 523; and Treasury port-
folio, 543, 545-548, 565.

Stewart, Charles, and rear-admiral-
ship, I, 77.

Stewart, W. M., and Qvil Rights
BiU, a, 475.

Stimers, A. C, and preparation
against Charieston, x, 247; Du
Font's charges against, 307; and
light-draft monitors, a, 52, 81, 108,
241, 349-351; resigns, 349, 351.

Stimson, , storekeeper at Kit-

tery Navy Yard, appointment, a,
586.

Stiners, , contract frauds, a, 279.

Stockton, John, ousted from S^iate,
a, 464, 475; return candidacy, 475;
reelected to Senate, 3f 517.

Stockton, R. F., and son's return to
Senate, a, 476. »

Stoeckel, Baron, and visit of Russian
fleet, X, 481; Alaska treaty, 3,
75.

Stokes, W. B., character, 3, 205.

Stone, J. M., Congressional aspira-
tions (1865), a, 381.

Stone River. See Murfreesborough.

Stoneman, George, raid (1863), x,
292-295; in Johnson's tour, a,
589.

SUmewaU, stopped at Corunna, a,
254; watched by Niagara^ 261,
267; in West Indies, 305-307; to
be surrendered by Spain, 335;
Craven court martial, 392, 396;
sold to Japan, 3, 97, 99, 365, 513.

Stover, H. D., fraudulent contracts,
X, 514, 515, a, 54; implication of
others, x, 518, 524; witness in
Opdyke-Weed suit, a, 208, 211.

Stowell, Lord, on use of neutral wa-
ters by belligerents, x, 461; on
prize crew as witnesses, 465,
466.

Stribling, C. K., and sale of vessel to
Venezuela, x, 474, 476; light-
house duty, a, 578; and Porter's
conduct of Navy Department, 39
561.

Stringham, S. H., and relief of Sum-
ter, x, 5, 8, 9, 12, 15; ordered to
Pensacola, 16; and navy yard at
League l£^d, 185; and Wise, a,
7; and Charlestown Navy Yard,
34; and Du Pont, 118.

Stuart, J. E. B., in Lee's invasion
(1863), X, 350; Chambersburg
raid, 169; death, a, 33.

Stuart, William, and slave-trade
cruising convention, x, 155; and
the Bermiulat 170; and captured
mails, 181; and Emma incident,
445.

Su£Folk County, Virginia, operations
(1863), X, 285, 287.

Suffrage, Welles distrusts free, in cit-
ies, X, 523, 524; under Recon-
struction Act, 3, 94, 96-99. See
also Negro suffrage.

658

INDEX

Sumner, Charles, advocacy of negro
suffrage, i, xlviii~l, a, 291, 302,
304, 330, 374, 3, 26; Senate com-
mittee on the removal of Seward, ly
196, 197; and Senatorial courtesy,
235; on attitude of, and towards,
England (1S63), 251, 263, 300,
305; opposition to issuing of letters
of marque, 251, 252, 256, 262; on
the Peterhoff mail controversy,
285-289, 292, 310; on Seward's
ignorance of international law,
285; and coast defense for Massa-
chusetts, 288; confidence in Hook-
er's success at Chancellorsville,
292; and news of the defeat, 293;
on Wilkes in the West Indies, 298;
on Charles Wilson as Secretary of
Legation at London, 301; and
Laird's statement, 306, 394; on
Hooker's intemperance and irre-
verence, 336; and Blair's views on
Reconstruction (1863), 467; on
Welles's annual report (1863).
484; (1864), 2, 197; on attitude of
Napoleon (1863), i, 494, 495; on
Lincoln's candidacy for renomina-
tion, 501; character and states-
manship, 502, 503, 2, 197, 381, 393,
616, 649, 3, 26, 53; as Chairman of
the Senate Committee on Foreign
Relations, i, 502; political ambi-
tion, 503, 2, 369; and Chase's can-
didacy (1864), I, 503; attitude
towards paper currency, 2, 16; in-
terest in the Smith Brothers case,
61, 124, 224, 260, 262, 263, 266,
334, 359; and Wade-Davis protest,
95; centralist, 96; harm by, in the
Presidential campaign (1864), 130;
advanced by Winthrop's fall, 154;
and Chase's appointment as Chief
Justice, 196; at deathbed of Lin-
coln, 287, 288; and Stanton's
plan for Reconstruction (1865),
291, 394; and Sherman's peace
negotiations, 295; and proposed
proclamation against Confederate
cruisers as pirates (1865), 298;

seeks material for oration on Lin-
coln, 304; and ironclad oath, 310;
relations with Johnson and hia
Reconstruction policy (1865), 330,
363, 373, 393-398, 400, 405, 411;
and Mrs. Eames, 363; and negro
equality, 369, 410; at Worcester
Convention, 373; and Banks, 381,
469; anti-fidavery theorist, 385;
Radical resolutions (1865), 388;
(1866), 634; on Stanton's attitude
(1865), 394, 500, 3, 11; and clem-
ency for Jefferson Davis, a, 397;
Stanton on his views, 405 ; Seward's
attitude toward, 406; and proposed
trial of Semmes, 414; conversations
with Welles on Reconstruction and
attitude of Cabinet (1866), 415-
417, 418, 430; and admission of
Tennessee Representatives, 434;
Grimes on policy and character,
447; and shipment in naval vessete
of exhibits for French Exhibition,
462, 469; on affain in France
(1866), 462; and unseating of Sen-
ator Stockton, 464; annual pcditi-
cal speech (1866), 616; marriage,
629; and displacement of brother^
in-law, 629, 3, 53; relations with
Fessenden and Grimes, a, 635,
636, 3, 14, 47, 346; and negro suf-
frage in the District, a, 640; and
Mexican diplomacy, 649; speech
denouncing Johnson (1867), 39 23;
and resignation of Motley, 35, 36;
and Reconstruction Acts, 46,
129; attack on McCulloch, 52; and
annexation of Alaska, 75; and
Johnson's appointments, 83; and
Japanese Embassy, 91; and negro
office-holders, 142; Radical leader-
ship in the Senate, 324; and naval
affairs, 325; action during im-
peachment trial, 328, 335; fatiier
of Radicalism, 381; and Grant's
Cabinet appointments, 488, 543;
and adjournment of Congress
(1869), 574; speech on Alalmina
Claims treaty, 578, 579.

INDEX

659

SumtOT, Fort, question of relief, i, S-
39, a, 248, 374; scarcity at, x, 4;
Ward's pian, 6r-10; Seward's un-
derstanding with Secessionists, 12;
Seward and Confederate commis-
sioners, 12, 26-28, 32-35; Blair
convinces Lincoln on relief, 13;
Fox's plan, 14-16, 21-23; Seward's
interference with plan, 16-21, 23-
26, 31, 35-30; Federal attack
(1863), 427, 434; flag-raising
(1865), 2,267; Buchanan's admin-
istration and (Dec., 1860), 273.

Supr^ne Court, Field's appointmoit,
i» 245; death of Taney, 3» 176;
question of successor. Chase's ap-
pointment, 181-183, 187, 192, 196;
apprehended decision on arbitrary
arrests, 242, 245; on captured cot-
ton, 255, 263; Milligan case, 471,
474, 476; Stanbery's nomination,
487; and Reconstruction Act, 3,
80; injunction cases against Re-
construction Act, 86; war of Radi-
cals on, 258, 282, 314, 323; Mo-
Cardle case, 314, 320.

Surratt, J. H., arrest, a, 630; sent to
America, 3, 29, 31 ; Johnson's atti-
tude, 31; trial, 166, 167.

** Swamp Angel," and foreign attl-
V tude, 1, 445.

Swann, Thomas, and election con-
troversy (1866), a, 620.

SwUaraf brings Surratt, 3, 29, 31.

Swayne, N. H., and armored fleet for
the Ohio, z, 90; and Chief-Justice-
^p, a, 182.

Swett, Leonard, and Cameron, a,
390; and hnpeachment, 3,306,307.

Swift & Co. See Secor and Swift.

Sybert, , application for letters

of marque, i, 260, 261.

Sykes, George, Blair on, z, 126; and
escape of Lee, 375.

Taeany, depredations and pursuit, z,
327, 333, 342, 350, 375 n.

Tallahassee, depredations and pur-
suit, 2, 102, 105, 110, 111, 113, 119.

Taney, R. B., Cabinet and funeral,
a, 176; WeUes's opinion, 177, 184;
on Welles's administration, 184.

Tariff, Grimes on (1866), a, 542;
woolens bill (1867), 3, 58; veto of
copper biU (1869), 531.

Tassara, D. G. Garcia y, and assump-
tion of six-mile maritime jurisdic-
tion, I, 170, 399; complaint of
violated neutrality, 308; reception,
522; and SUmewall, a, 307; dinner
to Dulce, 526.

Tatnall, Josiah, plantation, a, 313.

Taxation, Welles on necessity, a, 3,
16; cotton, 316. See aUo Finances,
Tariff.

Taylor, Bayard, on attitude of Nar
poleon (1863), i, 495.

Taylor, Mrs. N. G., buries clothes, 3«
15.

Taylor, R. W., and payments out of
next year's appropriations, a, 264,
266, 268, 274; as official, 3> 378.

Taylor, Richard, and Johnson's pol-
icy, 3, 72.

Taylor, Zachary, as general, i, 86.

Tecumsekj k»8, a, 101.

Telegraph, naval vessels and laying
of Atlantic cable (1866), a, 503,
504.

Tennessee, exclusion of Representa^
tiv€8 (1865), a, 434, 436, 441-444,
446; Gen. Thomas and legislature,
554, 557; ratifies Fourteenth
Amendment, 557, 558; Representar
tives admitted, 559; eastern, dur-
ing the War, 3, 15; disturbances,
troops ordered to (1867), 140, 141,
211.

Tenure-of-Office Act, Introduced, a,
549; Stanbery and Welles on, 583;
Cabinet discussion, 3, 49, 50, 158,
162, 163, 171; veto, 51, 52, 54, 55;
and suspension of Stanton, 159,
162; execution, 194; effects, 199;
and removal of Stanton, 285, 286,
288; Cabinet on status of Lincoln's
appointees, 290; and impeachment,
282; consideration of rq^ and

660

INDEX

' modification, 603, 555, 556, 558,
560, 564, 567-569, 571; Grant's
attitude, 557, 560.

Teiritories, negro suffrage, 3, 19.

Terry, A. H., and Dahlgren, i, 474;
Wilmington expedition, a, 222,
226; Indian Commission, 3, 254.

Texas, proposed occupation of west-
em, and Matamoras trade, i, 387-
392, 443; executive Reoonstruo-
tion, a, 315, 316, 579, 580; condi-
tions (1866), 568; (1867), 3, 105;
Indian depredations, a, 613 ; diange
in Governors (1867), 3, 146.

Tlianksgiving, Welles on (1863), x,

k 372; (1865), a, 393; (1866), 628;
draft of proclamation, z, 449;
Welles on State celebration, 450.

Thayer, Eli, scheme to colonise
Florida, i, 206.

Thayer, J. M., and removal of Stan-
ton, 3, 285; on Johnson's plans for
dictatorship, 291; and impeach-
ment, 332.

Thirteenth Amendment, passes
House, a, 234.

Thomas, B. F., and trial of Smith
Bros., a, 90.

Thomas, G. H., Chickamauga, z,
444; as successor to Rosecrans,
447; Nashville, a, 200; Johnson's
opinion, 367; Welles's opinion, 382;
and Tennessee legislature (1866),
554, 557; and disturbances in
Tennessee (1867), 3, 140, 211; and
military governorship, 186; nom-
inated as Brevet General, 3, 284.

Thomas, Lorenso, and forged Cooper
dispatch, i, 176; and removal of
Stanton, 3, 279; Secretary ad in-
terim, and Stanton, 284, 289, 290;
arrested, 285, 286, 294; and Cab-
inet-meetings, 303; character, 371.

Thomas, P. F., and Interests of
Commodore Ringgold, Zy 534; and
Belknap, 3f 205.

Thompson, A. W., Chiriqui Grant,
z, 123, 150-153.

TbMnpaon, Jacob, alleged implloft-

tion in aawiarinatton of linooln, a,
299.

Thornton, Sir Edward, reception, 3,
515.

Throckmorton, J. W., and Indian de-
predations, 2f 613; removed, 3,
146.

Thunnan, A. G., and impeachment
counsel, 3, 305.

Tilden, S. J., and draft, z, 380; as
politician, a, 602, 3, 228; and
Johnson (1866), a, 602, 3, 223,
229; Preddential bee, 446.

niton, Theodore, and Civil Rights
Bill, a, 478; and impeachment, 3,
357.

Tobacco, French, at Richmond, x,
338-^40, a, 9, 12; at Fredericks-
burg (1865), 257.

Tod, David, hopefuhiese (1862), i,
153; spirit of message (1863), 219;
character, 404; nominated as Se-
cretary of Treasury, a, 62, 63; de-
clines, 64; and Johnson's speeches,
594.

Todd, J. B. 8., and Dakota politics,
a, 153.

Toombs, Robert, letter on Southern
conditions (1863), z, 428; charac-
ter, 428.

Torpedo, Confederate vessel, z, 358.

Totten, J. G., and relief of Sumter, z,
3; and Wihnington, 307.

Toucey, Isaac, and Chiriqui Grant,
z, 151 ; treason, 355; and Sumter,
a, 274, 374.

Townsend, E. D., and Stanton, 3, 279.

Trade, proclamation closing South-
ern ports to foreign (1865), a, 275,
278; plan of resumption with
South (1865), 280, 296, 298-300,
308. See oho Blockade, Cotton,
Treasury agents.

Tram, C. R., and trial of Smith Bros.,
a, 90.

TrMson, WeOes on punishment, a,
43.

Tteasuiy Department, Tod's ap-

INDEX

661

63; Morgan and, 240, 243. See
also Chase, Feesenden, Finances,
McCulloch.

Treasury agents, mlsoonduct, a^ 33,
34; movement to abolish, 316; and

, Confederate naval material, 336,
337; demoralization, 343. See also
Cotton.

Trenholm, G. A., paroled, a, 382.

Trent affair, Seward and Welles and,
X, 299; Wilkes's mistake, 466.

Trowbridge, N. C, supposed plot, z,
492,493.

Trumbull, Lsrman, Senate commit-
tee on Seward, i, 196, 197; and
bank bUl, 237; and J. P. Hale, 490;
and Dakota politics (1864), a, 153;
and Johnson's policy (1865), 322;
and Lincoln, 322; and Radicab,
435; at Grant's reception (1866),
478; and Welles, 488; on Presi-
dential speechmaldng, 488; on
Southern representation, John-
son's conduct, Civil Rights Bill,
488-490; Tenure-of-Office Bill,
549; and bounty bill, 564; and
radicalism, 638; reelection, 3, 21;
impeachment vote, 346, 350; vote
and party fidelity, 359, 375; and
Reconstruction, 377; and leave for
midshipman, 476, 477; at John-
son's state dinner (1869), 515; and
repeal of Tenure-of-Office Act,
55i5, 567; deserts Democratic prin-
ciples, 560.

Tucker, J. R., and American naval
officers, 2, 650, 3, 37, 45, 66, 71.

Turkey, insurrection in Crete, 3, 71,
138, 425; seeks ironclads, 206.

Turner, L. C, and Key, i, 146.

Turner, Thomas, and Norfolk trade
through blockade, i, 184; and
Dahlgren, 314; on monitors, 314;
and Philadelphia Navy Yaixl, 2,
597; report on earthquake, 3, 435.

Turner, W. F., Arizona office, i, 409.

Ttoee OebroederSf case, i, 462.

Tyler, E. B., reported captoze, a,
71.

Union Convention, calling and pro-
bable control, a, 528-531, 633-
535, 538-541, 545, 550, 608, 609, 3»
251; attitude of Democrats, a, 542,
545; Cabinet letters on, 546-548,
552-554; Connecticut delegates,
567; prospects, 571; Stanton op-
poses, 573; papers for, 574; gather-
ing, 576; proceedings, 577, 578;
report to Johnson, 581; ultimate
result, 617.

Union League, and radical Recon-
struction, a, 444.

Union men, Lincoln and Louisiana,
I, 81; and loss of Norfolk Navy
Yard, 84; and Scott's defensive-
frontier policy, 85, 86; engulfed,
219; Welles's belief in(1864),a^39.

Upshur, J. H., brings reports of at-
tack on Charleston, z, 267.

Upton, F. H., and Pekrhoff malls, z,
285, 310; on prize crew as wit-
nesses, 400.

Usher, J. P., and bank bill, z, 237;
and Halleck and Almaden mines,
397; Reconstruction theory, 413;
on didltejodhabeascorjms proceed-
ings, 432; and visit of Russian
fleet, 481; and renomination of
Lincoln, 500; and social affairs,
530; campaign contribution (1864),
534; and new draft (1864), 542;
and bounty on immigration, 543;
and finances, a, 11 ; and Chase, 20;
and conservative movement
(1864), 29; and cotton trade, 66;
and politics in Brooklyn Navy
Yard, 137; anxiety about reten-
tion of portfolio, 195,251, 254; and
Wilkes's case, 203; and assassi-
nation of Lincoln, 287, 288; and
informing of Johnson, 288; and
negro suffrage, 301.

Vallandigham, C. L., Cabinet on mil-
itary trial, z, 306, 321, 344; Lin-
coln on, 347; defeat, 470, 471; and
McClellan's letter of acceptance,
a, 14a -*-

662

INDEX

Van Brunt, G. J., and J. P. Hale, z.

^ 308,384.

Van Buren, John, use of Scott's let-
ter on secession, i, 171.

Van Buren, Martin, as politician, 3,
225.

Vanderbilt, Cornelius, and Merrir
mac, 3, 473.

VanderbiU, cruise for Alabanui, z,

f 224, 304, 316; to convey Queen
Emma, a, 601, 604.

Van Valkenburg, R. B., and Chris-
tians in Japan, 3, 229.

Van Winkle, P. G., impeachment
vote, 3, 350.

Van Wyck, C. H., proscribed by
Welles, 3i 512.

Varuna, inquiry concerning, z, 234.

Venesuela, question of sale of naval
vessel to, z, 474-476; Hannah
Grant seizure, 3, 296, 349; Sanford
claim, 297.

Verdi, T. S., attends Seward, a^ 285.

Vice-admiral, grade created, a, 204;
question of successor to Farragut,
3i562.

Vicksburg, lost opportunity to cap-
ture (1862), z, 71, 218, 314; ram
Arkansas f 72; McClemand and
command against, 217; news of
fighting (Jan., 1863), 218, 220;
canal operations, 238, 259; Por-
ter's reports, 249; Farragut below
(1863), 249, 274; Wellee orders
Porter to run past, 274, 285 ; Grand
Gulf captured, 295 ; rumor concern-
ing Grant, 308; defeat of Pember-
ton, 309; rumor of capture (May),
311 ; public anxiety, 314, 324; Cab-
inet discussion, 320; Halleck's atti-
tude, 320, 324; fall, 364, 367; re-
joicing, 365; Yazoo expedition,
379; Rawlins's personal report to
Lincoln, McClemand and Grant,
387,388.

Vir^ia, Lincoln's desire not to of-
fend (1861), z, 6,40; and secession,
39-41 ; Lincoln and calling of legis-
lature (1865), a. 279, 3i 522; Cabi-

net discussion on ReeoDstnietioD,
a, 281, 282, 291, 301.

Virginia, See Merrimae,

Virginia campaign (1864), Navy and
Butler's preparation, Welles on
plan, a, 16, 19, 24; Bumside's
corps arrives, 17; anticipation, 22,
25; first rumors, Lincoln's anxiety,
25, 26; first official dispatches of
Wilderness, 27; death of Wads-
worth and Sedgwick, 27; news of
Spottsylvania awaited, 28; Sheri-
dan's movements, 29; reports of
Spottsylvania, 29; Confederate
prisoners at Belle Plain, 31 ; anxiety
at Washington during Spottsyl-
vania, 33; Butler's movements,
35; forged proclamation, 35; con-
fidence and slaughter, 44-46, 53,
92; army before Petersburg, 54, 78;
Lincoln at headquarters (1864),
55, 90; (1865), 264; discourage-
ment, 61, 72; and the Valley, 68,
69; Crater, 89-92; naval force, 230,
232; final actions pending, 271;
capture of Petersburg and Rich-
DQond, 272, 275; Appomattox, 276,
278, 3, 521, 523; Grant's reason
for finid movement against Rich-
mond, 122.

Virginia Military Institute, destnio-
tion, a, 87.

Vogdes, lerael, and Fort Pickens, z,
14, 29, 31.

Wade, B. F., Senate committee 00
Seward, z, 196; and Eariy's raid,
a, 74; Wade-Davis numifesto
(1864), 95, 96, 98, 122, 239; inti-
macy with Stanton, 166; and Lin-
coln, 198; Committee on (Donduct
of the War, 198; and BuUer (1865),
224; attack on Welles's adminis-
tration, 240; on executive usur-
pation, 325; and Chase's appoint-
ment to the Cabinet, 391; and
Johnson's appointments, 501; and
first Reconstruction BUI, 3, 46;
and Danish West Indiesy 97;

INDEX

663

hedges, 130, 135; and impeach-

' ment, 2d3; Vioe-Presideiitial can-
didacy, 362; later character, 362.

Wadsworth, J. S., gubernatorial cam-
paign (1862), I, 154, 219, a, 27;
on partisanship In Brooklyn Navy
Yard, x, 178; on escape of Lee,
374; killed, a, 27; character, 27.

Wagner, Fort, assault on, z, 380.

Wakeman, Abram, G. W. Blunt on,
I, 405; and pohtics in Brooklyn
Navy Yard, a, 122; appointed
Naval Officer, 155.

Walke, Henry, promotion, z, 77.

Walker, J. G., as Porter's emissary
to Grimes, 3, 563.

Walker, W. M., question of repri-
mand, a, 403.

Wallace, Lew, Monocacy, a, 71, 73.

Wampanooig, engines, 3, 283.

War claims, early, a, 411; British,
480; Mme. Bertinatti's, 522, 526;
and Prussian convention, 3, 0;
court, 372; Ames's case, 447-449,
451; Coombs's case, 528, 529.

War Department, General of the
Army m charge (1869), 3t 550,
564; Rawlins appointed Secretary,
551. See also Cameron, Halleck,
Bchofield, Stanton.

Ward, J. H., and relief of Sumter, i,
4-10, a, 248.

Warrington, Fla., eflfect of blockade,
z, 510.

Washburn, C. A., difficulties of Para-
guay mission, a, 491, 492, 543, 3,
427, 446, 513.

Washburn, C. C., and repeal of
the Tenure-of-Offioe Act, 3, 567,
568.

Washbume, E. B., and Navy De-
partment, z, 234, 236, a, 137, 430,
3, 265, 341, 517; and speakership
(1863), z, 481 ; and Blair's resignar
tion, a, 157; and Grant-Johnson
controversy, 3, 274; and impeach-
ment, 292; toadies to Grant, 341;
character, and State portfolio, 345,
543, 545, 546, 651; and finsnoeB,

345; Minister to France, 551.

Washington, George, chair, z, 77. *

Washington, measures to protect, z,
4; political atmosphere before out-
break of War, 10, 34; Memmae
scare, 61-67, 3i 473; after Second
Bull Run, z,99, 104, 105, 106, 109;
during Gettysburg campaign, 329,
350, 351; Confederate plan for
demonstration on (1863), 359, 376;
Early's raid, 2, 71-77, 80; and faU
of Richmond, 272; elections under
negro 8u£frage, 3, 102, 374, 375,
380; Radical ton (1868), 278.

Washington Chronicle, and letters of
marque, z, 248; and official adver-
tising, a, 490; Radical organ, 653;
and failure of impeachment, 3, 353.
See also Forney.

Washington InUUigeneet. See ATo-
tional Intelligeneer. -,,4

Washington Navy Yard, graft, i,
483; contention, a, 225.

Wateree, wrecked, 3, 435, 449.

Watkins, G. S., and Pekrhoff mails,
z, 284, 303; and trade permits,
536; and fraudulent contracts, a,
53,57.

Watson, P. H., on Welles and Mc-
Clellan, z, 98; as official, 127.

Webb, J. W., and Napoleon III, a,
410; and Paraguay troubles, 3,
208, 513, 516.

Webb, W. A., and exchange of naval
prisoners of war, 2, 168.

Webb, W. H., and Navy Depart-
ment, z, 499; Dunderberg, a, 341,
596, 603, 604, 3, 27-29, 40, 42, 92,
97.

Webster, Daniel, political character,
z,507.

Weed, Thurlow, peace with Ben-
nett, z, 78; and New York Times,
123, 435; and Cameron, 127; and
New York election (1862), 154,
162, 219; Comstock and BalUc in-
trigue, 155; Welles's antagonism,
204, 230, a, 155, 171, 175-177, 188,
189, 201; retirement from Evening

664

INDEX

Journal^ x, 230; and fonnation of
Lincoln's Cabinet, 230, a, 38^
891; Seward's aikr ego, i, 231,
3y 105, 648; Senatorial intrigues
(1863), 1, 231; (1866), 2, 607; po-
litical errand to Washington
(1863), z, 235, 236; and date of
Republican Convention (1864), a,
28; and arrest of Henderson, 83;
political position (1864), 105; po-
litical character, 142, 155, 3, 227,
228; hold on New York patronage
(1864), 2, 154; and Blair's resignar
tion, 157; and cotton trade, 160;
and vessels for Japan, 188, 189,
191, 192, 561, 3, 89; and release of
Soofield, 2, 200, 201 ; Opdyke suit,
208, 211; and Morgan for Treas-
ury, 244; and Johnson (1865), 333;
and Seward's speech (1865), 383,
384; and party preservation and
Union Convention (1866), 527,
634, 535, 538, 539, 645, 548, 609,
610, 3,251 ;andFourteenth Amend-
ment, 2, 541; and Dix's appoint-
ment to Holland, 666; effort to re-
gain power (1866), 610; and Kil-
patrick's appointment, 3, 24; at-
tack on Chase (1867), 39 163; Cab-
inet intrigue (1867), 203, 204; and
Grant movement (1867), 249; and
Alta Vela affair, 305, 318; and m-
vestigation of impeachment vote,
369; and McCulloch, 389, 390; and
Presidential campaign (1868), 402.

WeehawkeUf weathers great storm, i,
225,226.

Weitzel, Godfrey, and Wilmington
expedition, 2, 210, 213; and Vir-
ginia legislature incident, 279, 3,
622.

Weld, , of Boston, criticism of

Navy Department, x, 405.

Welles, E. T., examines Clyde, i,
428; in Washington, 494, 2, 113;

: at Fortress Monroe, 17, 19; re-
turns to college, 23; trip to Ha-
vana, 267; in Johnson's tour, 689;
leaves Navy Department, 3, 650.

Wdles, (Mdeon, IkpartmeMLaffain
under Lincoln: as Secretary of the
Navy, z, zxi-zziii, xxxviii-xl; and
Fort Pickens, 14, 26, 28-^; Fort
Sumter expedition, 16, 21-23;
Seward's interference with it, 16-
21, 23-26, 87; and Norfolk Navy
Yard, 41-64, 83; and Menimae
scare, 61-^7, 3, 473; Vicksburg
operations, i, 72,274,286, 364,367;
and reorganisation of the Depart-
ment, 74, 76; appointment of rear-
admirals, 76--77; and subordinate
active appointments, 77; Seward's
interference with the blockade, 79,
82, 132, 138; appointment of mid-
shipmen, 82, 146, 147, 149, 188,
224, 227, 234, 236, 319, 393, a, 163;
and W. D. Porter, z, 87, 88; and
armored fleet for the Ohio, 90; and
Potomac operations, 102, 103, 3,
437; pursuit of Confederate cruie-
ers, popular complaints, z, 109*
111, 122, 123, 134, 179, 207, 216,
316, 327, 333, 342, 376, 438, 440,

497, a, 67, 105, 110, 111, 113, 110;
popularity of administration, z,
128, 206, 228; and dismissal of
Preble, 140-142, 163, 188-191,
228, 235; and J. P. Hale, 149, 227,
308, 384, 386, 482-491, 605, 607,
609, 522, 523, 629, 2, 6, 6, 61, 62,
193, 231, 234, 238, 268, 3* 26; pol-
icy toward European attitude, i,
164, 166, 217, 236, 247, 250, 261,
266-269, 263, 299, 374, 379, 385,
399, 443, 446, 453, 495, 2, 7, 431;
and letters of marque, z, 155, 246-
262; and purchase of Baltic, 166;
and slave-trade cruising conven-
tion, 155, 163, 166, 192, 236; and
appointmentol chaplains, 162; and
traide through the blockade, z, 165,
173-175, 177, 183, 217, 227, 318,

498, 627, 636, 637, 643, 644, 648,
2, 159, 162, 163, 167, 267; and sbz-
mile maritime jurisdiction around
Cuba, z, 170, 467, 468; and the
Bermwda^ 170; opposition to blodL*

INDEX

665

ade and belligerency poHoy, 174,
440, a, 150, 160, 246, a, 241; and
politics in navy yards, z* 178, S27,
a, 31, 34, 97, 08, 108, 122-124, 136,
137, 142-146, 175; and ironclads,
z, 170, 268, 205, 311, 342, 351, 405,
400, a, 101; and captured foreign
mails, z, 180, 222, 266, 260-286,
300-304, 315; and control over
Mississippi gunboats, 180, 272;
annual reports (1862), 184; (1863),
472, 470; (1864), a, 187, 104, 107;
and Davy yard at League Island,
z, 185, 207, 222, 227, 285; and
complaints of Congressmen, 187,
206; and the Monitor, 213, 214;
and criticism and abuse of the De-
partment, 215, 404, 405, 406, 497,
400, 510, 522, 531, 2, 17, 37, 67,
70, 80, 87, 105, 114, 185, 236-238,
240-242, 250, 259; and vessels for
Japan, z, 225, a, 188, 191 ; and re-
ported raising of Charleston block-
ade, z, 232, 234; question of Galves-
ton blockade, 233; preparations
against Charleston, 236, 247, 249,
263, 264; anxiety about the expe-
dition, 263-265; on Lincoln's irre-
gular encouragement of inventions,
230; ignored as to naval bills
(1863), 245; and codification of
naval laws, 245; and Du Font's
failure before Charleston, subse-
quent controversy, 267-269, 273,
276, 277, 288, 309, 311, 322, 344,
476-478, a, 7, 11, 14, 30, 117-119,
320, 321; and Matamoras trade
and expedition to check it, z, 283,
334, 387, 443; and calls for naval
coast defense. Navy and duties of
Army, 288, 347, 364, 366, 375, 380,
435, a, 256, 257; and Laird's state-
ment, z, 291, 306, 394-396, 401; on
judicial control over prizes, 296,
297; 302, a, 106, 107; and John Gilr
pin prize case, 297, 298 ; and Wilkes
in West Indies, 299, 304, 316, 322;
and Trent affair, 299; and renewed
qperatioDs against Charleston, suc-

eesBor to Du Pont, 300, 312-318,
324, 337, 346, 347, 380, 382^385,
427, 440, 467, 520, 547; and Naval
Academy, 324, a, 34; and playing
of the Marine Band, z, 325, 368;
and Foote, 335, 345, a, 135; and
French tobacco at Richmond, z,
330, 340, a, 0; and Army and Navy
Gazette, z, 344; congratulates Rod-
gers, 344; on attitude of War De-
partment toward the Navy, 365,
510, 525, a, 6, 13, 100, 115, 165;
and location of prize courts, z, 366,
401 ; and promotion of D. D. Porter
(1863), 360; and instruction of
naval ofiScers as to neutral rights,
308, 400, 450-466, 535, a, 4; and
Laird rams, z, 300, 406, 420, 435-
438, 443, 448; Mont Blanc inci-
dent, capture in neutral waters,
416-427; official visits to navy
yards, 428, 431; lincohi on ad-
ministration, 440, 451; on Sabine
Pass expedition, 441, 443; and
purchase of the Emma, 437, 438,
445, 446; on visit of the Russian
fleet, 443, 480, 481, 484; meets
Admiral Mihie, 467, 468; and sale
of naval vessel to an unrecognized
government, 474-476; paragraphs
for annual message (1863), 480;
and Colfax's committee appoint-
ments (1863), 482, 484; and fraud-
ulent contracts, trials, and par-
dons, 483, 511, 512, 514, 518, 522,
524, 537-544, 547, a, 5, 7, 11, 53-
61, 78, 70, 82, 83, 00, 124, 176, 177,
100-201, 220, 224, 225, 231, 260-
262, 266, 306, 334, 350, 400-402,
418, 3, 23; routine, z, 484; and
Morgan's purchases, 487; Wilkes's
insubordination and trial, 489-
401, 505, 515, 528, 530, 531, 544,
a, 6, 10, 21, 203; and surrender of
the Cheeapeake, z, 400, 508, 500,
545; enlistment problems, draft
complications, 408, 541, 545-548,
a, 3, 121, 120, 240; and Webb, z,
400; advises policy of opening cer-

666

INDEX

tidn ports, 510, 511, 514; and speed
test of naval vessels, 511, 515; and
M. H. Grinnell, 512-514; London
Times on administration, 516; and
purchase of the Cherokeef516; and
Congressional inquiries, 522, 528;
and cutting ship-timber in South,
522, 527, 528; and raising of Browns-
ville blockade, 529; and Florida
expedition (1864), 532; and new
prize law, 532; and retirement of
officers, 532; solicitations for pro-
motion, Lee and Ringgold cases,
533, 534, 2, 147, 161, 243; and in-
crease of Marine Corps, 6; and
navy yard for ironclads, 17; and
foreign-owned cotton, 40; and
Commandant for Marine Corp6,5 1 ;
on Treasury's failure to pay naval
requisitions, 58, 59, 69, 106, 114,
141, 264-266, 268, 274; and light-
draft monitors, 81, 108, 241, 349-
351; Bates's opinion, 93; on writ-
ing congratulatory letters, 106;
on ignoring of the Department
in naval victories, 115; discov*
ery of Farragut, 116, 134, 135, 3,
104; selecting new coomiander for
North Atlantic Squadron, a, 127-
129; and Wilmington expedition,
127, 146-148, 194, 205-217, 219,
226-228; and Confederate opera-
tions on Lake Erie, 151-153; and
exchange of naval prisoners, 168-
171; and Fessenden's criticism of
naval officers, 172; and unauthor-
ized Marine bounty, 174; and
naval votes (1864), 175; Taney's
praise of administration, 184; and
capture of Florida, 185, 186, 197;
and relief of contractors, 202, 207,
227, 418; on his labors, 218; and
Board of Admiralty, 233, 240, 241 ;
and Stonewall, 254, 261, 267; and
closing of Southern ports (1865),
278.

Oeneral affairs under Lincoln:
early career, z, xvii; as Democrat,
xviii; and slavery, xix; appoint-

ment to Cabinet, zx, 81, 204, 280,
325, a, 388; character of diary, z,
xxiv-xxvii; portraiture of contem-
poraries, xxvii-xxxv, xlvii-1; own
portraiture, xxxv-xxxviii; and so-
ciety, lii; death, liii; and Seward
and Confederate commissioners,
32-35; first meets Stanton, 54; per-
sonal relations with him, 60, 61,64,
83, 91, 127, 128, 447; and General
Order No. 1, 63; and emancipation
70, 144, 159, 209, 212, 403, 415, a,
237, 431; and captured Washing-
ton chair, i, 77; and Connecticut
patronage, 78, 81, 235, 239, 246,
510; relations with Lincoln, 81,
88; and Scott's defensive-frontier
policy, 84-86; on West Point train-
ing, 85, 125; and movement to re-
move McClellan, 94, 97, 101-104,
107, 112, 114, 115, 118, 124; and
alann after Second Bull Run, 99;
and Pope's report, 110, 114; and
ooloniiing of negroes, 123, 150-
153, 3, 428; and Blair, i, 125, 181;
and proposed attack on Richmond
(Sept.,1862), 130; on paper money,
147, 148, 167-169, 232, 494, 620,
530, a, 10-14, 16, 29, 55, 61, 180;
and suspension of writ of habeas
corpus, I, 150, 432, 433, 435; on
Altoona Conference, 153; on wives
of officers in camp, 170; and forged
Cooper dispatches, 176; on kilUng
of Gen. Nelson, 179; on final re-
moval of McClellan, 182, 220, 225;
on execution of Northwest Indians,
186; on admission of West Virginia,
188, 191, 205, 207, 208; and Senate
committee on Seward, 196, 198-
201; relations with Seward, 204,
366; and Weed, 204, 230, 235, 236,
a, 155, 171, 175-177, 188, 189, 201;
review of the year (1862), 211,
212; (1863), 499; and Cameron,
223; on gauge of Pacific Railroad,
228; and Hooker, 229, 294, 348;
and shooting of deserters, 232; and
Hawley, 235, 535; and Qiase's

INDEX

667

; bank bill, 237; and extra seflsion of
Senate (1863), 238; exhausted, 245,
249, 395; on Chancellorsville, 291,
293; and condemnation of a spy,
813; on arbitrary arrests, 321, 322;
and Gurowskl, 326, a, 101; and
Lee's invasion (1863), z, 328, 330,
331, 342, 343, 350, 352; and coun-
ter-movement on Richmond, 349,
352; and Gettysburg, 354, 356-358;
and Stephens's attempted missioii,
358-^363; and escape of Lee, 364,
366, 368^71, 373; on ccnnddence
of riots and Lee's invasion, 369; on
mockery of Thanksgiving (1863),
372; on Jefferson Davis and con-
tinuation of War, 376-379; and the
draft, 382, 397, 407, 432, 435, 541;
and Forney, 386; excursions, 393,
394, a, 31-33, 65; Reconstruction
theory and plans, i, 402, 403,
407-415, 429, a, 84, 98, 99, 109,
179, 190, 197, 239; meets Meade,
ly 404; on Secession, 414; 429; on
Chickamauga, 438, 444; and suc-
cessor to Rosecrans, 447; on use-
lessness of Fort Foote, 474; and
Gettysburg dedication, 480; and
Trowbridge-Lamar plot, 492, 493;
Christmas (1863), 494; receptions,
501, 521, 548, a, 15, 238; and re-
nomination of Lincoln, z^ 509, 529;
and internal cotton trade, 511, a,
33, 34, 36, 66, 139, 220; on free suf-
frage and municipal evils, i, 523,

' 524; attends National Committee,
529; on suppressing news of de-
feats, 531; and Chase's candidacy,
533; and campaign contributions,
534; first impressions of Grant,
538, 539; at presentation of
Grant's commission, 539; opposes
bounty on inmiigration, 543; on
fearful responsibility of opening
days of the War, 549; on necessity
of heavy taxation, a, 3, 16; and
date of Republican Convention, 4,
28; and J. C. Rives, 8; at Capitol,
0, 251; on Fort Pillow massacre,

24 ; talk with Confederate prisoner,
32; and Frdmont in 1856, 41; fa-
vors punishment of Confederate
leaders, 43; and Hamlin, 44, 46;
and Arguellis incident, 45; and
Presidential excursions to head-
quarters, 55; and resignation of
Chase, 62; and nomination of
Tod, 63; birthday, 64; and forged
proclamation incident, 67; and
Early's raid, 69-76, 80; and son's
enlistment, 82; on indiscriminate
destruction, 87; and peace negotia-
tions, 94, 97, 109, 271; and politi-
cal assessment, 113; and Bache,
117; on Whig element, 122; and
Georgia ''peace commissioner,"
125; and New York coUectorship,
137; movement for removal, 142,
155, 247, 250; and proposed re-
moval of Lines, 147; on abandoned
plantations, 149; and resignation
of Blair, 156-158; and Banks, 177;
gets election returns, 178; and ap-
pointment of Chief-Justice, 181,
192; and Maryland patronage,
195; on law as to public records,
211-213; on need of further pun-
ishment of Confederates (1865),
229; and choice for Treasury, 244,
245; on special passes, 258; and
Bennett and French mission, 258;
and flag-raising at Sumter, 258;
and fall of Richmond, 272, 273;
and Savannah cotton, 278; and
Virginia legislature incident, 279,
280, 3, 522; and resumption of
trade with the South, a, 280, 281,
296, 298; and reconstruction of
Virginia, 281, 282; and Stanton's
plan, 291, 301; and assassination
of Lincoki, 283-288, 290, 292.

Departmenkd affairs under John*
•on: and proclamation against
Confederate ''pirates" (1865), a,
298, 300; and SUmewday 306 ; Dixon
on administration, 307; and cus-
tody of Davis, 308, 309; appoint-
ment of midshipmen, 317, 526|

668

INDEX

, Department's didm to an Confed-
erate naval material, 336, 337; in
new quarters, 339; and Z>under-

■ fccr^, 340, 341, 3, 27, 28, 42, 97; and
assaults on the Department, 341;
and Dickerson's engine, 346, 356,
361; selection of head for Navigi^
tion Bureau, 357, 362; and Pender-
grast case, 364; and political as-
sessment in navy yards, 376, 377,
380-382; annual reports (1865),
385; (1866), 628; (1868), 3» 472,
475; and Craven court martial, a,
393, 396; and trial of Senmies,
404, 406, 407, 410, 420, 423, 424,
432, 436, 467, 471, 474, 476, 477;
and Shenandoahf 411, 417; naval
estimates and appropriations
(1866), 430, 444; (1868), a, 264,
265, 280, 325; (1869), 517; and
League Island Navy Yard, a, 445,
3, 489; and Fenian raids, a, 451,
484, 486, 518-521, 524; and French
Exhibition exhibits, 462; and sea-
trip for Robert Johnson, 468, 472,
479, 491; Butler and Grey Jacket
case, 469, 492; Farragut visits,
490, 3, 101, 469, 470; Paraguay
troubles, a, 491, 492, 543, 3i 427,
466-468, 491, 510, 513, 516; and
order restricting naval officers'

, movements, a, 494; and laying of

' Atlantic cable, 503; trouble with
B. P. Lee, 504-507, 511-514, 569,
578, 3, 90; and Fox's official trip
abroad, a, 506, 509, 512, 514; and
Naval Academy, 525, 3, 103, 382,
440; and promotions, a, 559, 560,
562, 563, 571; and bounty bUl
(1866), 564; and dismissal of
Barney, 605; Congressional inquir-
ies and investigations, 633, 3, 13,
21, 122, 337; and Grimes, 14;
and retirement of Goldsborough,
85, 86, 107-109, 135; and sale of
ships to Japan (1867), 91 ; and sale
of ironclads, 92, 207, 348, 384,
387-389; and travel of officers'
wives on naval veflsda, 92, 93; and

seisora of Santa Anna, 115; on di-
rect Departmental oooununicft-
tions to Congress, 132; and retire-
ment of Com. Sdienck, 135; and
interference of Congressmen with
navy yards, 139; and Field court
martial, 140; and Belknap case,
266; and AoftecMCorptM prooeedingi
on enlistments, 208-222; and pro-
posed Board oi Admiralty, 247,
248; and relievement of Capt.
Meade, 250; and differences be-
tween line and staff, 253, 283, 384,
501; on offices' right of free
speech, 312; navy yard appcnnt-
ments, 325, 416-420, 446; tour of
navy yards, 422; and Ames's claim
for guns, 448, 451; and Alabama
dauns, 46(M71, 506, 516, 579; and
leave for midshipmen, 476, 477;
and court-martial punishments,
481; and Congressional requests
for reinstatement of officers, 496-
501, 503, 507; and Grimes's biU to
reorganiie the Navy, 515; J. 8.
Morrill on administration, 523;
and Coombs's claim, 528, 529; on
use of naval vessels as private
school ships, 531; and promotion
before retirement, 531; and re-
quest for illegal pay, 534; takes
leave of subordinates, 540; rd»-
tions with Porter, 562, 563; and
relative rank of staff officers, 570;
Porter tenders use of naval vessel
to, 580, 585, 586; reviews his offi-
cial career, 581; no pecuniary gain,
582; philosophises with Farragut
over slights, 582.

Oenercd affairs under Johnson:
value of diary on ReoonstructioQ,
X, xlii; Reoonstruction theory, 402,
403, 407-415, 429, a, 84, 08, 99,
109, 179, 190, 197, 239, 430, 568,
569, 576, 600, 645, 3f 81; and in-
forming of Johnson, a, 288; fint
Cabinet-meeting under Johnson,
289; and Stanton's plan of Reooo-
structioDt 291, 301; at funeiml of

INDEX

669

- LInooln, 292-294; and Sherman's
peace tenns, 295-297; and impli-
cation of DiaviB, 300; and negro
suffrage, 301-303, 324, 373, 640, 3,
4, 6, 8, 19, 137; and trial of con-
Bpirators, a, 303, 304, 334; trip to
Charleston and Savannah, 310-
815; and Gov. Hamilton, 315, 316;
on ironclad oath and Southern
appointments, 319, 358, 445, 454;
on withdrawal of right of belliger-
ency, 319, 320; birthday, 327; and
the Blairs, 328, 343, 364, 370, 513,
3, 165, 166, 231, 232; excursions, a,
829, 340, 547, 3f 343, 396; and
closing of Ford's Theatre, a, 331;
and Mexico, 333, 348, 479, 485,
623, 624; and trial of Davis, 335,
838, 339, 365; and Hamlin, 342,
844-346; and patronage, 356, 363,
398, 484, 487, 532, 612, 651, 3f 79,
80, 84, 85, 161; and Hawley, a,
869; vacation, 372; and Demo-
crats (1865), 383; and Seward,
884, 3, 195; and annexation of
French West Indies, a, 393; and
Johnson's policy (1865), 393-395,
897, 416, 419; on exclusion of
Southern Congressmen, 396, 442,
446, 488, 489, 559; warns Johnson
of intrigue, 396, 398; urges re-
moval of Radicals, 398, 399, 585-
687, 596-599, 602, 616, 3» 147; and
Seward's trip to Cuba (1865), a,
403, 406; and split in Union Party,
407, 421, 425, 481, 522-525; recep-
tions, 409, 3» 252, 266, 277, 497, 512 ;
and Freedmen's Bureau Bill, a, 413,
431-433, 437; urges on Johnson
public statement of position (Jan.,
1866), 421 ; society sought by Con-
federate ssrmpathizers (1866), 421 ;
and Connecticut elections (1866),
426, 455-i62; (1867), 3» 77, 81;
and Democratic Party in Connec-
ticut, a, 428, 429; apprehends ef-
fects of Congressional Reconstruc-
tion, 433; and movement for re-
condiiatlon, 446; and Civil Rights

Bill, 459, 460, 463, 464, 488, 489;
and Senator Foot, 466; and pur-
chase of Danish West Indies, 466,
467, 473, 3, 95, 97, 98, 124, 125; and
national quarantine, a» 480; and
report of Reconstruction Commit-
tee, 497, 499; attitude towards
Senatorship, 501, 508; and Color-
ado Bill, 502; on serenade ad-
dresses, 512; and Gen. Dulce, 526;
and Schenck-Romero correspond-
ence, 528; and Union Convention,
528^531, 533-535, 53^-541, 546,
552, 553, 574, 582, 583; and Four-
teenth Amendment, 536, 537, 549,
608, 628, 3, 7, 8, 417; and rela-
tions with Japan, a, 561, 562, 3,
135, 230, 430; and appointment of
Judge Clark, a, 565; on New
Orleans riot, 569, 572, 573; urges
removal of Stanton, 582, 630, 652,
3, 45, 49, 91, 155; and Tenure-of-
Office Bill, a, 583, 3, 49, 51, 52, 54,
171, 194; and plan for Presidential
tour, a, 584, 587; and return of
Slidell, 585; in the tour, 589; on
Presidential speechmaking, a, 593,
647, 648; and J. S. Morgan, 599,
3, 582; and court of inquiry for
Holt, a, 601, 604; on results of the
election (1866), 616-620, 632; and
welcome to Congress, 630; and
arrest of Surratt, 630; and ac-
quirement of Bay of SamaniL, 631,
643, 3, 7, 40; on asylum for the
Pope, a, 639; and Sickles's interfer-
ence with North Carolina laws
(1866), 642, 644 ; on need of an Ad-
ministration organ, 653; and the
Prussian convention, 3, 9; and
first Reconstruction Bill, 11, 48,
49; and impeachment movement
(1867), 12, 21, 50, 57, 60; and
proposal of compromise on Re-
construction, 31-33, 37; and seiz-
ure of the R, R, Cuyler, 38, 39; and
Stanton's report on enforcement
of civil rights, 43, 45; at Capitol,
58, 59; interpretation of Recon-

670

INDEX

Btruction Act, on Stanbery's opin-
ion, 59, 60, 63, 96-08, 105, 110-
115; and Indian affairs, 69; and
Gov. English's messages, 87-89,
382; and purchase of Culebra Is-
land, 94; on Booth's di^iry, 95; not
called before impeachment com-
mittee (1867), 102; and tax on foiv
eigners in Colombia, 106; and
Johnson's trip to Boston, 109;
Sickles's letter on,and expenditures
under ReoonstructionAct, 119; and
Sheridan's letter, 126, 127; on
Teutonic and Latin races, 136-
137; and Alaskan affahis, 141, 531;
and removal of Sheridan, 142, 150,
151, 153, 154, 156, 175;andappomt-
ment of negroes, 142; and Conover
allegations, 143-146; and Gov.
Pease, 146, 147; and suspension of
Stanton, 157, 163, 167; urges
non-execution of Ileconstruction
Acts, 161, 164, 169; and Holt af-
fidavits, 172; talk with Grant
on Reconstruction Acts, 177-181;
and general amnesty, 183, 193,
197, 198, 395; at Antietam anni-
versary, 201; and Fenton (1867),
201; fears Cabinet intrigue by
Weed, 203, 204; and pardon for
Seddon, 230, 231; urges Johnson
to have an understanding with
Grant, 233, 234; iUness, 237, 313:
and question of arrest of Johnson,
238; and message on suspension of
Stanton, 240, 242; and conduct of
military governors, 243; fears mil-
itary absolutism, 245, 246, 249,
270, 271, 545, 550, 559, 564; and
conditions in the South, 246; and
filling of the English mission
(1867), 256; and Grant-Johnson
controversy, 262, 266, 271-273;
and removal of Stanton, 284; and
Ewing for the War Department,
286; and preparation for the crislB
(1868), 288; and preparation for
impeachment trial, 294, 297; on
candidates for the Democratic

nomination, 295; opposes Stan*
bery's resignation, 304, 308; on
impeachment counsel, 30^^307,
331, 332; and impeachment out-
look, 313, 324, 329, 330, 332, 334,
336, 344; and Alta Vela affair, 316,
322; subpoenaed, 326; suggestions
for the defense, 331, 337; testi-
mony, 333; and nomination of
Schofield, 340; and Reconstruc-
tion constitutions, 347; and Bu-
chanan's funeral, 376; supports
Seymour, 402, 404, 405, 410; and
Johnson's Constitutional amend-
ments, 406, 407; on use of troops
as poMe, 431; and career of T. H.
Seymour, 432-434; and Pollard,
452; and disturbances in the
South, 460-462; Grant proscribes
and is proscribed by, 464, 465, 512;
on Johnson's message (1868), 478,
479, 482; on resumption, 486^-488,
493, 494, 504; review of 1868, 495;
and confiscation, 504; suggests ac-
quisition of Midway Islands, 506;
and holding over under Grant,
529, 530, 532, 533, 537, 538, 541;
and the inauguration, 537, 538,
541; at Johnson's last reception,
539; Mrs. Patterson visits, 542;
reluctance to leave Washington,
580; return to Hartford, 583; qual-
ity of wdcome, 584, 585, 587; pur-
chases a house, 584; getting set-
tled, 586-588.

Wdles, Mrs. Gideon, and Mrs. Lin-
coln, a, 290; in Johnson's tour, 589.

Welles, Hubert, death, i, 181.

Welles, J. A., in Washington, a, 118;
in Johnson's tour, 589.

Welles, R. G., suicide, a, 651, 652.

Welles, Samuel, injury and death,
a, 550, 551.

Welles, T. G., and UMc Dahlgren's
body, I, 544, 545; desire f<x' serr-
ice, a, 24; in army, 71, 80, 82, 90,
271.

Wells, J. M., removal by SherldaDv
3,104.

INDEX

671

Welsh, John, and Philadelphia Navy
Yard removals, a, 597.

Wentworth, M. F., removed, 3, 586.

West Gulf Squadron. iSee Farragut.

West India Squadron, organized, z,
109-111, 122, 123, 134; Wilkes's
work, 217; and Confederate cruis-
ers, 255; England and Wilkes, 298;
Bell to command, 299; Lardner
commands, 309, 319; inadequate
force, 363.

West Indies, Seward and French
islands, a, 393; attempted pur-
chase of Danish, 466, 473, 3, 40,
95-98, 124, 125, 502; Culebra
Island, 94.

West Point, Welles on tndning, z,
85,125.

West Virginia, question of admit-

» ting, z, 188, 191, 205, 206, 208.

Whelan, William, attends Foote, z,
836.

Whigs, Welles on, a, 122.

Whipple, H. B., sermon, a, 5.

Whiskey Ring, operations (1868), 3,
435.

White, Mrs. , Mrs. Lincoln's

half-sister, pass, a, 21.

White, Dr., attends Seward, a, 285.

White House, fire, 3, 22.

White River, captures on, i, 227.

Whitin, L. F., and Welles, a, 208.

Whiting, William, character and im-
portance, I, 381, 544, a, 85, 184;
and Reconstruction, i, 400, 408,
a, 84; and Seward, z, 544; on
Early'sraid, a, 77; and Smith Bros,
ease, 125; and Attomey-General-
ship, 183, 187; and negro suffrage,
437.

Whittlesey, Elisha, and payments
out of next year's appropriations,
a, 268.

Wiard, Norman, and monitors, a, 88.

Wilderness campaign, anxiety at
Washington, a, 25; impression of
success, 26; first official dispatches,
27.

Wilkes, Charks, command on James

River, z, 72, 73, 81, 83, 86, 91; as
officer, 73, 87, 110, a, 351 ; on Poto-
mac lUver, z, 93, 109; on McClel-
lan, 106; command of West India
Squadron, neutral complaints, 109-
111, 134, 217, 298, 309, 322, 325,
451; diverts VanderbiU from pur-
suit of Alabama, 225, 304, 316;
recaU, 299, 304, 316, 318, 322; in-
adequate force, 363; Trent affair,
466; insubordination and trial,
489-491, 505, 515, 528, 543, a, 6,
19, 21, 203; equivocates as to his
age, z, 505.

Wilkes, Mrs. Charles, and recall of
husband, i, 323.

Wilkes, George, article in his paper
on Lincoln and Sherman's peace
terms, 3, 521.

Wilkinson, M. S., Meigs's reply to,
z,224.

Willey, W. T., impeachment vote,
3, 356, 358, 367.

William I of Prussia, and arbitration
of Alabama claims, 3, 459.

WiUiam Peel, capture, z, 548, a, 4,
12.

Williams, G. H., and reinstatement
of Stanton, 3, 258; and impeach-
ment, 358, 368.

Williams, Thomas, and Johnson's
policy, a, 412; chajracter, 633, 3,
239.

\^^lmington, expedition against, put
off (1863), I, 216; character of
blockade, 306, a, 127; pUms to
capture (1863), i, 307; jomt ex-
pedition considered (1864), a, 127,
133, 146, 148, 150; responsibiUty
for delay, 194; plans disclosed, 205-
209, 219; news of expedition await-
ed, 209; powder vessel, 209, 210,
222, 226; failure of first expedition,
213-217; organization of second
expedition, 215, 220-222; naval
force locked up by, 221; success
of second expedition, 226-228.

Wilmot Proviso, Preston King's senr*
ices, a, 386.

672

INDEX

Wilson, Charies, as Seeretaiy of Le-
gation, Zy 301.

Wilson, Henry, fears army conspir-
acy, z, 118; and coast defense, 364;
and investigation of contractozs,
a, 7; and arrest of SmiUi Bros^ 56;
Reconstruction views (1865), 405;

^ and split of party, 421; and Grimes,
3, 14; in South, 86, 89; and naval
appropriations (1868), 325; Vice-
F^esidential candida<Ti 362.

Wilson J. F., as impeijbhment mana-
ger, 3, 334.

Wilson, Nathaniel, and prosecution
of contractors, z, 540 n., 543, 544,

> 547, a, 5, 15, 19, 53, 55-58, 78,
82.

Winans, Roes, Butler's plan to hang,
2,270.

Winchester, capture (1863), z, 328,
330,331.

Wing, , Tribtine correspondent,

brings news of Wilderness, a, 25.

Winooskif and Fenian raid, a, 484,
486.

Winslow, J. A., Alabama fight, a, 65,

\ 67; in Washington, 202; and New

* Orieans riot, 575, 578.
Winthrop, R. C, in campaign of

1864, a, 153; political character
and mistakes, 153.
Wise, H. A., and headship of Ord-
nance Bureau, z, 337, 343, 386,
a, 7; excursion, 31; and gun-cast-

• ing controversy, 202 ; and Congres-
sbnal investigation, 3, 122; and
Dahlgren, 448.

Wood, Benjamin, R. C. Winthrop
and, a, 154; and Holt, 3, 172,
174.

Wood, Fernando, Lincoln corre-
spondence, z, 237; and corrupt
government, 523; and McClellan's
letter of acceptance, a, 140; R« C.
Winthrop and, 153.

Woodbridge, F. S., and Impeach-
ment, 3, 2^

Woodbrldge, Wylly, in Waahingtoo

(1865), a, 269.
Woodbury, C. L., and navy yaid

appointm«[its, 3, 446.
Woodward, O. W., candidacy (1863),

z, 469, 471.
Wool, J. E., alarm for safety of New

York, z, 347; and draft riots, 373,

405; to be relieved, 373.
WooUey, C. W., imprisonment, 3,

370, 380, 381.
Worden, John, secret journey to

Pensacola, z, 30; first prisons of

war, 31; and Wise, a, 7; and Bu-
reau of Navigation, 357.
Wright, , and his abandoned

plantation, a, 148.
Wright, H. O., at Norfolk Navy

Yard, z, 46; defends Washington,

(1864), a, 72, 75; attack on Peters-
burg lines, 272.
Wright, Silas, and Preston King, a,

387; as politician, 3, 226.
Wright, William, and Qvil Rights

BiU, a, 475.
Wylie, Andrew, decision in Baker

case, a, 206, 207; and StanUm

(1867), 3t 160.
Wynkoop, E. W., report on Indian

war, 3, 98.
Wyoming, ordered to East Indies, at

267.
WytheviUe, Va., raid (1863), z, 382.

Yankees and South-Carolinians, a,

277.
Yards and Docks, Bureau of. Sm

Navy yards, Sinith (Joseph).
Yeaman, G. H., and negotiations

for Danish West Indies, 3, 95.
Young, Samud, as pditidan, 3, 225,

226.

ZeOin, Jacob, to command Marizie

CkurpB, a, 51.
Zorman, ^ C. F. Adams's letter

to, 1, 800.

mcd on

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